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dc.contributor.authorMcCallum, Fiona
dc.date.accessioned2013-10-30T12:01:02Z
dc.date.available2013-10-30T12:01:02Z
dc.date.issued2012
dc.identifier16799040
dc.identifierde0a9408-ee9e-40a1-bcbd-ee4ab7b15d41
dc.identifier84858172566
dc.identifier.citationMcCallum , F 2012 , ' Religious institutions and authoritarian states : Church-state relations in the Middle East ' , Third World Quarterly , vol. 33 , no. 1 , pp. 109-124 . https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2012.627238en
dc.identifier.issn0143-6597
dc.identifier.otherORCID: /0000-0001-9729-4794/work/60196743
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/4129
dc.description.abstractThe churches in the Middle East are generally perceived to be supportive of the authoritarian states in the region. The motivations for this strategy and its successes and limitations in the context of the authoritarian environment and the religious heritage of the region are explored. The article argues that the approaches pursued are determined by the structure of the community in relation to the majority and other Christian communities as well as by state policies towards the community. The overriding aim of church leaders of protecting their communities has led to a modern variation of the historical millet system, which provides them public status in exchange for their acquiescence in regime policies. This security guarantee, combined with wariness towards other potential political actors and the desire to protect their privileged position from communal challengers, has resulted in the hierarchies' preference for the authoritarian status quo rather than encouraging democracy promotion.
dc.format.extent303407
dc.language.isoeng
dc.relation.ispartofThird World Quarterlyen
dc.subjectBR Christianityen
dc.subjectDS Asiaen
dc.subjectJZ International relationsen
dc.subject.lccBRen
dc.subject.lccDSen
dc.subject.lccJZen
dc.titleReligious institutions and authoritarian states : Church-state relations in the Middle Easten
dc.typeJournal articleen
dc.contributor.sponsorCarnegie Trusten
dc.contributor.institutionUniversity of St Andrews. School of International Relationsen
dc.identifier.doi10.1080/01436597.2012.627238
dc.description.statusPeer revieweden
dc.identifier.grantnumberen


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