Classics
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/55
2024-03-29T09:53:53ZFleets and naval forces of the late Roman Mediterranean (3rd-6th centuries)
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/29495
Scholarship has traditionally conceived the fleets and naval forces employed by the Roman Empire through the lens of modern military organisation. This understanding has led to the widespread belief that, during the early imperial period, Roman classes were organised into a ‘Roman navy’ that guarded the waterways of the Mediterranean and the northern frontier. No longer facing major competition at sea, this navy was gradually allowed to decay over the 1st and 2nd centuries until being largely swept away during the major barbarian invasions of the 3rd. As a result, this once powerful entity was almost non-existent during the later Empire until being reconstituted as a ‘Byzantine navy’ in either the 6th or 7th centuries. However, more recent scholarship has seriously challenged this conventional view, noting that Roman naval forces of the Principate were never actually perceived or organised like that of a modern navy. For this reason, this thesis aims to reassess the role and development of fleets and naval forces of the late Roman Mediterranean (3rd-6th centuries), directly challenging the concept of a ‘Roman navy’ and associated narratives of an institutional decline. This will be accomplished through an investigation into the fate of the early imperial classes as well as the creation and development of new classes only attested from the later Empire. Beyond these obvious naval forces, this thesis will also examine the possibility of ships being maintained by other ‘non-naval’ military units and the creation of ad hoc fleets for significant campaigns. Finally, this thesis will analyse the evolution in design and employment of military galleys over the same period. These findings will then be synthesised, allowing for a more comprehensive and balanced understanding of the role and transformation of the fleets and ships used by the late Roman military.
2024-06-10T00:00:00ZElliott, Alex MichaelScholarship has traditionally conceived the fleets and naval forces employed by the Roman Empire through the lens of modern military organisation. This understanding has led to the widespread belief that, during the early imperial period, Roman classes were organised into a ‘Roman navy’ that guarded the waterways of the Mediterranean and the northern frontier. No longer facing major competition at sea, this navy was gradually allowed to decay over the 1st and 2nd centuries until being largely swept away during the major barbarian invasions of the 3rd. As a result, this once powerful entity was almost non-existent during the later Empire until being reconstituted as a ‘Byzantine navy’ in either the 6th or 7th centuries. However, more recent scholarship has seriously challenged this conventional view, noting that Roman naval forces of the Principate were never actually perceived or organised like that of a modern navy. For this reason, this thesis aims to reassess the role and development of fleets and naval forces of the late Roman Mediterranean (3rd-6th centuries), directly challenging the concept of a ‘Roman navy’ and associated narratives of an institutional decline. This will be accomplished through an investigation into the fate of the early imperial classes as well as the creation and development of new classes only attested from the later Empire. Beyond these obvious naval forces, this thesis will also examine the possibility of ships being maintained by other ‘non-naval’ military units and the creation of ad hoc fleets for significant campaigns. Finally, this thesis will analyse the evolution in design and employment of military galleys over the same period. These findings will then be synthesised, allowing for a more comprehensive and balanced understanding of the role and transformation of the fleets and ships used by the late Roman military.Mistress of the East, goddess of the West : Aphrodite and the development of ancient Greek erotica
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/29426
My thesis analyses the interlinked complexities of socially constructed sexualities and the identity of Aphrodite from the Archaic to the late-Classical period in order to reinstate a critical connection between ancient Greek conceptions of sex and the divine embodiment of sexuality. Previous scholarship has examined Aphrodite in isolation from sex and sexuality in the ancient Greek world, frequently focusing on her origins in Cyprus and the Near East and/or examining characteristics of her cults in select poleis. Studies on sexuality in ancient Greece often focus on characteristics of hetero/homosexual relationships and/or gender identity. These separate lines of inquiry have led to a notable gap in current scholarship which fails to consider how the cults and iconographies of the Greek goddess of sex relate to ancient Greek explorations of sex.
Using a viewership model which unites analyses of Aphrodite and of erotica in various ancient Greek media within a common interpretative framework, I demonstrate that developments in Aphrodite’s cult personae and material representations in regions where Aphrodite was prominently worshipped, including Sparta, Corinth, and Athens, are reflected in changes in ancient social ideals related to sexuality and gendered desirability.
The Archaic period cults of an armed Aphrodite reflect the divine dichotomy of love and male-instigated violence, a dichotomy similarly explored in Archaic and early-Classical heroic literature and Athenian sympotic vase paintings. Classical Athenian nuptial vase paintings reflect the Athenian emphasis on Aphrodite’s marriage-related cults during the same period. Praxiteles’s late-Classical Aphrodite of Knidos epitomizes contemporary, changing attitudes towards women’s sexuality and the desirability of the nude female form. By analyzing Aphrodite’s cults and associated iconographies in relation to ancient Greek erotica from the Archaic to late-Classical period in select regions, the various links between the divine embodiment of sexuality and the mortal explorations of sex become evident.
2021-07-01T00:00:00ZKing, BrianaMy thesis analyses the interlinked complexities of socially constructed sexualities and the identity of Aphrodite from the Archaic to the late-Classical period in order to reinstate a critical connection between ancient Greek conceptions of sex and the divine embodiment of sexuality. Previous scholarship has examined Aphrodite in isolation from sex and sexuality in the ancient Greek world, frequently focusing on her origins in Cyprus and the Near East and/or examining characteristics of her cults in select poleis. Studies on sexuality in ancient Greece often focus on characteristics of hetero/homosexual relationships and/or gender identity. These separate lines of inquiry have led to a notable gap in current scholarship which fails to consider how the cults and iconographies of the Greek goddess of sex relate to ancient Greek explorations of sex.
Using a viewership model which unites analyses of Aphrodite and of erotica in various ancient Greek media within a common interpretative framework, I demonstrate that developments in Aphrodite’s cult personae and material representations in regions where Aphrodite was prominently worshipped, including Sparta, Corinth, and Athens, are reflected in changes in ancient social ideals related to sexuality and gendered desirability.
The Archaic period cults of an armed Aphrodite reflect the divine dichotomy of love and male-instigated violence, a dichotomy similarly explored in Archaic and early-Classical heroic literature and Athenian sympotic vase paintings. Classical Athenian nuptial vase paintings reflect the Athenian emphasis on Aphrodite’s marriage-related cults during the same period. Praxiteles’s late-Classical Aphrodite of Knidos epitomizes contemporary, changing attitudes towards women’s sexuality and the desirability of the nude female form. By analyzing Aphrodite’s cults and associated iconographies in relation to ancient Greek erotica from the Archaic to late-Classical period in select regions, the various links between the divine embodiment of sexuality and the mortal explorations of sex become evident.Economic and social development in the Cycladic Islands, 1000 - 480 BCE
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/29394
This thesis seeks to understand how economic and social development occurred in the Cycladic Islands between the end of the Bronze Age and the Persian Wars, 1000 – 480 BCE. The longue durée of the examination sets the remarkable 8th to 6th century Iron Age development of economic and social institutions into a diachronic context. A comprehensive set of archaeologically attested evidence from each island and each site was evaluated. This work fills a gap in scholarship as a synthetic analysis of the Iron Age Cycladic islands has not been done previously. The examination begins with the preceding Late Bronze Age palace- based social and economic systems with specific attention paid to associated trade routes. Following the end of the Bronze Age, an apparently uniformly low level of population across the islands was barely able to scratch out an existence in the 12ᵗʰ and 11ᵗʰ centuries. Beginning in the 10ᵗʰ century, evidence suggests that over the following centuries, on many of the islands, significant economic surpluses and robust social systems were generated. On other islands, evidence of complex development is not apparent. The trade routes and social structures of the Early Iron Age appear to bear little resemblance to those of the Late Bronze Age suggesting something different developed in the aftermath. This examination traces those developments throughout the archipelago on an island by island basis, noting changes in the material culture, social structure, technological innovations, and evidence of entrepreneurial enterprise that, in combination, led to the creation of economic surpluses. An analysis of the contributions of phoros to the Delian League shows that individual islands were assessed at different levels. This suggests that a range of economic strategies were pursued by the islands’ inhabitants, some proving more successful than others. The development of successful economic enterprises is but one of a series of developments during the period and needs to be examined in a broad context that considers coterminous social development. The most successful economic strategies suggest a paradigm that perhaps can be applied to understand other societies’ rocesses of regeneration following societal collapses in other places and periods.
2020-12-02T00:00:00ZForsyth, Douglas CharlesThis thesis seeks to understand how economic and social development occurred in the Cycladic Islands between the end of the Bronze Age and the Persian Wars, 1000 – 480 BCE. The longue durée of the examination sets the remarkable 8th to 6th century Iron Age development of economic and social institutions into a diachronic context. A comprehensive set of archaeologically attested evidence from each island and each site was evaluated. This work fills a gap in scholarship as a synthetic analysis of the Iron Age Cycladic islands has not been done previously. The examination begins with the preceding Late Bronze Age palace- based social and economic systems with specific attention paid to associated trade routes. Following the end of the Bronze Age, an apparently uniformly low level of population across the islands was barely able to scratch out an existence in the 12ᵗʰ and 11ᵗʰ centuries. Beginning in the 10ᵗʰ century, evidence suggests that over the following centuries, on many of the islands, significant economic surpluses and robust social systems were generated. On other islands, evidence of complex development is not apparent. The trade routes and social structures of the Early Iron Age appear to bear little resemblance to those of the Late Bronze Age suggesting something different developed in the aftermath. This examination traces those developments throughout the archipelago on an island by island basis, noting changes in the material culture, social structure, technological innovations, and evidence of entrepreneurial enterprise that, in combination, led to the creation of economic surpluses. An analysis of the contributions of phoros to the Delian League shows that individual islands were assessed at different levels. This suggests that a range of economic strategies were pursued by the islands’ inhabitants, some proving more successful than others. The development of successful economic enterprises is but one of a series of developments during the period and needs to be examined in a broad context that considers coterminous social development. The most successful economic strategies suggest a paradigm that perhaps can be applied to understand other societies’ rocesses of regeneration following societal collapses in other places and periods.Etruscan and Latin networks : a semiotic exploration of interconnectivity
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/28971
The Iron Age saw increasing intra- and inter-regional connectivity, social hierarchy, and economic production of settlements in southern Etruria and Latium. Some settlements, such as Rome, prospered, while others did not. This research combined archaeological semiotics with spatial network analysis to explore exchange of fibulae and impasto cups among Rome and nine neighbour sites, from Tarquinia east to Narce and south to Satricum. It demonstrated how interactions between a site’s geographic location and mobility of goods led to differing levels of prominence and control of fibula and cup designs in the region. Fibula exchange shifted from a widespread network of enlarged arch and serpentine arch fibulae to a network of boat, leech bow, and dragon fibulae traded among smaller groups of sites. Concurrently, prominent sites shifted from coastal sites Tarquinia and Caere (Pyrgi) to inland sites, including Veii and Rome. Cup networks reached all sites but were centred on geographically close neighbours Gabii (Osteria dell’Osa), Rome, and Veii. Trends in cup shapes and decoration suggested building importance of Rome over the Iron Age, along with continuing or lessening importance of Veii and Gabii (Osteria dell’Osa). Although there was low correlation between travel costs or distance among sites and fibula or cup exchange, sites farthest from central sites Rome, Gabii (Osteria dell’Osa), and Veii tended to have lower participation in the networks. Over all networks, design specialization appears to have been less successful than generalization for sustained growth. As travel routes shifted over time, sites that specialized due to favourable location for imports (Caere), resources (Tarquinia), or reproduction and distribution (Veii) had momentary importance in exchange of materials. Rome’s sustained growth and importance can be attributed to location along trading routes and a generalist strategy of accumulating fibula and cup designs.
2024-06-10T00:00:00ZWein, MikelThe Iron Age saw increasing intra- and inter-regional connectivity, social hierarchy, and economic production of settlements in southern Etruria and Latium. Some settlements, such as Rome, prospered, while others did not. This research combined archaeological semiotics with spatial network analysis to explore exchange of fibulae and impasto cups among Rome and nine neighbour sites, from Tarquinia east to Narce and south to Satricum. It demonstrated how interactions between a site’s geographic location and mobility of goods led to differing levels of prominence and control of fibula and cup designs in the region. Fibula exchange shifted from a widespread network of enlarged arch and serpentine arch fibulae to a network of boat, leech bow, and dragon fibulae traded among smaller groups of sites. Concurrently, prominent sites shifted from coastal sites Tarquinia and Caere (Pyrgi) to inland sites, including Veii and Rome. Cup networks reached all sites but were centred on geographically close neighbours Gabii (Osteria dell’Osa), Rome, and Veii. Trends in cup shapes and decoration suggested building importance of Rome over the Iron Age, along with continuing or lessening importance of Veii and Gabii (Osteria dell’Osa). Although there was low correlation between travel costs or distance among sites and fibula or cup exchange, sites farthest from central sites Rome, Gabii (Osteria dell’Osa), and Veii tended to have lower participation in the networks. Over all networks, design specialization appears to have been less successful than generalization for sustained growth. As travel routes shifted over time, sites that specialized due to favourable location for imports (Caere), resources (Tarquinia), or reproduction and distribution (Veii) had momentary importance in exchange of materials. Rome’s sustained growth and importance can be attributed to location along trading routes and a generalist strategy of accumulating fibula and cup designs.Civic communities as actors in the Western Roman Empire from Augustus to Diocletian
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/28553
This dissertation re-evaluates the significance of civic communities (ciuitates) – largely autonomous polities with state-like attributes – in the Western Roman Empire, from Augustus to Diocletian. Ciuitates have traditionally been studied as administrative structures, fulfilling functions imposed by the Roman government. In contrast, I argue that civic communities behaved as ‘actors’ – entities which pursued communal interests through collective actions. To advance this argument, I take a case-study approach and explore the role of ciuitates as active participants in territorial disputes, the fiscal sphere, and the subordination of other peoples. My approach to agency draws on the historical sociology of Andrew Abbott which emphasises that actors continually change through their interactions. The dissertation shows that civic communities were essential frameworks of collective action through which local populations fostered their communal interests and interacted with other actors, individual and collective. Recognising ciuitates as actors is indispensable if we are to appreciate their impact on the Roman empire and understand how they shaped the empire’s socio-political landscapes over time.
2022-06-16T00:00:00ZBorowski, PawełThis dissertation re-evaluates the significance of civic communities (ciuitates) – largely autonomous polities with state-like attributes – in the Western Roman Empire, from Augustus to Diocletian. Ciuitates have traditionally been studied as administrative structures, fulfilling functions imposed by the Roman government. In contrast, I argue that civic communities behaved as ‘actors’ – entities which pursued communal interests through collective actions. To advance this argument, I take a case-study approach and explore the role of ciuitates as active participants in territorial disputes, the fiscal sphere, and the subordination of other peoples. My approach to agency draws on the historical sociology of Andrew Abbott which emphasises that actors continually change through their interactions. The dissertation shows that civic communities were essential frameworks of collective action through which local populations fostered their communal interests and interacted with other actors, individual and collective. Recognising ciuitates as actors is indispensable if we are to appreciate their impact on the Roman empire and understand how they shaped the empire’s socio-political landscapes over time.Character and rhetoric in Thucydides
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/28484
Naming and evaluating individuals are two of the numerous well-established methods by which Thucydides characterises individuals. While it is uncontroversial that Thucydides uses these and other methods to characterise individuals, the practical mechanics of these characterisation methods, such as speeches, are understudied. This thesis investigates the characterisation of individuals through deliberative rhetoric in Thucydides’ History with a focus on three specific methods. It demonstrates that Thucydides characterises speakers through his presentation of their rhetoric of emotion, their use of various ‘rhetorical modes’, and intratextual parallels between speeches and their narrative contexts, in addition to previously studied methods such as naming and evaluating individuals. Thucydides presents deliberative speeches such that the way in which each speaker seeks to arouse or suppress the emotions of their audience contributes to their characterisation. Thucydides also characterises individuals through his presentation of their use of sophistic or conventional ‘rhetorical modes’, which include the types of arguments, arrangement, and rhetorical techniques that they employ. Intratextual connections and situational parallels between speeches and their narrative contexts contribute to the characterisation of individuals by facilitating comparisons for the reader that ultimately distinguish each speaker and explain historical events, including the Athenian defeat in Sicily. In three parts that each focus on one of these methods, this thesis examines these characterising methods and their role in the individual characterisation of speakers. It analyses the dialogue and narrative contexts of two isolated speeches and three antilogies: the first and final speeches of Pericles (Thuc. 1.140-144, 2.60-64), the Mytilene Debate (Thuc. 3.37-48), and the Syracuse Antilogy (Thuc. 6.33-40) with close reference to the so-called Redetrias (Thuc. 6.9-23). This thesis thus contributes new perspectives to current conceptions of characterisation, the development of rhetoric, and historical writing during the fifth century BC.
2023-11-29T00:00:00ZArmstrong, Edward JohnNaming and evaluating individuals are two of the numerous well-established methods by which Thucydides characterises individuals. While it is uncontroversial that Thucydides uses these and other methods to characterise individuals, the practical mechanics of these characterisation methods, such as speeches, are understudied. This thesis investigates the characterisation of individuals through deliberative rhetoric in Thucydides’ History with a focus on three specific methods. It demonstrates that Thucydides characterises speakers through his presentation of their rhetoric of emotion, their use of various ‘rhetorical modes’, and intratextual parallels between speeches and their narrative contexts, in addition to previously studied methods such as naming and evaluating individuals. Thucydides presents deliberative speeches such that the way in which each speaker seeks to arouse or suppress the emotions of their audience contributes to their characterisation. Thucydides also characterises individuals through his presentation of their use of sophistic or conventional ‘rhetorical modes’, which include the types of arguments, arrangement, and rhetorical techniques that they employ. Intratextual connections and situational parallels between speeches and their narrative contexts contribute to the characterisation of individuals by facilitating comparisons for the reader that ultimately distinguish each speaker and explain historical events, including the Athenian defeat in Sicily. In three parts that each focus on one of these methods, this thesis examines these characterising methods and their role in the individual characterisation of speakers. It analyses the dialogue and narrative contexts of two isolated speeches and three antilogies: the first and final speeches of Pericles (Thuc. 1.140-144, 2.60-64), the Mytilene Debate (Thuc. 3.37-48), and the Syracuse Antilogy (Thuc. 6.33-40) with close reference to the so-called Redetrias (Thuc. 6.9-23). This thesis thus contributes new perspectives to current conceptions of characterisation, the development of rhetoric, and historical writing during the fifth century BC.Prospective catalyst based on the exsolution from lanthanum aluminate perovskite : from chemistry to electrochemistry
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/28227
Using renewable energy will play an essential role in energy conversion and storage on demand of energy consumption and environmental protection. With the advantages of high energy density, huge reserves, and zero emissions, therefore, hydrogen can enrich renewables and diversify the future energy territory. In this context, this study aims to establish a strategy related to chemistry and electrochemistry topics within a hydrogen centred theme. Here, the chemistry topic of the C1 chemistry-based catalyses is steam reforming for producing hydrogen and CO oxidation for environmental protection. The electrochemistry topic corresponds to the energy conversion in SOFC. Processing in these technologies, using a decent energy material is a challenging and crucial part. Regarding the efforts toward the energy materials family, perovskites have attracted much attention over the past decades in diverse application fields.
This work selects and pursues one of the ABO₃ type perovskite oxide, the LaAlO₃- based perovskite. as it is an excellent substrate and possesses cheap, stable, and other promising properties. After selecting the material system, a strategy in this work will be employed, which is a recent advanced approach referring to redox exsolution altering the traditional supported metallic nanoparticles system, especially in terms of durability. Therefore, the study undertakes a "materials + process" research skeleton to seek manifold catalysis and electrochemistry application based on LaAlO₃- based perovskites' exsolution.
In terms of the “material” strategy, by utilising the techniques of XRD, SEM, TEM, EDX, EELS, XPS, TGA, electrical conductivity, dilatometry and B.E.T. adsorption analysis, this thesis explores a series of transition metal-doped (B-site, Fe, Co, Ni, Mn, Cr) and alkali/alkaline metals doped (A-site, Na, K, Ca, Sr) in LaAlO₃ perovskites systematically, centred on exsolution. As a result, fundamental properties of various inherent compositions are developed from different cations and various doping levels, which indicate that high symmetric and stable perovskite structures have been achieved in LaAlO₃ systems after substitution. The study considers several factors for evaluating the obtained perovskites crystal structure variation, including the dopants' size, defects, doping levels, and unit cell parameters. Afterwards, a high-temperature reduction of these materials was conducted. Three series exsolution systems were investigated on three LaAlO₃-based materials with different dopants on the B-site, Fe/Co, Ni, and Mn-based systems. Results suggest that the perovskites are decorated with metallic nanoparticles of diverse compositions, the nature of the various size and populations, and heterostructural interfaces. Furthermore, lower temperatures favour the growth of particles, while higher temperatures sustain the nucleation of particles. There are termination surfaces for determining exsolution. Strikingly, enhanced exsolution in dual doping systems (Ni- based and Mn-based) was observed and discussed. Some differences between these three series of materials in the exsolution study were discussed and analysed.
On the other hand, in terms of the “process” strategy, the catalytical topics regarding CO oxidation and steam reforming and the electrochemical device regarding SOFC were launched. The Fe/Co series exsolution system is set for the CO oxidation test, demonstrating that the Co-based exsolution materials are an excellent candidate. Moreover, the Ni/Ni-Co series exsolution system is designed for steam reforming (MSR and MoSR), suggesting the requirement of further modified studies owing to the not very good catalytic performance. Mn-based materials were used for electrochemistry studies. The electrical conductivity and compatibility were studied before assembling a SOFC single cell. The related Mn-based exsolution seems to affect the final output performance.
Throughout the entire work, exsolution takes the primary part. Many of the principles and topical chemistry, including crystal chemistry, defect chemistry and coordination chemistry, are discussed and exemplified in this study on lanthanum aluminate-based perovskite newly. Further controlling of the chemistry topic can work adequately for chemistry (catalysis) and electrochemistry application.
2022-06-15T00:00:00ZGao, XiangUsing renewable energy will play an essential role in energy conversion and storage on demand of energy consumption and environmental protection. With the advantages of high energy density, huge reserves, and zero emissions, therefore, hydrogen can enrich renewables and diversify the future energy territory. In this context, this study aims to establish a strategy related to chemistry and electrochemistry topics within a hydrogen centred theme. Here, the chemistry topic of the C1 chemistry-based catalyses is steam reforming for producing hydrogen and CO oxidation for environmental protection. The electrochemistry topic corresponds to the energy conversion in SOFC. Processing in these technologies, using a decent energy material is a challenging and crucial part. Regarding the efforts toward the energy materials family, perovskites have attracted much attention over the past decades in diverse application fields.
This work selects and pursues one of the ABO₃ type perovskite oxide, the LaAlO₃- based perovskite. as it is an excellent substrate and possesses cheap, stable, and other promising properties. After selecting the material system, a strategy in this work will be employed, which is a recent advanced approach referring to redox exsolution altering the traditional supported metallic nanoparticles system, especially in terms of durability. Therefore, the study undertakes a "materials + process" research skeleton to seek manifold catalysis and electrochemistry application based on LaAlO₃- based perovskites' exsolution.
In terms of the “material” strategy, by utilising the techniques of XRD, SEM, TEM, EDX, EELS, XPS, TGA, electrical conductivity, dilatometry and B.E.T. adsorption analysis, this thesis explores a series of transition metal-doped (B-site, Fe, Co, Ni, Mn, Cr) and alkali/alkaline metals doped (A-site, Na, K, Ca, Sr) in LaAlO₃ perovskites systematically, centred on exsolution. As a result, fundamental properties of various inherent compositions are developed from different cations and various doping levels, which indicate that high symmetric and stable perovskite structures have been achieved in LaAlO₃ systems after substitution. The study considers several factors for evaluating the obtained perovskites crystal structure variation, including the dopants' size, defects, doping levels, and unit cell parameters. Afterwards, a high-temperature reduction of these materials was conducted. Three series exsolution systems were investigated on three LaAlO₃-based materials with different dopants on the B-site, Fe/Co, Ni, and Mn-based systems. Results suggest that the perovskites are decorated with metallic nanoparticles of diverse compositions, the nature of the various size and populations, and heterostructural interfaces. Furthermore, lower temperatures favour the growth of particles, while higher temperatures sustain the nucleation of particles. There are termination surfaces for determining exsolution. Strikingly, enhanced exsolution in dual doping systems (Ni- based and Mn-based) was observed and discussed. Some differences between these three series of materials in the exsolution study were discussed and analysed.
On the other hand, in terms of the “process” strategy, the catalytical topics regarding CO oxidation and steam reforming and the electrochemical device regarding SOFC were launched. The Fe/Co series exsolution system is set for the CO oxidation test, demonstrating that the Co-based exsolution materials are an excellent candidate. Moreover, the Ni/Ni-Co series exsolution system is designed for steam reforming (MSR and MoSR), suggesting the requirement of further modified studies owing to the not very good catalytic performance. Mn-based materials were used for electrochemistry studies. The electrical conductivity and compatibility were studied before assembling a SOFC single cell. The related Mn-based exsolution seems to affect the final output performance.
Throughout the entire work, exsolution takes the primary part. Many of the principles and topical chemistry, including crystal chemistry, defect chemistry and coordination chemistry, are discussed and exemplified in this study on lanthanum aluminate-based perovskite newly. Further controlling of the chemistry topic can work adequately for chemistry (catalysis) and electrochemistry application.Sunt superis sua iura. Ovid, the law, and the Augustan discourse
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/27930
My thesis investigates how Ovid’s treatment of juridical language and content fits into the socio-cultural landscape of Augustan Rome. Moving beyond the legacy of his early career in the forum, Ovid resorts to the legal to express a wider engagement with divine and political justice – an aspect of consistency and evolution throughout the poet’s corpus. In the Amores, the Ars Amatoria and the Heroides, Ovid revisits the elegiac code to formulate an extended recusatio that plays with the ‘micro-semantics’ of the legal to bring to the fore the gaps in the narrative of Augustus’ legislation. Through a selection of legally-inflected case studies, I demonstrate that the Metamorphoses shares the same approach to ius as his elegiac poetry, though developed through a more in-depth exploration of power dynamics, as arbitrary divine jurisdiction in the mythological universe of the poem mirrors the ‘state of exception’ of the Princeps iudex. In the Fasti, Augustus’ appropriation of legal calendar time highlights the convergence of the Princeps’ and the poet’s fictional procedures: myth and traditional legacies are deceptively ‘recodified’ through Ovid’s ‘mythologising’ ius in a similar fashion to Augustus’ reimagining Rome’s constitutional system through fictio iuris, as both the poet and the Princeps adapt the notion of justice to their respective agendas.
In his elegy Ovid engages with the tension created by Augustus’ new role as lawgiver, an approach that evolves when taking the Metamorphoses’ history of the universe into account, to then show a further change through the prism of the Fasti, as the same power dynamics are matched with the Princeps’ narrative of control. The ‘micro-semantics’ of ius are thus reconciled with the macro-semantics of Ovid’s reflections on the nature of justice, becoming the playing field for the poet’s deceptive narrative devices to mirror the fictional nature of Augustus’ regime.
2023-11-29T00:00:00ZEusebi, SaraMy thesis investigates how Ovid’s treatment of juridical language and content fits into the socio-cultural landscape of Augustan Rome. Moving beyond the legacy of his early career in the forum, Ovid resorts to the legal to express a wider engagement with divine and political justice – an aspect of consistency and evolution throughout the poet’s corpus. In the Amores, the Ars Amatoria and the Heroides, Ovid revisits the elegiac code to formulate an extended recusatio that plays with the ‘micro-semantics’ of the legal to bring to the fore the gaps in the narrative of Augustus’ legislation. Through a selection of legally-inflected case studies, I demonstrate that the Metamorphoses shares the same approach to ius as his elegiac poetry, though developed through a more in-depth exploration of power dynamics, as arbitrary divine jurisdiction in the mythological universe of the poem mirrors the ‘state of exception’ of the Princeps iudex. In the Fasti, Augustus’ appropriation of legal calendar time highlights the convergence of the Princeps’ and the poet’s fictional procedures: myth and traditional legacies are deceptively ‘recodified’ through Ovid’s ‘mythologising’ ius in a similar fashion to Augustus’ reimagining Rome’s constitutional system through fictio iuris, as both the poet and the Princeps adapt the notion of justice to their respective agendas.
In his elegy Ovid engages with the tension created by Augustus’ new role as lawgiver, an approach that evolves when taking the Metamorphoses’ history of the universe into account, to then show a further change through the prism of the Fasti, as the same power dynamics are matched with the Princeps’ narrative of control. The ‘micro-semantics’ of ius are thus reconciled with the macro-semantics of Ovid’s reflections on the nature of justice, becoming the playing field for the poet’s deceptive narrative devices to mirror the fictional nature of Augustus’ regime.Reassessing Agathias : early Byzantine historiography beyond Procopius
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/27885
This thesis aims to provide a new evaluation of the Histories of Agathias Scholasticus, one of the main sources for the reign of Justinian (527-565 CE). By contextualising the author and approaching his text with the tools of modern research, the thesis casts light on crucial aspects of sixth-century history, literature, and language. Through an interdisciplinary approach (history, literary criticism, philology, and linguistics), the research reappraises the Histories in all its complexity, focusing both on Agathias' specificities as a historian and on his role within early Byzantine historiographical production. Through a tripartite structure, constituted by a first section on myth, marvels and miracles in Procopius and Agathias, a second on Agathias’ ethnography, and a third on Agathias’ language, the thesis argues that this work is not just a classicising history written after the manner of Herodotus and Thucydides; not just a continuation of the Wars of Procopius, but also the work of an idiosyncratic, independent author who made idiosyncratic, independent literary choices.
2023-11-29T00:00:00ZFiculle, LarisaThis thesis aims to provide a new evaluation of the Histories of Agathias Scholasticus, one of the main sources for the reign of Justinian (527-565 CE). By contextualising the author and approaching his text with the tools of modern research, the thesis casts light on crucial aspects of sixth-century history, literature, and language. Through an interdisciplinary approach (history, literary criticism, philology, and linguistics), the research reappraises the Histories in all its complexity, focusing both on Agathias' specificities as a historian and on his role within early Byzantine historiographical production. Through a tripartite structure, constituted by a first section on myth, marvels and miracles in Procopius and Agathias, a second on Agathias’ ethnography, and a third on Agathias’ language, the thesis argues that this work is not just a classicising history written after the manner of Herodotus and Thucydides; not just a continuation of the Wars of Procopius, but also the work of an idiosyncratic, independent author who made idiosyncratic, independent literary choices.Mythical models : reflections of Iranian traditions in the classical accounts of Median and early Achaemenid royalty
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/27878
This study fills a gap in Achaemenid studies by evaluating possible relationships between the classical accounts of Median and early Achaemenid royalty, on the one hand, and Iranian mythical and legendary traditions, on the other. That Herodotus and other classical authors based their accounts on a sub-structure of Near Eastern traditions long has been recognized. However, the Iranian element has been neglected for various reasons, including the disparateness of the Iranian sources, which has prompted speculation that the Medes and Persians lacked familiarity with the relevant traditions.
This study begins by reviewing evidence and past interpretations regarding the general proposition that Achaemenid oral traditions featured an intertwining of myth and history. Next comes an evaluation of evidence, primarily onomastic, indicating Median and Persian familiarity with variations of the myths and legends reflected in the extant sources. These findings suggest that a comparison of the classical sources to Iranian traditions is worthwhile. The applied methodology resembles that used in comparative mythology, with a focus on circumstances in which details found in later Iranian sources may be deemed likely to have existed in Achaemenid traditions. Three case studies identify parallels and possible dependence or interdependence between classical narratives and Iranian traditions: (1) Herodotus’ account of Deioces and tales of mythical royal founders, (2) the accounts of Cyrus and tales of dragon-slayers, and (3) the accounts of Darius’ coup and tales of dragon-slayers, as they relate to the principle of legitimate kingship.
The case studies support the ancient authors’ claims to have drawn on Iranian traditions and underscore narrative elements that reflect Greek reinterpretation or embellishment. The findings of this study also shed light on the typology and development of the Iranian mythical and legendary traditions and provide possible scenarios for the Iranians’ puzzling amnesia regarding the Medes and early Achaemenids.
2022-11-30T00:00:00ZZarghamee, RezaThis study fills a gap in Achaemenid studies by evaluating possible relationships between the classical accounts of Median and early Achaemenid royalty, on the one hand, and Iranian mythical and legendary traditions, on the other. That Herodotus and other classical authors based their accounts on a sub-structure of Near Eastern traditions long has been recognized. However, the Iranian element has been neglected for various reasons, including the disparateness of the Iranian sources, which has prompted speculation that the Medes and Persians lacked familiarity with the relevant traditions.
This study begins by reviewing evidence and past interpretations regarding the general proposition that Achaemenid oral traditions featured an intertwining of myth and history. Next comes an evaluation of evidence, primarily onomastic, indicating Median and Persian familiarity with variations of the myths and legends reflected in the extant sources. These findings suggest that a comparison of the classical sources to Iranian traditions is worthwhile. The applied methodology resembles that used in comparative mythology, with a focus on circumstances in which details found in later Iranian sources may be deemed likely to have existed in Achaemenid traditions. Three case studies identify parallels and possible dependence or interdependence between classical narratives and Iranian traditions: (1) Herodotus’ account of Deioces and tales of mythical royal founders, (2) the accounts of Cyrus and tales of dragon-slayers, and (3) the accounts of Darius’ coup and tales of dragon-slayers, as they relate to the principle of legitimate kingship.
The case studies support the ancient authors’ claims to have drawn on Iranian traditions and underscore narrative elements that reflect Greek reinterpretation or embellishment. The findings of this study also shed light on the typology and development of the Iranian mythical and legendary traditions and provide possible scenarios for the Iranians’ puzzling amnesia regarding the Medes and early Achaemenids.Comic exemplarity : a study of Aristophanes' paradeigmata
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/27747
This work investigates the mythical and historical paradeigmata in Aristophanes’ extant comedies, in order to assess the practice of exemplarity in comedy and broaden our knowledge of exemplarity in 5th century literature.
In the first part of this work (ch. 1-5), I highlight significant aspects of the comic paradeigmata in terms of formal structures, rhetorical processes and functions, through the analysis of 5 case studies (Lys. 271-285; Lys. 671-682; Nub. 900-907, 1043-1057, 1061-1072, 1075-1082; Eq. 810-819; Av. 1553-1564). This analysis portrays comic paradeigmata as a specific articulation of exemplarity (ch. 6). I argue that the comic poet maintains the traditional use of paradeigmata as means of persuasion and also develops additional functions, required by the literary genre, namely dramatic advancement and humour.
In the second part of this work (ch. 7-9), I reconstruct the relations of exemplarity in comedy and in other coeval literary genres, i.e. tragedy, historiography and oratory. This comparative analysis reveals close connections between comic and tragic exemplarity, as well as occasional contacts between the paradeigmata in comedy and those in historiography and oratory. These results suggest a progressive evolution of exemplarity in comedy. A communal use of paradeigmata, which meets the demands imposed by the dramatic performance, seems to have been developed both in tragedy and comedy. A further development appears to be typical of comedy, which has absorbed some features of the paradeigmata in other genres and created the function of humour. Overall, this investigation shows the deep interactions, in terms of paradeigmata, of comedy and contemporary literary genres, and emphasizes the relevance of comedy to reconstruct exemplarity in the 5th century.
2023-06-16T00:00:00ZPanebianco, ElenaThis work investigates the mythical and historical paradeigmata in Aristophanes’ extant comedies, in order to assess the practice of exemplarity in comedy and broaden our knowledge of exemplarity in 5th century literature.
In the first part of this work (ch. 1-5), I highlight significant aspects of the comic paradeigmata in terms of formal structures, rhetorical processes and functions, through the analysis of 5 case studies (Lys. 271-285; Lys. 671-682; Nub. 900-907, 1043-1057, 1061-1072, 1075-1082; Eq. 810-819; Av. 1553-1564). This analysis portrays comic paradeigmata as a specific articulation of exemplarity (ch. 6). I argue that the comic poet maintains the traditional use of paradeigmata as means of persuasion and also develops additional functions, required by the literary genre, namely dramatic advancement and humour.
In the second part of this work (ch. 7-9), I reconstruct the relations of exemplarity in comedy and in other coeval literary genres, i.e. tragedy, historiography and oratory. This comparative analysis reveals close connections between comic and tragic exemplarity, as well as occasional contacts between the paradeigmata in comedy and those in historiography and oratory. These results suggest a progressive evolution of exemplarity in comedy. A communal use of paradeigmata, which meets the demands imposed by the dramatic performance, seems to have been developed both in tragedy and comedy. A further development appears to be typical of comedy, which has absorbed some features of the paradeigmata in other genres and created the function of humour. Overall, this investigation shows the deep interactions, in terms of paradeigmata, of comedy and contemporary literary genres, and emphasizes the relevance of comedy to reconstruct exemplarity in the 5th century.Narratives of death in Tacitus' Annals
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/27554
This thesis argues that we can deepen our understanding of Tacitus’ Annals by reading the narrative through the lens of death. Through close reading and structural analysis, I demonstrate that deaths are important narrative devices in the Annals that create links and engender important (often political) themes. Looking at their interplay and cumulative effect, my analysis shows that deaths in the Annals create meaning and help us understand the text better. This research has wider implications for how we read the Annals and the importance we ascribe to mentions of death. It also looks beyond the Annals, showing to what degree death functions as a narrative device in other texts.
This thesis is divided into two parts. The first part focuses on the position of deaths in the structure of the text. Chapter 2 analyses death as a metaphor for the End, both of Nero, the Julio-Claudians, and the Annals as a literary work. Chapter 3 looks at strategic positions of death (often bookending and at year-ends), showing that deaths structure the narrative. The second part of this thesis is organised thematically. Chapter 4 focuses on violent deaths, contrasting non-affective deaths in battle with dramatic imperial assassinations and deaths caused by the arena. In chapter 5, murders by starvation and poisoning are examined. Tacitus employs these deaths as a vehicle to focus on those (allegedly) responsible, causing death to have a lasting impact on the emperors’ characterisation. Chapter 6 centres on the political power dynamic between emperor and senator in (forced) suicides. As I show, Tacitus uses suicide as a vehicle to talk about control and agency. Death in the Annals does not only leave a trail of bodies, but also tells a political narrative, a character study of the Julio-Claudians, a tale of Rome’s decline, and forces the reader to confront their own position in history.
2023-06-16T00:00:00ZVan den Berg, Gerjanne HenriekeThis thesis argues that we can deepen our understanding of Tacitus’ Annals by reading the narrative through the lens of death. Through close reading and structural analysis, I demonstrate that deaths are important narrative devices in the Annals that create links and engender important (often political) themes. Looking at their interplay and cumulative effect, my analysis shows that deaths in the Annals create meaning and help us understand the text better. This research has wider implications for how we read the Annals and the importance we ascribe to mentions of death. It also looks beyond the Annals, showing to what degree death functions as a narrative device in other texts.
This thesis is divided into two parts. The first part focuses on the position of deaths in the structure of the text. Chapter 2 analyses death as a metaphor for the End, both of Nero, the Julio-Claudians, and the Annals as a literary work. Chapter 3 looks at strategic positions of death (often bookending and at year-ends), showing that deaths structure the narrative. The second part of this thesis is organised thematically. Chapter 4 focuses on violent deaths, contrasting non-affective deaths in battle with dramatic imperial assassinations and deaths caused by the arena. In chapter 5, murders by starvation and poisoning are examined. Tacitus employs these deaths as a vehicle to focus on those (allegedly) responsible, causing death to have a lasting impact on the emperors’ characterisation. Chapter 6 centres on the political power dynamic between emperor and senator in (forced) suicides. As I show, Tacitus uses suicide as a vehicle to talk about control and agency. Death in the Annals does not only leave a trail of bodies, but also tells a political narrative, a character study of the Julio-Claudians, a tale of Rome’s decline, and forces the reader to confront their own position in history.Tyrants in late antiquity : a rhetorical and historical analysis of Claudian and Sidonius
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/27548
The following thesis is a historical and rhetorical investigation of tyranny in the fifth century CE. The focus of the work is Claudian (c.370-404) and Sidonius (430-486), coupled for their literary and rhetorical kinship and for the similar role as panegyrists which they held in the Western court, between the rule of Honorius (393-423) and Anthemius (467-72). The historical introduction and the first chapter offer an analysis of different late-antique sources (both in Greek and in Latin), aiming for a definition of the differences between the labels of usurpator and tyrannus in the political vocabulary between the fourth and the fifth century. The central chapter moves, then, to the analysis of Claudian’s poems, where the tyrannus does not correspond to any of the usurpers who rebelled during Honorius’ reign, but rather identifies with Stilicho's political enemies: Arcadius' minister Rufinus, the eunuch Eutropius, and the comes Africae Gildo. Such a new use of the label tyrannus determines a neat shift from its employment as a typical label for usurpers (as was still customary in the fourth century) to its vituperative use against a political enemy. Claudian’s scapegoats are characterised as tyranni and opposites of all Roman values who threaten the cosmic order granted by the concordia fratrum between Honorius and Arcadius, heading the Western and the Eastern court respectively. The third chapter analyses Sidonius’ panegyrics to Avitus, Majorian, and Anthemius, where Sidonius recovers Claudian's mould of the tyrannus and adopts it in his invective against the Vandal Gaiseric. Gaiseric is demonised in terms very similar to those used by Claudian against the African Gildo. While encouraging an enervated Romanitas to fight together (in the joint military effort of Anthemius and Leo I) against the new tyrannus, Sidonius attaches this political label to a barbarian aspiring to defeat and conquer the empire.
2023-06-16T00:00:00ZFiorentini, MarziaThe following thesis is a historical and rhetorical investigation of tyranny in the fifth century CE. The focus of the work is Claudian (c.370-404) and Sidonius (430-486), coupled for their literary and rhetorical kinship and for the similar role as panegyrists which they held in the Western court, between the rule of Honorius (393-423) and Anthemius (467-72). The historical introduction and the first chapter offer an analysis of different late-antique sources (both in Greek and in Latin), aiming for a definition of the differences between the labels of usurpator and tyrannus in the political vocabulary between the fourth and the fifth century. The central chapter moves, then, to the analysis of Claudian’s poems, where the tyrannus does not correspond to any of the usurpers who rebelled during Honorius’ reign, but rather identifies with Stilicho's political enemies: Arcadius' minister Rufinus, the eunuch Eutropius, and the comes Africae Gildo. Such a new use of the label tyrannus determines a neat shift from its employment as a typical label for usurpers (as was still customary in the fourth century) to its vituperative use against a political enemy. Claudian’s scapegoats are characterised as tyranni and opposites of all Roman values who threaten the cosmic order granted by the concordia fratrum between Honorius and Arcadius, heading the Western and the Eastern court respectively. The third chapter analyses Sidonius’ panegyrics to Avitus, Majorian, and Anthemius, where Sidonius recovers Claudian's mould of the tyrannus and adopts it in his invective against the Vandal Gaiseric. Gaiseric is demonised in terms very similar to those used by Claudian against the African Gildo. While encouraging an enervated Romanitas to fight together (in the joint military effort of Anthemius and Leo I) against the new tyrannus, Sidonius attaches this political label to a barbarian aspiring to defeat and conquer the empire.The “Christianisation” of the Iberian Peninsula : an archaeological and historical consideration of Christian space creation by late Roman and Visigothic elites from the fourth to the eighth century CE
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/27529
This thesis sheds new light on the Christianisation of the Iberian Peninsula. Christianisation as a whole has been much-studied, and the same is true of Iberian Christianity. The majority of the available textual and material evidence, however, has been interpreted under the assumption that bishops were the key drivers of this process. This obscures the reality of the situation. As I show in this thesis, when taken on its own, the evidence paints a different picture – one which was much more complex, of a society which was brimming with a variety of different elite groups who were jostling for spiritual and social pre-eminence alongside one another, rather than having all been dominated by episcopal figures and hierarchies. The roles of these various other elites have not been thoroughly explored in scholarship to date. This thesis addresses this gap. It provides an updated perspective on who these elites were in both the late Roman and in the Visigothic periods, and the various forms of evidence we can use to illuminate the process by which they created Christian spaces in late antique Iberia. In doing so, it illuminates their role in the Christianisation of Iberia’s topography. The thesis explores this evidence by synthesising archaeological, architectural, epigraphic, artistic, epistolary, legal, ecclesiastical, and hagiographic evidence in order to examine three discernible types of Christian spaces created by these elites: first, Christian space creation in aristocratic villas, then elite church foundation, and finally, elite monasticism and monastic spaces. By the time these spaces have been explored, it is clear that all three were intimately connected to Iberia’s lay aristocratic, royal, monastic, and clerical elites.
2023-06-16T00:00:00ZLa Rocco, Carolyn TylerThis thesis sheds new light on the Christianisation of the Iberian Peninsula. Christianisation as a whole has been much-studied, and the same is true of Iberian Christianity. The majority of the available textual and material evidence, however, has been interpreted under the assumption that bishops were the key drivers of this process. This obscures the reality of the situation. As I show in this thesis, when taken on its own, the evidence paints a different picture – one which was much more complex, of a society which was brimming with a variety of different elite groups who were jostling for spiritual and social pre-eminence alongside one another, rather than having all been dominated by episcopal figures and hierarchies. The roles of these various other elites have not been thoroughly explored in scholarship to date. This thesis addresses this gap. It provides an updated perspective on who these elites were in both the late Roman and in the Visigothic periods, and the various forms of evidence we can use to illuminate the process by which they created Christian spaces in late antique Iberia. In doing so, it illuminates their role in the Christianisation of Iberia’s topography. The thesis explores this evidence by synthesising archaeological, architectural, epigraphic, artistic, epistolary, legal, ecclesiastical, and hagiographic evidence in order to examine three discernible types of Christian spaces created by these elites: first, Christian space creation in aristocratic villas, then elite church foundation, and finally, elite monasticism and monastic spaces. By the time these spaces have been explored, it is clear that all three were intimately connected to Iberia’s lay aristocratic, royal, monastic, and clerical elites.Egypt and the Odyssey : Homeric dialogues with Egyptian travel literature
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/27477
This thesis investigates the relationship between Homer’s Odyssey and the Egyptian tradition of travel literature from the second millennium BC. It is a comparative exploration of portrayals of displacement, exile, and homecoming in two of the premier travel poems of the ancient Mediterranean world: the Tale of Sinuhe and the Odyssey. It explores the multifaceted parallels between these two poems in both dialogic-comparativist and historical-transmissional terms, and it shows that there is an extraordinarily wide range of macrolevel and microlevel parallels suggesting direct cross-cultural influence between the Tale of Sinuhe and the Odyssey. The Introduction discusses the methodological background to this project and the cross-disciplinary gap in scholarship which it fills, as well as the historical, archaeological, cultural, and literary context in which these poems emerged. I explore the parallels between these poems in their beginnings and displacement episodes in Chapter 1, and in their portrayals of exile and homecoming in Chapter 2. In the Conclusion, I discuss the wider context of the project, fruitful avenues for future research, and the ramifications of the findings of this thesis for current understandings of these poems across multiple disciplines.
2023-11-29T00:00:00ZStocker, MaxwellThis thesis investigates the relationship between Homer’s Odyssey and the Egyptian tradition of travel literature from the second millennium BC. It is a comparative exploration of portrayals of displacement, exile, and homecoming in two of the premier travel poems of the ancient Mediterranean world: the Tale of Sinuhe and the Odyssey. It explores the multifaceted parallels between these two poems in both dialogic-comparativist and historical-transmissional terms, and it shows that there is an extraordinarily wide range of macrolevel and microlevel parallels suggesting direct cross-cultural influence between the Tale of Sinuhe and the Odyssey. The Introduction discusses the methodological background to this project and the cross-disciplinary gap in scholarship which it fills, as well as the historical, archaeological, cultural, and literary context in which these poems emerged. I explore the parallels between these poems in their beginnings and displacement episodes in Chapter 1, and in their portrayals of exile and homecoming in Chapter 2. In the Conclusion, I discuss the wider context of the project, fruitful avenues for future research, and the ramifications of the findings of this thesis for current understandings of these poems across multiple disciplines.Tacitus and the representation of the legal world in the Annals
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/27424
This thesis investigates Tacitus’ views on the law and the narrative function of law-related episodes in the Annals. It adopts the methods of the ‘Law and Literature’ approach, exploring both Tacitus’ literary representation of the legal world and the socio-cultural conditions informing his conception of law and empire. Chapter 1 examines three trial narratives where Tacitus emphasises Tiberius’ idiosyncratically deceptive strategies in his handling of judicial procedures. Chapter 2 analyses Tacitus’ depiction of Tiberius as lawmaker and his troubling relationship with the normativity of Augustan precedents. This chapter also considers the authorial digressions on the law ensuing from Tiberius’ treatment of marriage and sumptuary legislation in Annals 3. Whereas in the digression on the origins of the law (de principiis iuris) Tacitus advances a pessimistic understanding of the law as a coercive force imposed on the individual, in the digression on luxury (luxus) he intimates a notion of historical change that destabilises the thesis of irreversible decline in Roman history. Chapter 3 concentrates on the representation of Claudius and his transgressive approach to the law both in his capacity as judge (conducting trials in his bedchamber) and lawmaker (defending the principle of legal innovation). Chapter 4 deals with the reign of Nero, exploring the ways in which the emperor’s understanding of justice as spectacle are portrayed in the narrative. Chapter 5 looks into the literary depiction of Cassius Longinus and the ideas conveyed through this expert in law. It also evaluates the implications of the character’s idealisation of the world of the ancestors and his view of Roman history as continuous deterioration – a view that stands in contradiction to Tacitus’ more complex interpretation of historical change. By focusing on the law, this thesis illustrates the meaningful ways in which the macrostructure of decline (Tacitus’ version of the Julio-Claudian era) and the micro-narratives of progress (his views on the Principate) interact in the Annals.
2023-06-16T00:00:00ZGonzález Rojas, Pablo JavierThis thesis investigates Tacitus’ views on the law and the narrative function of law-related episodes in the Annals. It adopts the methods of the ‘Law and Literature’ approach, exploring both Tacitus’ literary representation of the legal world and the socio-cultural conditions informing his conception of law and empire. Chapter 1 examines three trial narratives where Tacitus emphasises Tiberius’ idiosyncratically deceptive strategies in his handling of judicial procedures. Chapter 2 analyses Tacitus’ depiction of Tiberius as lawmaker and his troubling relationship with the normativity of Augustan precedents. This chapter also considers the authorial digressions on the law ensuing from Tiberius’ treatment of marriage and sumptuary legislation in Annals 3. Whereas in the digression on the origins of the law (de principiis iuris) Tacitus advances a pessimistic understanding of the law as a coercive force imposed on the individual, in the digression on luxury (luxus) he intimates a notion of historical change that destabilises the thesis of irreversible decline in Roman history. Chapter 3 concentrates on the representation of Claudius and his transgressive approach to the law both in his capacity as judge (conducting trials in his bedchamber) and lawmaker (defending the principle of legal innovation). Chapter 4 deals with the reign of Nero, exploring the ways in which the emperor’s understanding of justice as spectacle are portrayed in the narrative. Chapter 5 looks into the literary depiction of Cassius Longinus and the ideas conveyed through this expert in law. It also evaluates the implications of the character’s idealisation of the world of the ancestors and his view of Roman history as continuous deterioration – a view that stands in contradiction to Tacitus’ more complex interpretation of historical change. By focusing on the law, this thesis illustrates the meaningful ways in which the macrostructure of decline (Tacitus’ version of the Julio-Claudian era) and the micro-narratives of progress (his views on the Principate) interact in the Annals.Birth, death, and rebirth in Nonnus' Dionysiaca and Paraphrase
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/27055
This thesis explores a new way to approach the Dionysiaca and the Paraphrase of Nonnus, reading the two texts in parallel and identifying the relationship between the poems and the cultural and religious contexts of their composition. It situates the poems firmly in their context and explores possible meanings the original audience will have found in the texts. Using the themes of rebirth and resurrection as a case study, this research identifies structural principles underlying Nonnian poetics, and connects these principles and themes with the cultural milieu surrounding the poems' composition. It takes a reader oriented approach, focusing on likely readings of the poems in their original context. Treating the death of Zagreus and his rebirth as Dionysus as the paradigmatic moment underpinning both texts, this research identifies Pagan and Christian resonances in scenes of rebirth throughout both poems, and challenges the orthodox view of reading the two texts in isolation. This is achieved through study of lexical and thematic connections between scenes of resurrection across the poems, and by exploring the significance of these in the context of 5th-century Egypt. The themes of rebirth and resurrection are traced through the narratives of Zagreus and Dionysus, and Lazarus and Christ, alongside those of more minor characters, such as Ampelus and Tylus. This is then followed by an exploration of scenes of rape and birth as a counterpart to death and rebirth, exposing the importance of destruction and new generation, both birth and rebirth, to the goals of Nonnian poetics. This research shows that reading the Nonnian poems in parallel enriches understanding of the literary and theological detail, and identifies shared structural elements across both. Ultimately, it offers a new framework for study of the Nonnian poems, focused on their role as a single body of work.
2023-06-16T00:00:00ZGerlach, Oliver GeorgeThis thesis explores a new way to approach the Dionysiaca and the Paraphrase of Nonnus, reading the two texts in parallel and identifying the relationship between the poems and the cultural and religious contexts of their composition. It situates the poems firmly in their context and explores possible meanings the original audience will have found in the texts. Using the themes of rebirth and resurrection as a case study, this research identifies structural principles underlying Nonnian poetics, and connects these principles and themes with the cultural milieu surrounding the poems' composition. It takes a reader oriented approach, focusing on likely readings of the poems in their original context. Treating the death of Zagreus and his rebirth as Dionysus as the paradigmatic moment underpinning both texts, this research identifies Pagan and Christian resonances in scenes of rebirth throughout both poems, and challenges the orthodox view of reading the two texts in isolation. This is achieved through study of lexical and thematic connections between scenes of resurrection across the poems, and by exploring the significance of these in the context of 5th-century Egypt. The themes of rebirth and resurrection are traced through the narratives of Zagreus and Dionysus, and Lazarus and Christ, alongside those of more minor characters, such as Ampelus and Tylus. This is then followed by an exploration of scenes of rape and birth as a counterpart to death and rebirth, exposing the importance of destruction and new generation, both birth and rebirth, to the goals of Nonnian poetics. This research shows that reading the Nonnian poems in parallel enriches understanding of the literary and theological detail, and identifies shared structural elements across both. Ultimately, it offers a new framework for study of the Nonnian poems, focused on their role as a single body of work.What it means to be a man : elite masculinity and warfare in Cisalpine Gaul c. 400-50 BC
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/27045
This thesis explores Cisalpine masculinity and warfare over the period c. 400-50 BC and seeks to demonstrate that material cultural changes reflected broader socio-political and military developments. A statistical analysis is undertaken of the composition of weapon burials from the largest and best-documented Gallic necropoleis in Cispadane and Transpadane Gaul. This reveals that specific combinations of La Tène, Golaseccan, and Italic mortuary goods were employed to express an individual’s position in an aristocratic hierarchy, and that these differed between Cisalpine Gallic groups in chronological, regional and intra-regional contexts. These results are then compared with how elite masculinity was expressed amongst other contemporary tribal groups from Transalpine Gaul and the Italian and Iberian peninsulas, along with their socio-political and military developments.
The second half of the thesis combines these conclusions with an examination of the Graeco-Roman battle narratives involving Cisalpine Gallic forces and constructs the first in-depth analysis of organisational and tactical capabilities of these forces. Ultimately, this study demonstrates that the Cisalpine Gallic tribes experienced a significant period of socio-political development during the third century, greatly increasing the sophistication of their warcraft and military forces.
2023-06-16T00:00:00ZLumsden, Alastair RichardThis thesis explores Cisalpine masculinity and warfare over the period c. 400-50 BC and seeks to demonstrate that material cultural changes reflected broader socio-political and military developments. A statistical analysis is undertaken of the composition of weapon burials from the largest and best-documented Gallic necropoleis in Cispadane and Transpadane Gaul. This reveals that specific combinations of La Tène, Golaseccan, and Italic mortuary goods were employed to express an individual’s position in an aristocratic hierarchy, and that these differed between Cisalpine Gallic groups in chronological, regional and intra-regional contexts. These results are then compared with how elite masculinity was expressed amongst other contemporary tribal groups from Transalpine Gaul and the Italian and Iberian peninsulas, along with their socio-political and military developments.
The second half of the thesis combines these conclusions with an examination of the Graeco-Roman battle narratives involving Cisalpine Gallic forces and constructs the first in-depth analysis of organisational and tactical capabilities of these forces. Ultimately, this study demonstrates that the Cisalpine Gallic tribes experienced a significant period of socio-political development during the third century, greatly increasing the sophistication of their warcraft and military forces.Mind, emotion, and responsibility : studies in Homeric psychology
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/27041
I examine several aspects of Homeric psychology, deploying a variety of theoretical approaches, whilst orienting my discussion around the ideas of three classical scholars: Bruno Snell, Eric Dodds, and Arthur Adkins. After a methodological and thematic prologue, chapter 1 discusses the work of Snell, especially his ‘Discovery of the Mind’, and how the radical and now unpopular ideas about the ‘Homeric mind’ expressed there might, in light of recent work within linguistics and an exploration of Snell’s intellectual antecedents, be provisionally and partly rehabilitated. Chapter 2 focuses on Dodds’ ‘The Greeks and the Irrational’ and its relationship to the anthropologist Ruth Benedict’s work, particularly vis-à-vis shame, and how adopting an alternative to the view that shame is necessarily a ‘social’ emotion might facilitate more complete readings of Homeric scenes in which it is implicated. Chapter 3 concerns Adkins’ ‘Merit and Responsibility’, exploring how Adkins’ erroneous perspectives on contemporary ethics encouraged his misreading of several Homeric scenes in which responsibility assessments are at issue. This concludes with a reading of ‘Agamemnon’s Apology’ within the ‘Iliad’, through a lens of responsibility tied to ‘aretaic appraisal’, rather than the (in)ability which Adkins privileged. The chapters are followed by an epilogue, in which a key theme connecting the chapters, especially 2 and 3, that of ‘agent-centredness’, touched upon throughout the thesis, is highlighted, and directions for future study proposed.
2022-11-30T00:00:00ZCrofts, Joshua Charles JohnI examine several aspects of Homeric psychology, deploying a variety of theoretical approaches, whilst orienting my discussion around the ideas of three classical scholars: Bruno Snell, Eric Dodds, and Arthur Adkins. After a methodological and thematic prologue, chapter 1 discusses the work of Snell, especially his ‘Discovery of the Mind’, and how the radical and now unpopular ideas about the ‘Homeric mind’ expressed there might, in light of recent work within linguistics and an exploration of Snell’s intellectual antecedents, be provisionally and partly rehabilitated. Chapter 2 focuses on Dodds’ ‘The Greeks and the Irrational’ and its relationship to the anthropologist Ruth Benedict’s work, particularly vis-à-vis shame, and how adopting an alternative to the view that shame is necessarily a ‘social’ emotion might facilitate more complete readings of Homeric scenes in which it is implicated. Chapter 3 concerns Adkins’ ‘Merit and Responsibility’, exploring how Adkins’ erroneous perspectives on contemporary ethics encouraged his misreading of several Homeric scenes in which responsibility assessments are at issue. This concludes with a reading of ‘Agamemnon’s Apology’ within the ‘Iliad’, through a lens of responsibility tied to ‘aretaic appraisal’, rather than the (in)ability which Adkins privileged. The chapters are followed by an epilogue, in which a key theme connecting the chapters, especially 2 and 3, that of ‘agent-centredness’, touched upon throughout the thesis, is highlighted, and directions for future study proposed.The construction(s) of the public image of the Emperor Julian
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/26950
This thesis deals with the construction(s) of the public image of the Emperor Julian. The unusual abundance of sources for Julian’s short reign as sole emperor of the Roman world (361-363) allows for biographical studies of this figure; this study intends to problematise the picture, taking into account the plurality of voices that composed his public image. Even the emperor himself must be taken as a plural; his own self-conception, and the public presentation of this self-conception, varied considerably over time, as did the responses of his subjects – whether they opposed Julian or not. The composition of this image was an act of creation, a dialogical relationship between ruler and ruled. This relationship could be friendly, hostile, full of mutual misunderstandings; the tensions that arise from these dialogues allow us a glimpse at the (historical) polyphony that is, as will be shown, a fundamental feature of Roman society.
2022-11-30T00:00:00ZGabbardo, GabrielThis thesis deals with the construction(s) of the public image of the Emperor Julian. The unusual abundance of sources for Julian’s short reign as sole emperor of the Roman world (361-363) allows for biographical studies of this figure; this study intends to problematise the picture, taking into account the plurality of voices that composed his public image. Even the emperor himself must be taken as a plural; his own self-conception, and the public presentation of this self-conception, varied considerably over time, as did the responses of his subjects – whether they opposed Julian or not. The composition of this image was an act of creation, a dialogical relationship between ruler and ruled. This relationship could be friendly, hostile, full of mutual misunderstandings; the tensions that arise from these dialogues allow us a glimpse at the (historical) polyphony that is, as will be shown, a fundamental feature of Roman society.The togata and the construction of 'Roman' identity in the mid Republic
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/26507
This thesis aims to be the first monograph in English on the togata, a ‘Roman’ dramatic genre, which I analyse as a source for the construction of ‘Roman’ identity in the mid Republic, that is to say, for the definition of the characteristics and beliefs that allegedly distinguished the identity of the Roman people (and their culture and literature) from (the identity of) others, according to the Romans themselves.
In my investigation of the togata, I search for elements of identity, understood as a construct that is both literary and cultural. That the togata was engaged with the construction of a literary identity is shown, above all, by the fact that, as far as the extant evidence shows, it was written in Latin, not in Greek (a fact which should not be taken for granted), and also by the fact that the fragments contain a restricted number of Greek borrowings. Togata plays were set in Rome or in Italian territory under the control of the Romans; the genre featured characters who had (often though not exclusively) Roman names; and it was anchored in a Roman literary tradition (above all that of Plautus) as regards themes, genre conventions, character-behaviour, style and language. The cultural dimension of this form of identity construction is shown, for instance, in the treatment of characters, some of whom display features that reflect specific traits of Roman society (such as the uxor dotata, that is, the dowered wife).
The construction of ‘Roman’ identity traceable in the togata, in both of the senses noted already, did not involve, however, a complete dissociation from sources of foreign influence, according to a monolithic conception of identity. Greek literary models exerted influence on the togata (in some cases this influence was explicitly recognised), and even provided the blueprint for the codification of what is (or should be) specifically Roman. Moreover, the world of the togata was multicultural and multilingual, featuring characters with non-Roman (especially Greek) names, who, nonetheless, were integrated into a hierarchical framework in which the Romans were at the top, socially and morally.
My main aim then is to explore the problematic corpus of the togata in search of evidence that may help to shed light on the complex process of constructing ‘Roman’ identity in the mid Republic. The results of my work contribute to current scholarly discourses on identity, Greek and Roman drama, and gender.
2022-06-16T00:00:00ZRallo, Giuseppe EugenioThis thesis aims to be the first monograph in English on the togata, a ‘Roman’ dramatic genre, which I analyse as a source for the construction of ‘Roman’ identity in the mid Republic, that is to say, for the definition of the characteristics and beliefs that allegedly distinguished the identity of the Roman people (and their culture and literature) from (the identity of) others, according to the Romans themselves.
In my investigation of the togata, I search for elements of identity, understood as a construct that is both literary and cultural. That the togata was engaged with the construction of a literary identity is shown, above all, by the fact that, as far as the extant evidence shows, it was written in Latin, not in Greek (a fact which should not be taken for granted), and also by the fact that the fragments contain a restricted number of Greek borrowings. Togata plays were set in Rome or in Italian territory under the control of the Romans; the genre featured characters who had (often though not exclusively) Roman names; and it was anchored in a Roman literary tradition (above all that of Plautus) as regards themes, genre conventions, character-behaviour, style and language. The cultural dimension of this form of identity construction is shown, for instance, in the treatment of characters, some of whom display features that reflect specific traits of Roman society (such as the uxor dotata, that is, the dowered wife).
The construction of ‘Roman’ identity traceable in the togata, in both of the senses noted already, did not involve, however, a complete dissociation from sources of foreign influence, according to a monolithic conception of identity. Greek literary models exerted influence on the togata (in some cases this influence was explicitly recognised), and even provided the blueprint for the codification of what is (or should be) specifically Roman. Moreover, the world of the togata was multicultural and multilingual, featuring characters with non-Roman (especially Greek) names, who, nonetheless, were integrated into a hierarchical framework in which the Romans were at the top, socially and morally.
My main aim then is to explore the problematic corpus of the togata in search of evidence that may help to shed light on the complex process of constructing ‘Roman’ identity in the mid Republic. The results of my work contribute to current scholarly discourses on identity, Greek and Roman drama, and gender.Remembering Republican leaders, constructing Imperial lives : Suetonius and the dawn of the Roman Empire
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/23853
Studies on Republican memory in the imperial age usually consider Trajan’s reign as the terminus post quem the Republic ceases to be scrutinised with nostalgia. My thesis challenges this assumption and investigates how Suetonius’ characterisation of the Roman emperors in the Lives of the Caesars interacts with the memory of late Republican leaders. In addition, it analyses the significance of accession to sole power in the biographies of Caesar and Augustus in the second century A.D., when the question of who should reign becomes a fundamental consideration in political discourse.
Throughout, I put Suetonius’ biographies in dialogue with other genres and material evidence from the periods of time he writes about. The methodology used is interdisciplinary, mainly based on cultural memory studies, intertextuality and interdiscursivity. To offer a comprehensive analysis of the material, each section also carefully places the events analysed within the larger historical context.
First, I consider the difficulties of writing about the fall of the Republic in the Empire. Secondly, I assess Suetonius’ portrayal of Julius Caesar and of the Triumviral age. Then, I discuss how the memory of Republican leaders has contributed to the characterisation of other Suetonian Julio-Claudians. The literary and cultural interactions between Suetonius and the works of authors such as Cicero and Virgil, or between Suetonius’ text and coins, demonstrate that the Lives of the Caesars present thought-provoking political interpretations, which are otherwise undervalued.
The present study shows the considerable value of reading Suetonius’ text in relation to the cultural memory of the Roman Republic. This not only allows us to re-evaluate and fully appreciate the political significance of Suetonius’ text. It also lays the groundwork for further discussion of the role of Republican memory in the imperial period beyond Trajan.
2021-12-01T00:00:00ZMartino, ConsueloStudies on Republican memory in the imperial age usually consider Trajan’s reign as the terminus post quem the Republic ceases to be scrutinised with nostalgia. My thesis challenges this assumption and investigates how Suetonius’ characterisation of the Roman emperors in the Lives of the Caesars interacts with the memory of late Republican leaders. In addition, it analyses the significance of accession to sole power in the biographies of Caesar and Augustus in the second century A.D., when the question of who should reign becomes a fundamental consideration in political discourse.
Throughout, I put Suetonius’ biographies in dialogue with other genres and material evidence from the periods of time he writes about. The methodology used is interdisciplinary, mainly based on cultural memory studies, intertextuality and interdiscursivity. To offer a comprehensive analysis of the material, each section also carefully places the events analysed within the larger historical context.
First, I consider the difficulties of writing about the fall of the Republic in the Empire. Secondly, I assess Suetonius’ portrayal of Julius Caesar and of the Triumviral age. Then, I discuss how the memory of Republican leaders has contributed to the characterisation of other Suetonian Julio-Claudians. The literary and cultural interactions between Suetonius and the works of authors such as Cicero and Virgil, or between Suetonius’ text and coins, demonstrate that the Lives of the Caesars present thought-provoking political interpretations, which are otherwise undervalued.
The present study shows the considerable value of reading Suetonius’ text in relation to the cultural memory of the Roman Republic. This not only allows us to re-evaluate and fully appreciate the political significance of Suetonius’ text. It also lays the groundwork for further discussion of the role of Republican memory in the imperial period beyond Trajan.Rituals of power : the Roman imperial admission from the Severans to the fourth century
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/23496
My PhD analyses the imperial “admission” (the so-called “salutatio” and “adoratio”) from the Severans to Constantine and argues that this ritual played an active role in the construction of imperial power.
Chapter 1, 2 and 4 focus on the development of the admission from the first century to Constantine I and provide a detailed reconstruction. Drawing on Clifford Geertz’s interpretive approach, I argue that the admission during the Principate presented the emperor as a traditional primus inter pares and that this continued under the Severans. This continuity heightened Severan power and legitimacy. The presentation of the emperor in his admission changed markedly in Late Antiquity as the monarchic and divine qualities of the emperor were stressed, which contributed to a thorough reorientation of the narrative of imperial power and legitimacy. The field of embodied cognition illuminates how such narratives were internalised by participants. Despite these discontinuities, elements of continuity between the Late Antique admission and the Principate persisted, and I argue that the imperial “salutatio” and “adoratio” were two manifestations of a long tradition of imperial admissions.
In Chapter 3, 5 and 6, this institutional focus is paired with an exploration of how Cassius Dio, Claudius Mamertinus and the Historia Augusta’s anonymous author used the admission. I argue that this ritual plays a central role in all these authors’ construction of the good emperor, especially when emphasising the importance of civilitas. These authors’ literary representations of the admission also aimed to shape its ritual narrative, thereby undermining or supporting imperial self-presentation.
This highlights that not only the emperor but also the elite could derive power from the admission. This is supported by Chapter 7 which argues that participation in the admission ensured the elite influence and power, since this ritual constituted a highly reliable context for petitioning the emperor.
2021-07-01T00:00:00ZLindholmer, Mads OrtvingMy PhD analyses the imperial “admission” (the so-called “salutatio” and “adoratio”) from the Severans to Constantine and argues that this ritual played an active role in the construction of imperial power.
Chapter 1, 2 and 4 focus on the development of the admission from the first century to Constantine I and provide a detailed reconstruction. Drawing on Clifford Geertz’s interpretive approach, I argue that the admission during the Principate presented the emperor as a traditional primus inter pares and that this continued under the Severans. This continuity heightened Severan power and legitimacy. The presentation of the emperor in his admission changed markedly in Late Antiquity as the monarchic and divine qualities of the emperor were stressed, which contributed to a thorough reorientation of the narrative of imperial power and legitimacy. The field of embodied cognition illuminates how such narratives were internalised by participants. Despite these discontinuities, elements of continuity between the Late Antique admission and the Principate persisted, and I argue that the imperial “salutatio” and “adoratio” were two manifestations of a long tradition of imperial admissions.
In Chapter 3, 5 and 6, this institutional focus is paired with an exploration of how Cassius Dio, Claudius Mamertinus and the Historia Augusta’s anonymous author used the admission. I argue that this ritual plays a central role in all these authors’ construction of the good emperor, especially when emphasising the importance of civilitas. These authors’ literary representations of the admission also aimed to shape its ritual narrative, thereby undermining or supporting imperial self-presentation.
This highlights that not only the emperor but also the elite could derive power from the admission. This is supported by Chapter 7 which argues that participation in the admission ensured the elite influence and power, since this ritual constituted a highly reliable context for petitioning the emperor.Steps to acquiring godhood : ritual and divinity in Seneca's Medea
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/23380
This thesis argues for the importance of ritual and analyzes its use in Seneca’s Medea, emphasizing Act 4’s importance and its relevance for understanding Medea’s actions and identity in Act 5. I employ the ritual methodologies of Catherine Bell and Bruce Kapferer, and broader context of Roman religion, to argue that Medea uses ritual to transform herself, culminating in sacrificial murders which make her a divinity, escaping the mortal realm by the end of the play. Focusing first on prayer, I exhibit how it structures the mortal’s position with respect to divinities according to a recognizably ‘lived’ experience of its first century CE audience. Subsequently, I show how the magic ritual of Act 4 portrays Medea as a powerful sorceress and actively stages ritual to augment her existing power, entering her into the divine realm. I emphasize her divine heritage and special bond with Hecate as crucial factors to her success. Lastly, I posit that the child-murders of Act 5 function as a sacrifice that re-integrates Medea with her birth family, severs her from mortal community, and designates her as a vengeful deity. I build upon Senecan scholarship by suggesting a progressive arc for the play and treating ritual seriously. My work faces ritual as lived experience, one demanding the full engagement of the participant’s mind and matter. Contextualizing within Roman religion, I explore how ritual functions as a communication method between humans and gods. This ritual analysis also illuminates the interconnectedness of magic and public cult, casting doubt on the dominant assumption that any ritual performed in isolation is magical. Furthermore, I analyze the sacrificial murders to comment on perversion in Roman religion. I thus show the play’s embeddedness in early Imperial Rome’s culture and indicate that Seneca uses this to speak to the terrifying concept of abusing power.
2021-07-01T00:00:00ZGiamarellou Bourmpouli, Eleni AlexandraThis thesis argues for the importance of ritual and analyzes its use in Seneca’s Medea, emphasizing Act 4’s importance and its relevance for understanding Medea’s actions and identity in Act 5. I employ the ritual methodologies of Catherine Bell and Bruce Kapferer, and broader context of Roman religion, to argue that Medea uses ritual to transform herself, culminating in sacrificial murders which make her a divinity, escaping the mortal realm by the end of the play. Focusing first on prayer, I exhibit how it structures the mortal’s position with respect to divinities according to a recognizably ‘lived’ experience of its first century CE audience. Subsequently, I show how the magic ritual of Act 4 portrays Medea as a powerful sorceress and actively stages ritual to augment her existing power, entering her into the divine realm. I emphasize her divine heritage and special bond with Hecate as crucial factors to her success. Lastly, I posit that the child-murders of Act 5 function as a sacrifice that re-integrates Medea with her birth family, severs her from mortal community, and designates her as a vengeful deity. I build upon Senecan scholarship by suggesting a progressive arc for the play and treating ritual seriously. My work faces ritual as lived experience, one demanding the full engagement of the participant’s mind and matter. Contextualizing within Roman religion, I explore how ritual functions as a communication method between humans and gods. This ritual analysis also illuminates the interconnectedness of magic and public cult, casting doubt on the dominant assumption that any ritual performed in isolation is magical. Furthermore, I analyze the sacrificial murders to comment on perversion in Roman religion. I thus show the play’s embeddedness in early Imperial Rome’s culture and indicate that Seneca uses this to speak to the terrifying concept of abusing power.Athlete and polis : the relationship between athletes and cities in the epigraphic record of the Late Hellenistic and Imperial periods
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/23323
This thesis presents a comprehensive study of the epigraphic record for athletes from the Late Hellenistic and Imperial periods. It argues that if we examine the athletic source material in full, we will see that there is great variety in the styles of athletic self-representation, and that often different aspects of athletic identity are emphasized in different kinds of honorific evidence. Chapter 2 examines inscribed athletic epigrams: it aims to shed light on the many facets of athletic identity that they construct, and explores the many artful techniques they use in order to project the various personas of their honorees more effectively. Chapter 3 moves on to examine prose athletic inscriptions, and more specifically a new kind of inscription, involving extensive listing of victories and citizenships, that emerges during the Imperial period, and demonstrates how this body of evidence gives us a taste of the experience of being Greek under Rome. Chapter 4 examines how textual portrayals of athletics varied significantly across different regions of the empire, and argues that athletic victory in Macedonia did not have the same strong impact on the civic life of the polis as in other regions of the Greek speaking world, for example Ionia. The thesis also aims to illustrate, more broadly, the way in which epigraphic portrayals of athletes are intertwined with important contemporary debates about elite self-representation, political culture, and issues of the negotiation of Hellenic identity in the Roman Empire. Throughout, inscriptions are examined not just as sources of information, but for their rhetoric, as texts that project powerful views of the world in their own right, in the process shedding new light on the many different roles played by athletes in their interactions with their cities and other communities during the Late Hellenistic and Imperial periods.
2020-12-02T00:00:00ZMouratidis, GeorgiosThis thesis presents a comprehensive study of the epigraphic record for athletes from the Late Hellenistic and Imperial periods. It argues that if we examine the athletic source material in full, we will see that there is great variety in the styles of athletic self-representation, and that often different aspects of athletic identity are emphasized in different kinds of honorific evidence. Chapter 2 examines inscribed athletic epigrams: it aims to shed light on the many facets of athletic identity that they construct, and explores the many artful techniques they use in order to project the various personas of their honorees more effectively. Chapter 3 moves on to examine prose athletic inscriptions, and more specifically a new kind of inscription, involving extensive listing of victories and citizenships, that emerges during the Imperial period, and demonstrates how this body of evidence gives us a taste of the experience of being Greek under Rome. Chapter 4 examines how textual portrayals of athletics varied significantly across different regions of the empire, and argues that athletic victory in Macedonia did not have the same strong impact on the civic life of the polis as in other regions of the Greek speaking world, for example Ionia. The thesis also aims to illustrate, more broadly, the way in which epigraphic portrayals of athletes are intertwined with important contemporary debates about elite self-representation, political culture, and issues of the negotiation of Hellenic identity in the Roman Empire. Throughout, inscriptions are examined not just as sources of information, but for their rhetoric, as texts that project powerful views of the world in their own right, in the process shedding new light on the many different roles played by athletes in their interactions with their cities and other communities during the Late Hellenistic and Imperial periods.The influence of Achaemenid royal ideology and court practice on Alexander the Great
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/23314
Although the majority of recent scholarship on Alexander the Great agrees that he adopted Achaemenid practice, the nature and extent of this influence is disputed. This thesis therefore offers an original, comprehensive evaluation of the influence of Achaemenid royal ideology and court practice on Alexander. Through the comparison of the traditional Greco-Roman literary tradition with contemporary Persian and Near-Eastern sources (in particular cuneiform inscriptions), this study seeks to better understand the nature of, and reasons for, Alexander’s gradual shift towards Persian culture. To this end, parallels between Alexander’s behaviours and key elements of Achaemenid royal ideology—including emulation of earlier Kings, divine bestowal of kingship, emphasis on truth and the Lie, relationships with nature, the centrality of reward and punishment to court culture, and attempts at integration and unity through marriage and banqueting—are explored. This thesis also demonstrates how Alexander fits into a wider narrative of Persian decadence and degeneration stereotypical of the Greek literary tradition. Ultimately, this thesis concludes that Alexander consciously and actively adopted elements of Achaemenid royal ideology and court practice to augment power gained through conquest of Persia and the Near East. This does not mean that he sought to be an Achaemenid King in his own right; rather, he recognised the centrality of this ideology to local populations accepting his authority and the legitimacy of his rule.
2021-07-01T00:00:00ZConroy, Laura MareeAlthough the majority of recent scholarship on Alexander the Great agrees that he adopted Achaemenid practice, the nature and extent of this influence is disputed. This thesis therefore offers an original, comprehensive evaluation of the influence of Achaemenid royal ideology and court practice on Alexander. Through the comparison of the traditional Greco-Roman literary tradition with contemporary Persian and Near-Eastern sources (in particular cuneiform inscriptions), this study seeks to better understand the nature of, and reasons for, Alexander’s gradual shift towards Persian culture. To this end, parallels between Alexander’s behaviours and key elements of Achaemenid royal ideology—including emulation of earlier Kings, divine bestowal of kingship, emphasis on truth and the Lie, relationships with nature, the centrality of reward and punishment to court culture, and attempts at integration and unity through marriage and banqueting—are explored. This thesis also demonstrates how Alexander fits into a wider narrative of Persian decadence and degeneration stereotypical of the Greek literary tradition. Ultimately, this thesis concludes that Alexander consciously and actively adopted elements of Achaemenid royal ideology and court practice to augment power gained through conquest of Persia and the Near East. This does not mean that he sought to be an Achaemenid King in his own right; rather, he recognised the centrality of this ideology to local populations accepting his authority and the legitimacy of his rule.The symposium and komos in Aristophanes
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/21911
This thesis looks at the symposium and komos in Aristophanes and the comic fragments from two angles, considering the use of these forms of celebration to help shape a play's plot or to depict characters, and discussing the information found in comedy on some practical sympotic matters. The thesis explores the context of relevant scenes, the activities shown, their humour, and the social status of their characters. From this conclusions are drawn about the audience's sympotic-komastic knowledge. Both events serve mainly to express happiness in a particular dramatic context, usually celebrating a protagonist's achievement and depicting its results. They also generally help to create an atmosphere of exuberance, fitting the ethos of comedy. Both celebrations can accordingly be employed for their comic value alone, particularly when festive mockery is involved, including jokes about characters or public figures. However, excessive enjoyment of festive pleasures is also presented as turning into the self-centredness of certain characters, and distortions of sympotic and komastic practice can hint at disorder. Aristophanes' plays can be divided into three groups, depending on which circumstances make the partying possible, i.e. an achievement of peace, a change of other outer circumstances, or a character's maturation and its effects. Mostly aristocratic symposia are shown, but also some low-class celebrations. Furthermore, it is striking how detailed a sympotic knowledge some low-class characters display. Aristocratic symposia in comedy focus chiefly on their luxuriousness, which helps to draw attention to differences between characters' social status or to foreground a fortunate change of events. Lower class symposia focus on communality and on the pleasurable life of a group of characters. Komoi too appear in several varieties, ranging from dignified religious events to violent perversions. They support and reinforce the functions of symposia in the plays.
2001-01-01T00:00:00ZPütz, BabetteThis thesis looks at the symposium and komos in Aristophanes and the comic fragments from two angles, considering the use of these forms of celebration to help shape a play's plot or to depict characters, and discussing the information found in comedy on some practical sympotic matters. The thesis explores the context of relevant scenes, the activities shown, their humour, and the social status of their characters. From this conclusions are drawn about the audience's sympotic-komastic knowledge. Both events serve mainly to express happiness in a particular dramatic context, usually celebrating a protagonist's achievement and depicting its results. They also generally help to create an atmosphere of exuberance, fitting the ethos of comedy. Both celebrations can accordingly be employed for their comic value alone, particularly when festive mockery is involved, including jokes about characters or public figures. However, excessive enjoyment of festive pleasures is also presented as turning into the self-centredness of certain characters, and distortions of sympotic and komastic practice can hint at disorder. Aristophanes' plays can be divided into three groups, depending on which circumstances make the partying possible, i.e. an achievement of peace, a change of other outer circumstances, or a character's maturation and its effects. Mostly aristocratic symposia are shown, but also some low-class celebrations. Furthermore, it is striking how detailed a sympotic knowledge some low-class characters display. Aristocratic symposia in comedy focus chiefly on their luxuriousness, which helps to draw attention to differences between characters' social status or to foreground a fortunate change of events. Lower class symposia focus on communality and on the pleasurable life of a group of characters. Komoi too appear in several varieties, ranging from dignified religious events to violent perversions. They support and reinforce the functions of symposia in the plays.Representations of Idomeneus in Graeco-Roman sources and their reception in the West, to 1720
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/20103
The dissertation examines representations of Idomeneus, and of the myths and traditions associated with him, in Graeco-Roman literature, and their reception in the West (represented by Italy, France, Germany and England). It takes the following form: Chapter 1, the representations and their cultural significance; Chapter 2, the representation of Idomeneus in the Iliad; Chapter 3, accretive representations of Idomeneus, principally from Late Antiquity; Chapter 4, the transmission of the accretive representations to the West, their accessibility through vernacular translation and their assimilation in contemporary literature; Chapter 5, the transmission of the Iliadic representation of Idomeneus to the West, through the publication of the epic, first in an academic format, latterly as polite literature; Chapter 6, the association of Iliadic and accretive representations in literature and drama between 1699 and 1720; Chapter 7, summary and conclusion.
The dissertation addresses hitherto under-explored issues in the representation of Idomeneus. These include his limitations as an aristos in the Iliad; his gradual detachment from his associate, Meriones; his prominence in the English ‘interlude’, Horestes (1567); his treatment in Italian and French burlesque of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; his representation in fin-dix-septième French drama; and in Alexander Pope’s enlightened character study of 1720. These are supplemented by assessments of the impact of authorial/editorial omissions, paraphrases and interpolations on the representations; and of Idomeneus’ visibility in text, paratext and early ‘books of reference’, compared with that of his fellow-aristoi, the Aiantes, Diomedes, Nestor and Odysseus.
2020-07-30T00:00:00ZMcLaren, Colin AndrewThe dissertation examines representations of Idomeneus, and of the myths and traditions associated with him, in Graeco-Roman literature, and their reception in the West (represented by Italy, France, Germany and England). It takes the following form: Chapter 1, the representations and their cultural significance; Chapter 2, the representation of Idomeneus in the Iliad; Chapter 3, accretive representations of Idomeneus, principally from Late Antiquity; Chapter 4, the transmission of the accretive representations to the West, their accessibility through vernacular translation and their assimilation in contemporary literature; Chapter 5, the transmission of the Iliadic representation of Idomeneus to the West, through the publication of the epic, first in an academic format, latterly as polite literature; Chapter 6, the association of Iliadic and accretive representations in literature and drama between 1699 and 1720; Chapter 7, summary and conclusion.
The dissertation addresses hitherto under-explored issues in the representation of Idomeneus. These include his limitations as an aristos in the Iliad; his gradual detachment from his associate, Meriones; his prominence in the English ‘interlude’, Horestes (1567); his treatment in Italian and French burlesque of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; his representation in fin-dix-septième French drama; and in Alexander Pope’s enlightened character study of 1720. These are supplemented by assessments of the impact of authorial/editorial omissions, paraphrases and interpolations on the representations; and of Idomeneus’ visibility in text, paratext and early ‘books of reference’, compared with that of his fellow-aristoi, the Aiantes, Diomedes, Nestor and Odysseus.Achieving the unachievable : the male athletic body in Hellenistic and Roman art
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/19112
To date, the ancient athlete has been the focus of philosophical, political, and art
historical debate. Scholarship has largely neglected the investigation of the ancient
athlete for what he was – an athlete. Thus, this thesis seeks to understand what it meant
to be an ancient athlete by illustrating how athletic sculpture can provide insight into the
bodies of ancient athletes themselves. It is argued that athletic sculpture set the body
ideals that athletes wanted to achieve, and that those bodies were achievable, and
examines how they were achieved. This argument is illustrated using three case studies:
the Terme Boxer, the Ephesian and Croatian Apoxyomenoi, and the Farnese Hercules as
examples of athletic body types. Anatomical analysis of each of these case studies are
used to demonstrate how each of these figures anatomically displays a specific athletic
body type (i.e. boxer, wrestler, etc.). This examination addresses how these body types
would have been achieved in the ancient world, based on analysis of what is currently
known about ancient athletic training practices and utilizing modern sports science to
fill in the gaps in the ancient record on the athletic regimen.
The idealism of ancient sculpture is not ignored, but rather this thesis
acknowledges that artists intentionally manipulated sculptural forms to be more
aesthetically pleasing, but evidences that important anatomical details of the athletic
body were still observed. These anatomical details reflect a direct reference from real
athletic bodies that were achievable through the ancient athletic regimen. The objective
approach to anatomically viewing sculpture deployed in this dissertation and has not
been done to this extent in art historical literature to date. This approach provides the
opportunity to expand the current understanding of ancient athletic regimen and the
practicalities of the ancient athletic body.
2019-12-04T00:00:00ZSmith, CaitlanTo date, the ancient athlete has been the focus of philosophical, political, and art
historical debate. Scholarship has largely neglected the investigation of the ancient
athlete for what he was – an athlete. Thus, this thesis seeks to understand what it meant
to be an ancient athlete by illustrating how athletic sculpture can provide insight into the
bodies of ancient athletes themselves. It is argued that athletic sculpture set the body
ideals that athletes wanted to achieve, and that those bodies were achievable, and
examines how they were achieved. This argument is illustrated using three case studies:
the Terme Boxer, the Ephesian and Croatian Apoxyomenoi, and the Farnese Hercules as
examples of athletic body types. Anatomical analysis of each of these case studies are
used to demonstrate how each of these figures anatomically displays a specific athletic
body type (i.e. boxer, wrestler, etc.). This examination addresses how these body types
would have been achieved in the ancient world, based on analysis of what is currently
known about ancient athletic training practices and utilizing modern sports science to
fill in the gaps in the ancient record on the athletic regimen.
The idealism of ancient sculpture is not ignored, but rather this thesis
acknowledges that artists intentionally manipulated sculptural forms to be more
aesthetically pleasing, but evidences that important anatomical details of the athletic
body were still observed. These anatomical details reflect a direct reference from real
athletic bodies that were achievable through the ancient athletic regimen. The objective
approach to anatomically viewing sculpture deployed in this dissertation and has not
been done to this extent in art historical literature to date. This approach provides the
opportunity to expand the current understanding of ancient athletic regimen and the
practicalities of the ancient athletic body.Space, memory and ideology in Statius' 'Silvae' : applying Nora's concept of lieux de mémoire to a Flavian poet
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/18863
In my thesis I investigate the interaction between space, memory and ideology in Statius ‘Silvae’.
Previous scholarship on the ‘Silvae’ tends to focus on matters of ideology, perceiving Statius’
encomiastic message as either subservient of submissive. I try to get away from this two-sided
debate by focusing on Statius’ use of memory instead, using the concept of lieux de mémoire coined
by the French historian Pierre Nora. As some scholars have noted (most notably Geyssen and
Newlands) the ‘Silvae’ are quite unique in using spatial and architectural descriptions as the main
principle of organization for individual poems. What makes Statius’ approach truly unique in my
opinion, however, is his tendency to tap into memories associated with specific locations. In the
imperial poems of the ‘Silvae’, which are devoted to Domitian, Statius uses these sites of great
symbolical and cultural significance, which Nora would call lieux de mémoire, to evoke images and
concepts in his audience’s mind which are subsequently used to construct new explicitly Domitianic
lieux de mémoire. As I argue, this process can take on four distinct forms or phases: conflict,
appropriation, obliterations, and construction. At the centre of my investigation are three case
studies, three of the four imperial poems of the ‘Silvae’, each representing one particular type of lieu
de mémoire: the monument, the memory landscape, and the ritual/festival. The first chapter
discusses Silv. 1.1 on the ‘Equus Domitiani’, a new monument in the forum that competes with the old
monument and the respective memories that they represent. The second chapter deals with Silv. 4.3
on the new Domitian Highway. This new road activates memories in the Campanian countryside
which are then used by Statius to create a new Domitianic narrative. The last chapter deals with the
imperial palace as described in Silv. 4.2. Here, the omnipresence of Domitian pushes out all other
memories, creating the new ritual of the ‘Epulum Domitiani’ in the process.
2018-12-07T00:00:00ZSchuurmans Stekhoven, Coen WillemIn my thesis I investigate the interaction between space, memory and ideology in Statius ‘Silvae’.
Previous scholarship on the ‘Silvae’ tends to focus on matters of ideology, perceiving Statius’
encomiastic message as either subservient of submissive. I try to get away from this two-sided
debate by focusing on Statius’ use of memory instead, using the concept of lieux de mémoire coined
by the French historian Pierre Nora. As some scholars have noted (most notably Geyssen and
Newlands) the ‘Silvae’ are quite unique in using spatial and architectural descriptions as the main
principle of organization for individual poems. What makes Statius’ approach truly unique in my
opinion, however, is his tendency to tap into memories associated with specific locations. In the
imperial poems of the ‘Silvae’, which are devoted to Domitian, Statius uses these sites of great
symbolical and cultural significance, which Nora would call lieux de mémoire, to evoke images and
concepts in his audience’s mind which are subsequently used to construct new explicitly Domitianic
lieux de mémoire. As I argue, this process can take on four distinct forms or phases: conflict,
appropriation, obliterations, and construction. At the centre of my investigation are three case
studies, three of the four imperial poems of the ‘Silvae’, each representing one particular type of lieu
de mémoire: the monument, the memory landscape, and the ritual/festival. The first chapter
discusses Silv. 1.1 on the ‘Equus Domitiani’, a new monument in the forum that competes with the old
monument and the respective memories that they represent. The second chapter deals with Silv. 4.3
on the new Domitian Highway. This new road activates memories in the Campanian countryside
which are then used by Statius to create a new Domitianic narrative. The last chapter deals with the
imperial palace as described in Silv. 4.2. Here, the omnipresence of Domitian pushes out all other
memories, creating the new ritual of the ‘Epulum Domitiani’ in the process.When is Rome? : developments in Roman civic identity during the Archaic Period (c.650 - c.350 BC)
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/17776
This study investigates the origins and growth of civic identity at Rome during the city’s initial phases in the mid-seventh to the mid-fourth century BC. Although the development of Roman identity in the face of Rome’s wider Mediterranean expansion in the third and second centuries has received much scholarly attention, the early stages of the development – the foundations of this identity - have been largely neglected.
From the mid-seventh to the early-fifth century, the community at Rome seems to have gained an increasingly centralised focus. Discrete hilltop hut settlements give way to a more unified community centred around a newly created neutral area – the Forum Romanum. This new centralised focus may be indicative of the development of some form of communal identity at the site. The key to understanding this communal identity may lie in the complex social structure of archaic society in and around the site and the articulation of the community through foreign policy during this period. Although Comitia played a significant role in the development of the community, the evidence seems to indicate the central importance of one institution to its conceptualisation – the rex.
The evidence for this centralised focus, however, disappears early in the fifth century. Documentary evidence from the Twelve Tables does not provide any evidence for a strong conceptualisation of community. Furthermore, despite its unreliability, the literary evidence seems to suggest that throughout the fifth and fourth centuries, the community at Rome underwent a series of significant changes geared around the renegotiation of the connection between individuals and the community in the aftermath of the overthrow of the monarchy. This period of reconstruction of community laid the groundwork for the expansion of Rome throughout Italy and onto the wider Mediterranean political scene.
2019-06-27T00:00:00ZCrooks, James AndrewThis study investigates the origins and growth of civic identity at Rome during the city’s initial phases in the mid-seventh to the mid-fourth century BC. Although the development of Roman identity in the face of Rome’s wider Mediterranean expansion in the third and second centuries has received much scholarly attention, the early stages of the development – the foundations of this identity - have been largely neglected.
From the mid-seventh to the early-fifth century, the community at Rome seems to have gained an increasingly centralised focus. Discrete hilltop hut settlements give way to a more unified community centred around a newly created neutral area – the Forum Romanum. This new centralised focus may be indicative of the development of some form of communal identity at the site. The key to understanding this communal identity may lie in the complex social structure of archaic society in and around the site and the articulation of the community through foreign policy during this period. Although Comitia played a significant role in the development of the community, the evidence seems to indicate the central importance of one institution to its conceptualisation – the rex.
The evidence for this centralised focus, however, disappears early in the fifth century. Documentary evidence from the Twelve Tables does not provide any evidence for a strong conceptualisation of community. Furthermore, despite its unreliability, the literary evidence seems to suggest that throughout the fifth and fourth centuries, the community at Rome underwent a series of significant changes geared around the renegotiation of the connection between individuals and the community in the aftermath of the overthrow of the monarchy. This period of reconstruction of community laid the groundwork for the expansion of Rome throughout Italy and onto the wider Mediterranean political scene.A commentary on St. Augustine's De Doctrina Christiana book 2, chapters 1-40
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/17638
The aim of the introduction and commentary is to explore the nature
of the work, its sources and originality and the relationship of its
pagan and Christian background, in addition to elucidating the text
on certain points of content and language. The thesis is not,
therefore, primarily a philological commentary.
The introduction (including the supplement) consists of seven
sections:
A. The Date of the De Doctrina Christiana
B. The Place of the De Doctrina Christiana in Augustine's Thought
C. Augustine, Patristic Exegesis and the De Doctrina Christiana
1. The Aim of the De Doctrina Christiana
2. Augustine's Theory of Signs
3. Language
4. The Manuscripts
The conclusions are:
A. Books 1.3-3.35 were written in 396/7 and books 3.35 - end of 4
in 426/7. The prologue was probably written in 396/7.
B. It was quite natural for Augustine to begin writing on biblical
interpretation and its presentation in 396/7 with his renewed
interest in Scripture and to complete the work in his old age on
discovering it unfinished.
C. Augustine follows the general patristic approach to exegesis
whereby Scripture is interpreted literally and figuratively.
The D.C. does not provide a formal source for the mediaeval
concept of the 'Four Senses' of Scripture.
1. The work is aimed at anyone involved in the serious study of
Scripture and the proclamation of the Gospel.
2. The theory of signs indicates that in terms of structure the work
is typical of technical treatises in antiquity. As regards
content of the theory, there are various similarities with
classical authors: but, although none of these provide a basis
for the whole theory, the relationship to the works of Varro is
such that it seems a more
adequate solution to posit the final part of his De Lingua Latina as a major source, rather than
follow the line of other scholars who credit Augustine with more
originality.
3. The language and style are 'literary' rather than 'popular'.
The Christian idiom is most evident in vocabulary, as one would
expect, when Augustine is writing about specifically Christian
topics.
The commentary bears out these findings, showing Augustine making
an eclectic choice between pagan and Christian elements to suit his
own needs.
Section 4 of the introduction warns against paying too close
attention to the stemmata of the
CC and CSEL editions: contamination
is such that any attempt to organise the relationships of the
manuscripts must be treated with caution.
1980-01-01T00:00:00ZAtkinson, Sheila AnneThe aim of the introduction and commentary is to explore the nature
of the work, its sources and originality and the relationship of its
pagan and Christian background, in addition to elucidating the text
on certain points of content and language. The thesis is not,
therefore, primarily a philological commentary.
The introduction (including the supplement) consists of seven
sections:
A. The Date of the De Doctrina Christiana
B. The Place of the De Doctrina Christiana in Augustine's Thought
C. Augustine, Patristic Exegesis and the De Doctrina Christiana
1. The Aim of the De Doctrina Christiana
2. Augustine's Theory of Signs
3. Language
4. The Manuscripts
The conclusions are:
A. Books 1.3-3.35 were written in 396/7 and books 3.35 - end of 4
in 426/7. The prologue was probably written in 396/7.
B. It was quite natural for Augustine to begin writing on biblical
interpretation and its presentation in 396/7 with his renewed
interest in Scripture and to complete the work in his old age on
discovering it unfinished.
C. Augustine follows the general patristic approach to exegesis
whereby Scripture is interpreted literally and figuratively.
The D.C. does not provide a formal source for the mediaeval
concept of the 'Four Senses' of Scripture.
1. The work is aimed at anyone involved in the serious study of
Scripture and the proclamation of the Gospel.
2. The theory of signs indicates that in terms of structure the work
is typical of technical treatises in antiquity. As regards
content of the theory, there are various similarities with
classical authors: but, although none of these provide a basis
for the whole theory, the relationship to the works of Varro is
such that it seems a more
adequate solution to posit the final part of his De Lingua Latina as a major source, rather than
follow the line of other scholars who credit Augustine with more
originality.
3. The language and style are 'literary' rather than 'popular'.
The Christian idiom is most evident in vocabulary, as one would
expect, when Augustine is writing about specifically Christian
topics.
The commentary bears out these findings, showing Augustine making
an eclectic choice between pagan and Christian elements to suit his
own needs.
Section 4 of the introduction warns against paying too close
attention to the stemmata of the
CC and CSEL editions: contamination
is such that any attempt to organise the relationships of the
manuscripts must be treated with caution.The poetics and politics of Ovidian intertexts in Statius' Thebaid
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/17522
This thesis seeks to offer the first in-depth exploration of the extent and the significance of Ovidian intertexts in Statius’ Thebaid, with particular emphasis on the ways they interact with the readers’ perception of the material and sociocultural context of Flavian Rome. By studying the Thebaid’s post-Ovidian treatment of the landscape (Chapter One), of the heroes (Chapter Two), and of the divine (Chapter Three), I suggest that the poem maintains the poetic and political significance of Ovid’s Theban saga as a critical rewriting of the Aeneid and further develops it into a new reflection on the fissures of the Augustan foundational myths and their applicability to Flavian Rome. This exploration of the contrastive Virgilian-Ovidian intertextuality shaping the Thebaid’s narratives offers new insights not only into Statius’ competitive renegotiation of his relationship with both the Aeneid and the Metamorphoses, but also into the poem’s sophisticated engagement with the most important social, political and religious issues of its time.
2019-06-27T00:00:00ZSpinelli, TommasoThis thesis seeks to offer the first in-depth exploration of the extent and the significance of Ovidian intertexts in Statius’ Thebaid, with particular emphasis on the ways they interact with the readers’ perception of the material and sociocultural context of Flavian Rome. By studying the Thebaid’s post-Ovidian treatment of the landscape (Chapter One), of the heroes (Chapter Two), and of the divine (Chapter Three), I suggest that the poem maintains the poetic and political significance of Ovid’s Theban saga as a critical rewriting of the Aeneid and further develops it into a new reflection on the fissures of the Augustan foundational myths and their applicability to Flavian Rome. This exploration of the contrastive Virgilian-Ovidian intertextuality shaping the Thebaid’s narratives offers new insights not only into Statius’ competitive renegotiation of his relationship with both the Aeneid and the Metamorphoses, but also into the poem’s sophisticated engagement with the most important social, political and religious issues of its time.Madness in Socratic philosophy : Xenophon, Plato and Epictetus
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/17447
My central claim is that three Socratic philosophers, Xenophon, Plato and Epictetus, engage with views presented as non-philosophical in their discussions of madness, and this engagement, which has not been sufficiently treated by previous scholarship, plays a key role in each thinker’s distinct rhetorical strategy. Xenophon’s Socrates conserves a popular definition of madness in the Memorabilia, but adds his own account of what is similar to madness. Xenophon does not merely make Socrates transmit conventional views; instead, Socrates’ comparison allows Xenophon to take rhetorical advantage of popular attitudes while enlarging the apotreptic scope of madness. Socrates can use comparisons with madness to deal with a great many people, including his rivals, the natural scientists, and various interlocutors who, unlike the mad, can still benefit from his teaching. In the Phaedrus, Plato’s Socrates employs a concept of madness which, I argue, is applied without equivocation across both of his speeches in the first part of the dialogue. Importantly, Socrates’ inclusion of rational philosophy as a kind of madness is not presented as a distortion of this concept. The connections between madness, love and philosophy are drawn from non-philosophical material, in particular poetry and comedy, and Socrates engages with a popular caricature of the philosopher as eccentric or mad. Instead of rejecting the caricature, Socrates re-evaluates philosophical madness by explaining the transformation of the philosopher’s soul. Epictetus’ view of madness is less compromising, and this is to be expected considering the Stoic doctrine that all who are unwise are mad. Like earlier Stoics, however, Epictetus recognises a surprising range of non-Stoic distinctions within madness. Although he engages with these distinctions, he does so only to undermine them and to bring his audience round to the realisation that they are mad once their own views are applied consistently with respect to Stoic teaching.
2019-06-27T00:00:00ZShelton, Matthew JamesMy central claim is that three Socratic philosophers, Xenophon, Plato and Epictetus, engage with views presented as non-philosophical in their discussions of madness, and this engagement, which has not been sufficiently treated by previous scholarship, plays a key role in each thinker’s distinct rhetorical strategy. Xenophon’s Socrates conserves a popular definition of madness in the Memorabilia, but adds his own account of what is similar to madness. Xenophon does not merely make Socrates transmit conventional views; instead, Socrates’ comparison allows Xenophon to take rhetorical advantage of popular attitudes while enlarging the apotreptic scope of madness. Socrates can use comparisons with madness to deal with a great many people, including his rivals, the natural scientists, and various interlocutors who, unlike the mad, can still benefit from his teaching. In the Phaedrus, Plato’s Socrates employs a concept of madness which, I argue, is applied without equivocation across both of his speeches in the first part of the dialogue. Importantly, Socrates’ inclusion of rational philosophy as a kind of madness is not presented as a distortion of this concept. The connections between madness, love and philosophy are drawn from non-philosophical material, in particular poetry and comedy, and Socrates engages with a popular caricature of the philosopher as eccentric or mad. Instead of rejecting the caricature, Socrates re-evaluates philosophical madness by explaining the transformation of the philosopher’s soul. Epictetus’ view of madness is less compromising, and this is to be expected considering the Stoic doctrine that all who are unwise are mad. Like earlier Stoics, however, Epictetus recognises a surprising range of non-Stoic distinctions within madness. Although he engages with these distinctions, he does so only to undermine them and to bring his audience round to the realisation that they are mad once their own views are applied consistently with respect to Stoic teaching.Setting limits, pushing boundaries: Tacitus’ 'Agricola' and the simulacrum of history
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/17295
This thesis investigates the generic hybridity of Tacitus’ Agricola, a text whose experimental nature still represents a literary puzzle, not only within Tacitus’ historiographical output, but also as a piece of Roman literature produced during the Imperial period. This research aims to look more closely at the interpretative potential of the generic overlapping taking place in the Agricola, arguing that the text exhibits an author thinking and operating historiographically within the frame of a Roman vita.
How does the generic instability of the Agricola affect its interpretability? I shall demonstrate that the experimentation readers can perceive in the Agricola at the level of forms emphasises the question of how to represent the past under autocratic regimes, especially from a senatorial perspective. I argue that Tacitus’ first work is a sophisticated metaphor in that it depicts Agricola setting the limits of the empire, and at the same time it envisages the Agricola pushing the boundaries of genre – which accordingly calls into question the very function of history writing in Tacitus’ day.
By analysing the text’s macro and micro-structures (from the structural rings down to sentence structure), this thesis will illustrate the way in which the Agricola exhibits a war narrative embedded within a biography. Furthermore, by reading Tacitus’ Agricola in its historico-literary setting, this thesis will contribute to advance our understanding of the phenomenon of transitions as experienced by Romans during the Imperial age. Particularly in the Agricola, the aesthetics of transition exhibits the manner in which literature is employed to provide successive political crises with a palliative and coherent narrative, making sense of the change and asserting the role Tacitus and his peers must perform within the new historico-literary landscape.
2019-06-27T00:00:00ZGonzález Rojas, Pablo JavierThis thesis investigates the generic hybridity of Tacitus’ Agricola, a text whose experimental nature still represents a literary puzzle, not only within Tacitus’ historiographical output, but also as a piece of Roman literature produced during the Imperial period. This research aims to look more closely at the interpretative potential of the generic overlapping taking place in the Agricola, arguing that the text exhibits an author thinking and operating historiographically within the frame of a Roman vita.
How does the generic instability of the Agricola affect its interpretability? I shall demonstrate that the experimentation readers can perceive in the Agricola at the level of forms emphasises the question of how to represent the past under autocratic regimes, especially from a senatorial perspective. I argue that Tacitus’ first work is a sophisticated metaphor in that it depicts Agricola setting the limits of the empire, and at the same time it envisages the Agricola pushing the boundaries of genre – which accordingly calls into question the very function of history writing in Tacitus’ day.
By analysing the text’s macro and micro-structures (from the structural rings down to sentence structure), this thesis will illustrate the way in which the Agricola exhibits a war narrative embedded within a biography. Furthermore, by reading Tacitus’ Agricola in its historico-literary setting, this thesis will contribute to advance our understanding of the phenomenon of transitions as experienced by Romans during the Imperial age. Particularly in the Agricola, the aesthetics of transition exhibits the manner in which literature is employed to provide successive political crises with a palliative and coherent narrative, making sense of the change and asserting the role Tacitus and his peers must perform within the new historico-literary landscape.The erudite world: the transformation of Solinus' 'Collectanea rerum memorabilium', or 'Polyhistor' in late antique geographical writing
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/17055
What is the point of compiling anachronistic geographical facts? Why did Solinus’ Collectanea rerum memorabilium have such an enduring influence on later geographies — and how does each geography transform this traditional knowledge into something relevant and new? These questions underlie this study of the Collectanea’s reuse in late antique geographical compilations. The study wends its way across the Mediterranean and spans the third/fourth to seventh centuries, tracing the evolution of Solinus’ ideas through Martianus Capella’s De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii, Priscian’s Periegesis, and Isidore’s Etymologiae. There emerges an intricate picture of one strand of late antique geographical writing, which is then situated within a wider literary and historical context. These three writers look to Solinus as an expert — especially for the geography of far-away and exotic places — but his ideas are recontextualised within new ideologies. Ultimately, each text, responding to contemporary concerns, represents an utterly distinct world. The first chapter discusses the privileged position of compilation in ancient writing, and summarises some of the most relevant precedents for our study in the geographical and paradoxographical traditions. The rest of the study concerns individual texts. Chapter 2 argues that geography in the Nuptiae is connected to the work’s neoplatonic allegory: basic knowledge about the world, such as Solinus’ historical and ethnographic facts, is connected to the soul’s philosophical ascent. Chapter 3 identifies the Periegesis as a hellenising Christian poem, where Solinus’ mirabilia demonstrate the munificence of Nature’s divine order. Chapter 4 explores the Etymologiae as a Christian cosmography, which connects all elements of human and divine life and learning to their divine origin; Solinus’ wealth of detailed natural history, recoloured through Isidore’s Christian lens, helps to shade in this world. These compilations imitate ancient sources, but each promotes a new understanding of the natural world and the literary past. This study of late antique geographical compilations thus reveals the immense creativity behind such retellings.
2019-01-09T00:00:00ZBélanger, Caroline EmilyWhat is the point of compiling anachronistic geographical facts? Why did Solinus’ Collectanea rerum memorabilium have such an enduring influence on later geographies — and how does each geography transform this traditional knowledge into something relevant and new? These questions underlie this study of the Collectanea’s reuse in late antique geographical compilations. The study wends its way across the Mediterranean and spans the third/fourth to seventh centuries, tracing the evolution of Solinus’ ideas through Martianus Capella’s De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii, Priscian’s Periegesis, and Isidore’s Etymologiae. There emerges an intricate picture of one strand of late antique geographical writing, which is then situated within a wider literary and historical context. These three writers look to Solinus as an expert — especially for the geography of far-away and exotic places — but his ideas are recontextualised within new ideologies. Ultimately, each text, responding to contemporary concerns, represents an utterly distinct world. The first chapter discusses the privileged position of compilation in ancient writing, and summarises some of the most relevant precedents for our study in the geographical and paradoxographical traditions. The rest of the study concerns individual texts. Chapter 2 argues that geography in the Nuptiae is connected to the work’s neoplatonic allegory: basic knowledge about the world, such as Solinus’ historical and ethnographic facts, is connected to the soul’s philosophical ascent. Chapter 3 identifies the Periegesis as a hellenising Christian poem, where Solinus’ mirabilia demonstrate the munificence of Nature’s divine order. Chapter 4 explores the Etymologiae as a Christian cosmography, which connects all elements of human and divine life and learning to their divine origin; Solinus’ wealth of detailed natural history, recoloured through Isidore’s Christian lens, helps to shade in this world. These compilations imitate ancient sources, but each promotes a new understanding of the natural world and the literary past. This study of late antique geographical compilations thus reveals the immense creativity behind such retellings. Aberration and criminality in Senecan tragedy
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/16476
This thesis tackles the pervasiveness of aberration in Senecan tragedy. Aberration infects all aspects of the drama, and it is deeply entwined with Senecan criminality. In my introduction, I define my terminology of the aberrant, and I discuss a series of ongoing scholarly debates on the tragedies, showing how understanding the aberrant in Seneca’s dramas can shed new light on these questions.
In Chapter 1, I examine the relationship between the language of crime in the plays, tracing the Latin words for crime back to their instances in Republican Roman tragedy and other genres and seeing how Seneca uses and develops this language of crime, creating an unstable fuel for his dramas.
In Chapter 2, I consider Seneca’s paradoxes. I consider not only verbal manifestations but all the different paradoxes that appear in the dramas: visual paradoxes, paradoxes of infinity, thematic paradoxes, intertextual paradoxes and more. Paradox is not merely a formal feature of Seneca’s writing but integral to the structure of each play. Paradox becomes Seneca’s means of transforming linguistic aberration into thematic aberration.
In Chapter 3, I argue that Senecan landscapes are not just verbal artefacts. Seneca describes his anomalous spaces in ways that connect with how space and place was experienced in Roman culture. Seneca’s aberrant spaces give us buildings that are bigger on the inside than the outside and bodies that explode with the emotions within them.
In Chapter 4, I probe aberrant behaviour, by considering the ambiguous characters of Hercules and Thyestes. I expand our focus to incorporate Roman notions of appropriate behaviour, reading the dramas and De Beneficiis as reflecting wider socio-cultural concerns, and I question common assumptions about the thematization of theatricality in Senecan tragedy. In both Hercules Furens and Thyestes, crime skews and twists the situation, rendering apparently ethical behaviour aberrant.
2018-12-07T00:00:00ZPayne, MatthewThis thesis tackles the pervasiveness of aberration in Senecan tragedy. Aberration infects all aspects of the drama, and it is deeply entwined with Senecan criminality. In my introduction, I define my terminology of the aberrant, and I discuss a series of ongoing scholarly debates on the tragedies, showing how understanding the aberrant in Seneca’s dramas can shed new light on these questions.
In Chapter 1, I examine the relationship between the language of crime in the plays, tracing the Latin words for crime back to their instances in Republican Roman tragedy and other genres and seeing how Seneca uses and develops this language of crime, creating an unstable fuel for his dramas.
In Chapter 2, I consider Seneca’s paradoxes. I consider not only verbal manifestations but all the different paradoxes that appear in the dramas: visual paradoxes, paradoxes of infinity, thematic paradoxes, intertextual paradoxes and more. Paradox is not merely a formal feature of Seneca’s writing but integral to the structure of each play. Paradox becomes Seneca’s means of transforming linguistic aberration into thematic aberration.
In Chapter 3, I argue that Senecan landscapes are not just verbal artefacts. Seneca describes his anomalous spaces in ways that connect with how space and place was experienced in Roman culture. Seneca’s aberrant spaces give us buildings that are bigger on the inside than the outside and bodies that explode with the emotions within them.
In Chapter 4, I probe aberrant behaviour, by considering the ambiguous characters of Hercules and Thyestes. I expand our focus to incorporate Roman notions of appropriate behaviour, reading the dramas and De Beneficiis as reflecting wider socio-cultural concerns, and I question common assumptions about the thematization of theatricality in Senecan tragedy. In both Hercules Furens and Thyestes, crime skews and twists the situation, rendering apparently ethical behaviour aberrant.The Aurunci and Sidicini
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/16365
2017-11-01T00:00:00ZSmith, Christopher JohnThe Constantian orations : a contextual analysis of self-presentation in Libanius' 'Orr.' 59, 11, 61 and 31
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15923
A total of sixty-four orations survive from the hand of Libanius.
Four of these speeches were delivered under the reign of
Constantius II (AD 337-361) and thus form a distinct chronological
cluster in the Libanian corpus. The Constantian orations include
Or. 59 To Constantius II and Constans (AD 346-9), Or. 11 The
Antiochikos (AD 356), Or. 61 Monody on Nicomedia (AD 358), and
Or. 61 For the teachers (AD 360-1). This study adopts a diachronic
approach and analyses the historical and literary context of each
Constantian oration with a particular focus on Libanius' self-
presentation. The study suggests that Libanius’ self-presentation
was characterised by adaptability and versatility; it shows Libanius
exploring a range of different genres and communicating with
attentiveness to context and audience. The thesis also argues that
Libanius’ attitude to and engagement with Constantius’ court
fluctuated significantly from the delivery of Libanius’ panegyric in
the mid- to late 340s where Libanius supported Constantius after
his defeat in the battle of Singara, over Libanius’ encomium to
Antioch in 356 where Libanius emphasised the strong connection
between the Emperor and the city following the devastating reign
of Gallus Caesar, to the delivery of For the teachers in 360-361,
where Libanius publically voiced his criticism of the Emperor’s
cultural and religious policies after Libanius himself had lost
imperial funding. Furthermore, the study displays the continued
importance of oratory in Late Antiquity and emphasises the central
role of sophists both as commentators and mediators in society.
2017-01-01T00:00:00ZGreenlee, Christine Lund KochA total of sixty-four orations survive from the hand of Libanius.
Four of these speeches were delivered under the reign of
Constantius II (AD 337-361) and thus form a distinct chronological
cluster in the Libanian corpus. The Constantian orations include
Or. 59 To Constantius II and Constans (AD 346-9), Or. 11 The
Antiochikos (AD 356), Or. 61 Monody on Nicomedia (AD 358), and
Or. 61 For the teachers (AD 360-1). This study adopts a diachronic
approach and analyses the historical and literary context of each
Constantian oration with a particular focus on Libanius' self-
presentation. The study suggests that Libanius’ self-presentation
was characterised by adaptability and versatility; it shows Libanius
exploring a range of different genres and communicating with
attentiveness to context and audience. The thesis also argues that
Libanius’ attitude to and engagement with Constantius’ court
fluctuated significantly from the delivery of Libanius’ panegyric in
the mid- to late 340s where Libanius supported Constantius after
his defeat in the battle of Singara, over Libanius’ encomium to
Antioch in 356 where Libanius emphasised the strong connection
between the Emperor and the city following the devastating reign
of Gallus Caesar, to the delivery of For the teachers in 360-361,
where Libanius publically voiced his criticism of the Emperor’s
cultural and religious policies after Libanius himself had lost
imperial funding. Furthermore, the study displays the continued
importance of oratory in Late Antiquity and emphasises the central
role of sophists both as commentators and mediators in society.Forgetting the Juvenalien in our midst : literary amnesia in the satires
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15742
2018-02-01T00:00:00ZGeue, Tom AlexanderTitle redacted
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15693
2016-01-01T00:00:00ZVermeulen, Anouk ElineThe collected works of J.M. Falckenburg
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15535
Jacob Milich Falckenburg has on rare occasions in the twentieth century received recognition in notes and scholarly afterthoughts for his Latin verse retelling of the Apollonius of Tyre romance and dedicatory poem to Queen Elizabeth in 1578. In his own time Falckenburg, as a member of a wide circle of Central European humanists, served as a courtier and agent for the Holy Roman Empire and composed a range of verse which saw print in cities from Gdansk to London between 1564 and 1579. Prior to this study, the known facts of Falckenburg's life and works have been restricted to information gleaned from a limited number of the poet's printed works. Collected here are Jacob of Falckenburg's known works, together with a biographical sketch and a brief survey of his printed works. The biography of Jacob of Falckenburg traces the poet's movements from his early years in Wittenberg and Breslau, as a member of an important humanist family, through Vienna, Paris and Antwerp to London, while the survey of his printed works demonstrates that in his nearly twelve thousand lines of poetry Falckenburg has often relied on adaptation in his treatment of diverse subjects. Falckenburg's poetry is shown to include a number of epithalamia and celebratory poems, including three on Henri, King of Poland, while his religious works consist of paraphrases of scripture and sacred meditations. Jacob's magnum opus is the Historia Divi Apollonii, a Latin hexameter version of the Apollonius of Tyre romance. The importance of this poem in the context of the Apollonius romance's Latin and English traditions and, in particular, as a likely source for the play Pericles, Prince of Tyre, has warranted in this study a detailed discussion and commentary.
1989-01-01T00:00:00ZCarawan, MarkJacob Milich Falckenburg has on rare occasions in the twentieth century received recognition in notes and scholarly afterthoughts for his Latin verse retelling of the Apollonius of Tyre romance and dedicatory poem to Queen Elizabeth in 1578. In his own time Falckenburg, as a member of a wide circle of Central European humanists, served as a courtier and agent for the Holy Roman Empire and composed a range of verse which saw print in cities from Gdansk to London between 1564 and 1579. Prior to this study, the known facts of Falckenburg's life and works have been restricted to information gleaned from a limited number of the poet's printed works. Collected here are Jacob of Falckenburg's known works, together with a biographical sketch and a brief survey of his printed works. The biography of Jacob of Falckenburg traces the poet's movements from his early years in Wittenberg and Breslau, as a member of an important humanist family, through Vienna, Paris and Antwerp to London, while the survey of his printed works demonstrates that in his nearly twelve thousand lines of poetry Falckenburg has often relied on adaptation in his treatment of diverse subjects. Falckenburg's poetry is shown to include a number of epithalamia and celebratory poems, including three on Henri, King of Poland, while his religious works consist of paraphrases of scripture and sacred meditations. Jacob's magnum opus is the Historia Divi Apollonii, a Latin hexameter version of the Apollonius of Tyre romance. The importance of this poem in the context of the Apollonius romance's Latin and English traditions and, in particular, as a likely source for the play Pericles, Prince of Tyre, has warranted in this study a detailed discussion and commentary.Tacitus's characteristic exploitation of geographical setting
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15512
The aim of this thesis is to examine Tacitus's treatment of geographical material in his historical works, considering his sources, his methods and his intentions. In the first six chapters, each of which deals with a particular area which Tacitus describes, there is firstly a discussion of what information was available to Tacitus, and of the likelihood that he employed each source. This is followed by an examination of his purposes in including geographical references to the place concerned, then Tacitus's description is considered in greater detail in support of the purpose(s) suggested. Chapters 7 and 8 aim to put Tacitus's treatment of geography into the perspective of historiographical writing by showing the approach taken by the major surviving historians of the Classical period, and the growth of a convention of geographical description. There is an appendix, in tabular form, which outlines the geographical passages in each historian and the proportion which these occupy of the work of each author.
1983-01-01T00:00:00ZMorton, Jean CairistionaThe aim of this thesis is to examine Tacitus's treatment of geographical material in his historical works, considering his sources, his methods and his intentions. In the first six chapters, each of which deals with a particular area which Tacitus describes, there is firstly a discussion of what information was available to Tacitus, and of the likelihood that he employed each source. This is followed by an examination of his purposes in including geographical references to the place concerned, then Tacitus's description is considered in greater detail in support of the purpose(s) suggested. Chapters 7 and 8 aim to put Tacitus's treatment of geography into the perspective of historiographical writing by showing the approach taken by the major surviving historians of the Classical period, and the growth of a convention of geographical description. There is an appendix, in tabular form, which outlines the geographical passages in each historian and the proportion which these occupy of the work of each author.Seneca's 'Phoenissae' : introduction and commentary
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15510
The Introduction deals primarily with issues regarding Seneca's Phoenissae specifically, but includes some discussion of more general questions. It consists of the following sections: 1. Title (in which the problem of the two titles, Phoenissae and Thebais, is considered); 2. The Nature and Structure of the Work (which includes discussion of; the unity and state of completion of the Phoenissae, the question of the absence of a chorus, the possibility that the prologue is missing, the ending of the play, Seneca's dramatic purpose); 3. Seneca's Treatment of the Theban Legend (in which Seneca's debt to both his dramatic and non-dramatic precursors is discussed); 4. Philosophy, Rhetoric and Politics in the Phoenissae; 5. Staging (in which there is a general consideration of the question, followed by a discussion of the particular difficulties involved in the Phoenissae); 6. Chronology (which deals with the problem of dating Seneca's plays and the criteria for establishing a relative chronology). The Commentary is a line-by-line literary analysis of the Phoenissae, which includes discussion of syntactical, metrical, textual and philological questions. It is based on the 1986 OCT text of Otto Zwierlein.
1990-01-01T00:00:00ZFrank, MaricaThe Introduction deals primarily with issues regarding Seneca's Phoenissae specifically, but includes some discussion of more general questions. It consists of the following sections: 1. Title (in which the problem of the two titles, Phoenissae and Thebais, is considered); 2. The Nature and Structure of the Work (which includes discussion of; the unity and state of completion of the Phoenissae, the question of the absence of a chorus, the possibility that the prologue is missing, the ending of the play, Seneca's dramatic purpose); 3. Seneca's Treatment of the Theban Legend (in which Seneca's debt to both his dramatic and non-dramatic precursors is discussed); 4. Philosophy, Rhetoric and Politics in the Phoenissae; 5. Staging (in which there is a general consideration of the question, followed by a discussion of the particular difficulties involved in the Phoenissae); 6. Chronology (which deals with the problem of dating Seneca's plays and the criteria for establishing a relative chronology). The Commentary is a line-by-line literary analysis of the Phoenissae, which includes discussion of syntactical, metrical, textual and philological questions. It is based on the 1986 OCT text of Otto Zwierlein.Petronius' 'Satyrica' : sources and affinities
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15508
In the ongoing debate over the genre of the Satyricon of Petronius, the theories that the work is a parody of the Greek romance or that it is a mock-epic have reached a level of orthodoxy. The Satyricon's stylistic and thematic affinities to satire, mime. New Comedy and the comic romance have supported a lively debate in the academic community also. However, the rhetorical basis of Petronius has been largely overlooked. In this thesis, I challenge the orthodox arguments of Greek romance and mock-epic, and I propose alternative literary sources for consideration, in particular that of Roman declamation. In Chapter I, I look at the structure of the epic: the function of the ira Priapi in relation to Homer's Poseidon and the occasion-problem-resolution structural pattern of epic with regard to the Satyricon's form. This yields interesting questions about the validity of the mock-epic argument. Similarly, in Chapter II, I challenge the Greek romance parody hypothesis on several levels. A brief look through the chronology of the Greek romance shows its height of popularity a full century or more after Petronius. A study of Giton and Encolpius, the central couple of the Satyricon, demonstrates significant differences in their characterization from any personae of Greek romance. Additionally, the entire cast of Petronius assumes a different position in society than does the cast of Greek romance. Further into Chapter II, I debate the more recent assertions that the Satyricon is indebted (via Greek romance) to Near Eastern and Egyptian literature. Lastly, I discuss as influential on Petronius, several other genres of narrative fiction: [Greek characters], and the comic romance. In Chapter III, I put forward as an argument Petronius' debt to Roman declamation, which has been heretofore virtually ignored. In the first half of the chapter, I discuss counterparts in theme and style between the scenes of the Satyricon and Roman declamation cases. In the latter half of the chapter, I examine the cast of Petronius as a whole, finding counterparts in declamation literature and other genres with which the Satyricon has affinities. This study of character seems to show that a majority of the cast comes from the world of declamation.
1995-01-01T00:00:00ZRodriguez, Kate HendricksIn the ongoing debate over the genre of the Satyricon of Petronius, the theories that the work is a parody of the Greek romance or that it is a mock-epic have reached a level of orthodoxy. The Satyricon's stylistic and thematic affinities to satire, mime. New Comedy and the comic romance have supported a lively debate in the academic community also. However, the rhetorical basis of Petronius has been largely overlooked. In this thesis, I challenge the orthodox arguments of Greek romance and mock-epic, and I propose alternative literary sources for consideration, in particular that of Roman declamation. In Chapter I, I look at the structure of the epic: the function of the ira Priapi in relation to Homer's Poseidon and the occasion-problem-resolution structural pattern of epic with regard to the Satyricon's form. This yields interesting questions about the validity of the mock-epic argument. Similarly, in Chapter II, I challenge the Greek romance parody hypothesis on several levels. A brief look through the chronology of the Greek romance shows its height of popularity a full century or more after Petronius. A study of Giton and Encolpius, the central couple of the Satyricon, demonstrates significant differences in their characterization from any personae of Greek romance. Additionally, the entire cast of Petronius assumes a different position in society than does the cast of Greek romance. Further into Chapter II, I debate the more recent assertions that the Satyricon is indebted (via Greek romance) to Near Eastern and Egyptian literature. Lastly, I discuss as influential on Petronius, several other genres of narrative fiction: [Greek characters], and the comic romance. In Chapter III, I put forward as an argument Petronius' debt to Roman declamation, which has been heretofore virtually ignored. In the first half of the chapter, I discuss counterparts in theme and style between the scenes of the Satyricon and Roman declamation cases. In the latter half of the chapter, I examine the cast of Petronius as a whole, finding counterparts in declamation literature and other genres with which the Satyricon has affinities. This study of character seems to show that a majority of the cast comes from the world of declamation.The protagonists in the satires of Juvenal
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15502
The persona theory has been applied to various branches of Latin poetry, but is incomplete without also considering both audience and, where relevant, addressee. By extension it may be seen that not only addressees, but also characters talked about mould the style of a speaker, and ancient rhetorical precept and practice confirm this. This study concerns all the major characters in Juvenal's satires who have such an effect on the author's persona. In a literary work the background to such characters must somehow be given to the audience: in a play, by the context; in non-dramatic work, by the use of known characters or character-types made recognisable by, inter alia, the conventional or verbal associations of their names. This study therefore contains a prior investigation into the ways in which Juvenal signals aspects of his theme or treatment by means of the names of such characters.
1987-01-01T00:00:00ZJones, Frederick Malcolm AnthonyThe persona theory has been applied to various branches of Latin poetry, but is incomplete without also considering both audience and, where relevant, addressee. By extension it may be seen that not only addressees, but also characters talked about mould the style of a speaker, and ancient rhetorical precept and practice confirm this. This study concerns all the major characters in Juvenal's satires who have such an effect on the author's persona. In a literary work the background to such characters must somehow be given to the audience: in a play, by the context; in non-dramatic work, by the use of known characters or character-types made recognisable by, inter alia, the conventional or verbal associations of their names. This study therefore contains a prior investigation into the ways in which Juvenal signals aspects of his theme or treatment by means of the names of such characters.A commentary on select 'Epistles' of Horace
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15501
Horace's first book of Epistles comprise twenty poems which purport to be written by him to persons of varying ages and stations in life. They are not real letters, but rather are so shaped as to give the flavour of a letter. However, while they are artfully contrived, there is no reason to doubt that each addressee was a real person, and it is the clear personal element which is one of their most attractive features. I have selected two epistles which well illustrate Horace's capacity to relate to other people, while at the same time revealing something of his own self. Epistle l.4- shows his concern for his contemporary and fellow poet, Tibullus, and culminates in the carpe diem advice which Horace had expressed often in his Odes 1-3, published prior to the Epistles. His invitation to Tibullus recalls the sympotic motif familiar in many Odes where reflections on the shortness and precariousness of life lead to a summons to enjoy the present positively. Sociability and friendship will bring Tibullus out of himself. Repeatedly in the Epistles we see Horace stressing the value of friendship, and it is this aspect of human relations which reveals something of the poet's own sense of values and priorities. In contrast to the whimsical and gently teasing tone of Ep. 1.4 (where Horace is dealing with a social equal and cultured figure from the literary world) to his vilicus shows Horace as the master dealing with a recalcitrant slave who is dissatisfied with his posting to the country. Horace firmly encourages him to a more reasonable view of his position and superbly shows his versatility in adapting his style and language to the level of a mere slave and social inferior. The theme of discontent with one's lot recalls several Odes, while the city versus country theme recurs in several Epistles, notably 1.7 and 1.10, it recalls one of his favourite themes of the 30's; cf. Sat. 2.6 and Epode 2 where Horace yearned for the countryside, and a life of leisured otium. Both Epistles demonstrate the range of Horace's correspondence, and his prescription for bringing his addressees to an awareness of the best way to happiness and contentment.
1988-01-01T00:00:00ZDavidson, Graham Donald ForbesHorace's first book of Epistles comprise twenty poems which purport to be written by him to persons of varying ages and stations in life. They are not real letters, but rather are so shaped as to give the flavour of a letter. However, while they are artfully contrived, there is no reason to doubt that each addressee was a real person, and it is the clear personal element which is one of their most attractive features. I have selected two epistles which well illustrate Horace's capacity to relate to other people, while at the same time revealing something of his own self. Epistle l.4- shows his concern for his contemporary and fellow poet, Tibullus, and culminates in the carpe diem advice which Horace had expressed often in his Odes 1-3, published prior to the Epistles. His invitation to Tibullus recalls the sympotic motif familiar in many Odes where reflections on the shortness and precariousness of life lead to a summons to enjoy the present positively. Sociability and friendship will bring Tibullus out of himself. Repeatedly in the Epistles we see Horace stressing the value of friendship, and it is this aspect of human relations which reveals something of the poet's own sense of values and priorities. In contrast to the whimsical and gently teasing tone of Ep. 1.4 (where Horace is dealing with a social equal and cultured figure from the literary world) to his vilicus shows Horace as the master dealing with a recalcitrant slave who is dissatisfied with his posting to the country. Horace firmly encourages him to a more reasonable view of his position and superbly shows his versatility in adapting his style and language to the level of a mere slave and social inferior. The theme of discontent with one's lot recalls several Odes, while the city versus country theme recurs in several Epistles, notably 1.7 and 1.10, it recalls one of his favourite themes of the 30's; cf. Sat. 2.6 and Epode 2 where Horace yearned for the countryside, and a life of leisured otium. Both Epistles demonstrate the range of Horace's correspondence, and his prescription for bringing his addressees to an awareness of the best way to happiness and contentment.Apuleius and Lyly
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15499
This work is a study of the contribution which Apuleius' Metamorphoses made to the development of the Euphuistic style apparent in John Lyly's Euphuest The Anatomy of Wit. While not proving conclusively Apuleius' direct influence on Lyly's work" it does provide a sound argument that Meta- morphoses exhibits the same Euphuistic elements present in Euphues. To illustrate the similarities between these two works, a study of the authors' lives, of thematic similarities in the works, of the origin of Euphuism, and of the grammatical devices in both works has been included. The authors' lives are examined primarily in respect to their education and works, along with an analysis of probable influences on their writing styles. Furthermore, the influence of Adlington's translation of Metamorphoses and of Lyly's Euphues on the Renaissance Period in England is considered. Within this study, the two works are presented as possible autobiographies. Besides an analysis of the authors' lives, a discussion of theme and plot similarities reveals that each work deals with a protagonist's difficulties due to his reckless curiosity. Ultimately, both heroes are punished for their curiosity (Lucius in his transformation into an ass and Euphues in his loss of Lucilia), and both heroes receive some mercy (Luicus through his dedication to Isis and Euphues through his vow to forsake women and to pursue education). An analysis of Euphuism's origin begins by defining the Euphuistic style Lyly employs and by studying the Asianic influence on that style. Moreover, an examination of past theories concerning the origin of Euphuism is included as they represent conflicting opinions on that source. At this point, a discussion of Apuleius' debt to the classics illustrates that both Apuleius and Lyly draw upon the same sources in creating a Euphuistic style, though both of these authors exhibit similar stylistic traits which set them apart from these sources. Having surveyed various theories on the origin of Euphuism, an analysis of the development of style in Apuleius' Metamor-phoses and Lyly' s Euphues t The Anatomy of Wit is organized into two separate chapters; one deals with the usage of individual letters (including annomination, transverse alliteration, assonance, consonance, and rhyme), while the other concerns the usage of the word as a unit (antithesis of ideas and sounds, isocola, pleonasm, personification, puns, repetition, rhetorical questions, and classical allusions), Finally, conclusions regarding the authors' similarities in style are drawn. Here, the stylistic differences due to the two separate languages employed and common factors present in both works are examined in detail, a complete frequency chart of grammatical devices in both works is included to document clearly the evidence presented.
1982-01-01T00:00:00ZRawlings, Linda EdwardsThis work is a study of the contribution which Apuleius' Metamorphoses made to the development of the Euphuistic style apparent in John Lyly's Euphuest The Anatomy of Wit. While not proving conclusively Apuleius' direct influence on Lyly's work" it does provide a sound argument that Meta- morphoses exhibits the same Euphuistic elements present in Euphues. To illustrate the similarities between these two works, a study of the authors' lives, of thematic similarities in the works, of the origin of Euphuism, and of the grammatical devices in both works has been included. The authors' lives are examined primarily in respect to their education and works, along with an analysis of probable influences on their writing styles. Furthermore, the influence of Adlington's translation of Metamorphoses and of Lyly's Euphues on the Renaissance Period in England is considered. Within this study, the two works are presented as possible autobiographies. Besides an analysis of the authors' lives, a discussion of theme and plot similarities reveals that each work deals with a protagonist's difficulties due to his reckless curiosity. Ultimately, both heroes are punished for their curiosity (Lucius in his transformation into an ass and Euphues in his loss of Lucilia), and both heroes receive some mercy (Luicus through his dedication to Isis and Euphues through his vow to forsake women and to pursue education). An analysis of Euphuism's origin begins by defining the Euphuistic style Lyly employs and by studying the Asianic influence on that style. Moreover, an examination of past theories concerning the origin of Euphuism is included as they represent conflicting opinions on that source. At this point, a discussion of Apuleius' debt to the classics illustrates that both Apuleius and Lyly draw upon the same sources in creating a Euphuistic style, though both of these authors exhibit similar stylistic traits which set them apart from these sources. Having surveyed various theories on the origin of Euphuism, an analysis of the development of style in Apuleius' Metamor-phoses and Lyly' s Euphues t The Anatomy of Wit is organized into two separate chapters; one deals with the usage of individual letters (including annomination, transverse alliteration, assonance, consonance, and rhyme), while the other concerns the usage of the word as a unit (antithesis of ideas and sounds, isocola, pleonasm, personification, puns, repetition, rhetorical questions, and classical allusions), Finally, conclusions regarding the authors' similarities in style are drawn. Here, the stylistic differences due to the two separate languages employed and common factors present in both works are examined in detail, a complete frequency chart of grammatical devices in both works is included to document clearly the evidence presented.Shared themes in the Roman elegists
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15497
The thesis is a detailed analysis of a selection of poems on similar themes by the Roman elegists in an attempt to estimate the originality of each poet in his treatment of each theme. The literary history of the themes prior to their occurrence in elegy is also considered. The study opens with a discussion of two "generic" themes, the paraclausithyron and the propempticon ("generic" here being used in the sense of classification in terms of the poems' content). It is demonstrated that while the elegists were certainly aware of the Greek komastic tradition and the many topoi associated with it, they are also distinctively Roman and individualistic in their handling of the theme of the exclusus amator (in particular in their employment of religious language in the address to the door). The section on the propempticon concerns Prop.18 and Ovid Am.2.11, and again it is argued that while both poets were aware of the generic conventions deriving from Greek literature, (those of the "schetliastic propempticon") they have made a traditional form serve their own purposes, Propertius "dramatising" the situation (Cyntbia at 1.8.26 is persuaded not to leave) and Ovid flippantly exaggerating and cleverly manipulating the topoi of the genre. The second chapter focusses on three themes which seem to have strong connections with comedy. The first is the rixa or lovers' quarrel in which violence is inflicted by the one party of the love affair on the other. The girl's violence is enjoyed by her lover because it is interpreted as an indication of her passionate love for him, while the lover's violence is a source of regret to him. Comic precedents for both attitudes are produced. Next under discussion is the soldier-rival, based on the character of the miles gloriosus of comedy but adapted to suit each elegist's purposes. The third comic theme is the affair with the ancilia, found in both Propertius and Tibullus but given a very different treatment by each of them. This is perhaps inspired by the comic situation in which the husband is suspected by his carping wife of having an affair with her ancilla. Three themes frequently occurring in Greek epigram are discussed in the third chapter. First under consideration is the figure of the irrisor amoris, the man who mocked love only to fall in love himself; variations on this theme by Tibullus (l,8.7lff. and 1.2.87ff.) and Propertius (l.9.lff.) are examined in detail. There follows an analysis of Tibullus 1.2.25ff., Prop.3.l6.11ff. and Ovid Am.l.6.13ff., adaptations of the epigrammatic motif of divine protection for the lover when he comes to his girl at night (but extended by Tibullus and Propertius to the claim that the lover enjoys divine protection at all times). The last epigrammatic theme discussed is that of the poet's attraction to several different types of girls/boys (Prop. 2.22A, 2.25.41ff; Tib.l.4.11ff; Ovid Am.2.4.2.10.). The fourth chapter is devoted to three illustrations of the elegist's obsequium his willingness to attend the girl in sickness, to hunt with her or go on a long journey with her. These, it is demonstrated by examples from Greek prose works on Friendship, are instances of the duties to be expected of a friend in Hellenistic Friendship Literature. These Freundschaftsdienste have been transformed by the elegists into examples of the lover's devotion. Chapter five is devoted to the themes of the girl's sickness (Prop. 2.28, (Tib.) 3.10, Ovid Am. 2.13), and her preoccupation with cosmetics (Prop.1.2, 2.l8c; Tib.l.8.9-16; Ovid Am.l.l4, Ars.3.101ff ., RA 343ff.). The former (which may derive ultimately from Callimachus) receives very different treatment from the three poets, though certain topoi recur in the poems, demonstrating a degree of inter-borrowing amongst the three. (The view that these similarities are due to the poems belonging to the genre soteria is countered in some detail). The treatment of the latter theme by Propertius may reveal comic influence, but its widespread occurrence in Greek literature of various genres precludes certainty. The conclusion attempts to draw together some of the threads of the discussion (which suggests throughout that while the elegists know and use Greek literature they are by no means servile imitators) by examining in detail Propertius 4.7 in which a number of different literary traditions are combined and used effectively by the poet.
1976-01-01T00:00:00ZYardley, John CharlesThe thesis is a detailed analysis of a selection of poems on similar themes by the Roman elegists in an attempt to estimate the originality of each poet in his treatment of each theme. The literary history of the themes prior to their occurrence in elegy is also considered. The study opens with a discussion of two "generic" themes, the paraclausithyron and the propempticon ("generic" here being used in the sense of classification in terms of the poems' content). It is demonstrated that while the elegists were certainly aware of the Greek komastic tradition and the many topoi associated with it, they are also distinctively Roman and individualistic in their handling of the theme of the exclusus amator (in particular in their employment of religious language in the address to the door). The section on the propempticon concerns Prop.18 and Ovid Am.2.11, and again it is argued that while both poets were aware of the generic conventions deriving from Greek literature, (those of the "schetliastic propempticon") they have made a traditional form serve their own purposes, Propertius "dramatising" the situation (Cyntbia at 1.8.26 is persuaded not to leave) and Ovid flippantly exaggerating and cleverly manipulating the topoi of the genre. The second chapter focusses on three themes which seem to have strong connections with comedy. The first is the rixa or lovers' quarrel in which violence is inflicted by the one party of the love affair on the other. The girl's violence is enjoyed by her lover because it is interpreted as an indication of her passionate love for him, while the lover's violence is a source of regret to him. Comic precedents for both attitudes are produced. Next under discussion is the soldier-rival, based on the character of the miles gloriosus of comedy but adapted to suit each elegist's purposes. The third comic theme is the affair with the ancilia, found in both Propertius and Tibullus but given a very different treatment by each of them. This is perhaps inspired by the comic situation in which the husband is suspected by his carping wife of having an affair with her ancilla. Three themes frequently occurring in Greek epigram are discussed in the third chapter. First under consideration is the figure of the irrisor amoris, the man who mocked love only to fall in love himself; variations on this theme by Tibullus (l,8.7lff. and 1.2.87ff.) and Propertius (l.9.lff.) are examined in detail. There follows an analysis of Tibullus 1.2.25ff., Prop.3.l6.11ff. and Ovid Am.l.6.13ff., adaptations of the epigrammatic motif of divine protection for the lover when he comes to his girl at night (but extended by Tibullus and Propertius to the claim that the lover enjoys divine protection at all times). The last epigrammatic theme discussed is that of the poet's attraction to several different types of girls/boys (Prop. 2.22A, 2.25.41ff; Tib.l.4.11ff; Ovid Am.2.4.2.10.). The fourth chapter is devoted to three illustrations of the elegist's obsequium his willingness to attend the girl in sickness, to hunt with her or go on a long journey with her. These, it is demonstrated by examples from Greek prose works on Friendship, are instances of the duties to be expected of a friend in Hellenistic Friendship Literature. These Freundschaftsdienste have been transformed by the elegists into examples of the lover's devotion. Chapter five is devoted to the themes of the girl's sickness (Prop. 2.28, (Tib.) 3.10, Ovid Am. 2.13), and her preoccupation with cosmetics (Prop.1.2, 2.l8c; Tib.l.8.9-16; Ovid Am.l.l4, Ars.3.101ff ., RA 343ff.). The former (which may derive ultimately from Callimachus) receives very different treatment from the three poets, though certain topoi recur in the poems, demonstrating a degree of inter-borrowing amongst the three. (The view that these similarities are due to the poems belonging to the genre soteria is countered in some detail). The treatment of the latter theme by Propertius may reveal comic influence, but its widespread occurrence in Greek literature of various genres precludes certainty. The conclusion attempts to draw together some of the threads of the discussion (which suggests throughout that while the elegists know and use Greek literature they are by no means servile imitators) by examining in detail Propertius 4.7 in which a number of different literary traditions are combined and used effectively by the poet.Imperial ideology in Latin panegyric, 289-298
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15496
Four Latin panegyrics survive from the period 289 to 298. They originate from Gaul. The empire was governed by collegiate rule, with Diocletian and Maximian joint Augusti (the Dyarchy) until 293, when the imperial college was expanded to four (the Tetrarchy) with the promotion to the subordinate rank of Caesar of Constantius and Galerius. To meet the threats of usurpers and external enemies, the emperors exercised their authority in different parts of the Empire and were rarely together. The creation of collegiate government posed a novel challenge for panegyrists; they had to balance the impulse to praise the individual addressee with the need to integrate him into the wider government. These potentially competing demands were intensified by the circumstances of the delivery of the speeches, since loyalty had to be expressed to both present and absent emperors. A tension existed between the ideologies of governmental unity and individualism. A texture of tension and resolution is generated in the four speeches. The dynamics of vocative address are used to articulate loyalty. Figurations of the unity of government are employed to signal the relationships between the emperors and their resulting cosmic significance. Individual profiles are cut for the emperors primarily through the use of mythological and historical exempla. The signa Jovius and Herculius, which the emperors assumed, are exploited to characterize and differentiate them. In their detail and overall ideologies, differences between the four speeches are distinct. Each orator adapted the conventions of the genre to an evolving political landscape; furthermore, varying and sometimes competing loyalties are revealed. Panegyric is seen to be capable of great versatility and nuance.
1997-01-01T00:00:00ZRees, RogerFour Latin panegyrics survive from the period 289 to 298. They originate from Gaul. The empire was governed by collegiate rule, with Diocletian and Maximian joint Augusti (the Dyarchy) until 293, when the imperial college was expanded to four (the Tetrarchy) with the promotion to the subordinate rank of Caesar of Constantius and Galerius. To meet the threats of usurpers and external enemies, the emperors exercised their authority in different parts of the Empire and were rarely together. The creation of collegiate government posed a novel challenge for panegyrists; they had to balance the impulse to praise the individual addressee with the need to integrate him into the wider government. These potentially competing demands were intensified by the circumstances of the delivery of the speeches, since loyalty had to be expressed to both present and absent emperors. A tension existed between the ideologies of governmental unity and individualism. A texture of tension and resolution is generated in the four speeches. The dynamics of vocative address are used to articulate loyalty. Figurations of the unity of government are employed to signal the relationships between the emperors and their resulting cosmic significance. Individual profiles are cut for the emperors primarily through the use of mythological and historical exempla. The signa Jovius and Herculius, which the emperors assumed, are exploited to characterize and differentiate them. In their detail and overall ideologies, differences between the four speeches are distinct. Each orator adapted the conventions of the genre to an evolving political landscape; furthermore, varying and sometimes competing loyalties are revealed. Panegyric is seen to be capable of great versatility and nuance.Myth and personal experience in Roman love-elegy, with consideration of the Hellenistic background
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15493
This thesis examines the manner in which the Roman love-elegists used myth to illustrate personal experience. It is shown that the elegists were probably indebted to the poets of the Hellenistic period for the various techniques they used to link myth (usually in the form of exempla) to its context. Chapter 1 looks at some illustrative and paradeigmatic uses of myth by the Hellenistic catalogue-elegists; by Callimachus, Apollonius Rhodius and Theocritus; and by the epigrammatists. It is shown that the major Hellenistic poets developed techniques by means of which the exemplum could be made an integral part even of a short poem or episode. It was Tibullus and Propertius on whom these ways of handling myth' had the most effect; Ovid was influenced more by the epigrammatists. Chapter 2 examines briefly Catullus' handling of myth in his elegy LXVIII and Callus' possible use of myth. Chapter 3 deals in some detail with Tibullus' use of myth in 1, 3 (the Golden Age; Elysium; Tartarus); 1, 10 (the mythic past; Hades) and 11,3 (Apollo and Admetus; the mythic past). The very close connexion between these myths and the poet's personal experience is demonstrated. Chapter 4 handles Propertius' use of myth to illustrate in various ways his own and his mistress' experience. The material here is treated in three sections: (i) Allusive Exempla - where the poet presupposes knowledge on the reader's part of the mythological events concerned. (ii) Shaped Exempla - i.e. exempla which the poet shapes in different ways for his own purposes, including in them all the details necessary for the reader's understanding. (iii) Mixed Exempla - which combine the characteristics of both the above categories. Chapter 5 deals with Ovid's use of myth in his Amores to illustrate what is presented as personal experience. His mythological illustrations are discussed in four categories: (i) Illustrative Exempla - i.e. exempla used in a rhetorical way simply to prove a given point or statement. (ii) Witty Exempla - used chiefly to create humorous and amusing effects. (iii) Mixed Exempla - combining the functions of both the first two categories. (iv) 'Propertian' Exempla - i.e. exempla handled by Ovid very much in the manner of Propertius. The Conclusion briefly draws together evidence of the influence of the Hellenistic poets' treatment of myth on the Roman love-elegists. It also outlines what is distinctive and characteristic about each of the elegists' manner of handling myth.
1979-01-01T00:00:00ZWhitaker, Richard AnthonyThis thesis examines the manner in which the Roman love-elegists used myth to illustrate personal experience. It is shown that the elegists were probably indebted to the poets of the Hellenistic period for the various techniques they used to link myth (usually in the form of exempla) to its context. Chapter 1 looks at some illustrative and paradeigmatic uses of myth by the Hellenistic catalogue-elegists; by Callimachus, Apollonius Rhodius and Theocritus; and by the epigrammatists. It is shown that the major Hellenistic poets developed techniques by means of which the exemplum could be made an integral part even of a short poem or episode. It was Tibullus and Propertius on whom these ways of handling myth' had the most effect; Ovid was influenced more by the epigrammatists. Chapter 2 examines briefly Catullus' handling of myth in his elegy LXVIII and Callus' possible use of myth. Chapter 3 deals in some detail with Tibullus' use of myth in 1, 3 (the Golden Age; Elysium; Tartarus); 1, 10 (the mythic past; Hades) and 11,3 (Apollo and Admetus; the mythic past). The very close connexion between these myths and the poet's personal experience is demonstrated. Chapter 4 handles Propertius' use of myth to illustrate in various ways his own and his mistress' experience. The material here is treated in three sections: (i) Allusive Exempla - where the poet presupposes knowledge on the reader's part of the mythological events concerned. (ii) Shaped Exempla - i.e. exempla which the poet shapes in different ways for his own purposes, including in them all the details necessary for the reader's understanding. (iii) Mixed Exempla - which combine the characteristics of both the above categories. Chapter 5 deals with Ovid's use of myth in his Amores to illustrate what is presented as personal experience. His mythological illustrations are discussed in four categories: (i) Illustrative Exempla - i.e. exempla used in a rhetorical way simply to prove a given point or statement. (ii) Witty Exempla - used chiefly to create humorous and amusing effects. (iii) Mixed Exempla - combining the functions of both the first two categories. (iv) 'Propertian' Exempla - i.e. exempla handled by Ovid very much in the manner of Propertius. The Conclusion briefly draws together evidence of the influence of the Hellenistic poets' treatment of myth on the Roman love-elegists. It also outlines what is distinctive and characteristic about each of the elegists' manner of handling myth.Linguistic and literary studies in the "Epitome historion" of John Zonaras
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15491
John Zonaras, a high-ranking judge, subsequently a monk in the twelfth-century Byzantine Empire, is well known as author of a universal history that stretches from the Creation to his own time and a collection of canon law. His history is regularly used as a historical source, not only for recent and contemporary events but also as the medium through which information from lost early historians (in particular Cassius Dio) is preserved, while his work on canon law shows an uncommon knowledge of the practices of the Byzantine Church. The language of these works, however, has not yet received detailed study. It is the intention of this thesis to remedy this deficiency, thereby attempting to identify and highlight the most important literary features of Zonaras' writings. The Introduction covers a survey of the intellectual currents in the twelfth century, to be followed by a biography of Zonaras and the description of the island of St. Glyceria, the place of his retirement, as it appeared during our visit in summer 1993. Part one studies the prooimion of Zonaras in relation to the prooimia of other eleventh and twelfth-century Byzantine historians. Part two entails a comparative study of Zonaras' history with the work of contemporary historians and non-historians and discusses the subject of the homogeneity of his language. Part three deals with specific linguistic features of Zonaras' style such as wordplay, humour and irony, the use of proverbs, linguistic borrowings from contemporaries, etc. The discussion ends with a Conclusion and an Appendix on the so-called Lexicon Tittmarmianum, a major work of lexicography of disputed authenticity which we argue is probably a genuine work of Zonaras. From the studies in this thesis, it emerges that Zonaras' language reveals the talent of an author who has been unjustly neglected and certainly deserves further attention and exploitation for the benefit of both historians and linguists.
1996-01-01T00:00:00ZGrigoriadis, IordanisJohn Zonaras, a high-ranking judge, subsequently a monk in the twelfth-century Byzantine Empire, is well known as author of a universal history that stretches from the Creation to his own time and a collection of canon law. His history is regularly used as a historical source, not only for recent and contemporary events but also as the medium through which information from lost early historians (in particular Cassius Dio) is preserved, while his work on canon law shows an uncommon knowledge of the practices of the Byzantine Church. The language of these works, however, has not yet received detailed study. It is the intention of this thesis to remedy this deficiency, thereby attempting to identify and highlight the most important literary features of Zonaras' writings. The Introduction covers a survey of the intellectual currents in the twelfth century, to be followed by a biography of Zonaras and the description of the island of St. Glyceria, the place of his retirement, as it appeared during our visit in summer 1993. Part one studies the prooimion of Zonaras in relation to the prooimia of other eleventh and twelfth-century Byzantine historians. Part two entails a comparative study of Zonaras' history with the work of contemporary historians and non-historians and discusses the subject of the homogeneity of his language. Part three deals with specific linguistic features of Zonaras' style such as wordplay, humour and irony, the use of proverbs, linguistic borrowings from contemporaries, etc. The discussion ends with a Conclusion and an Appendix on the so-called Lexicon Tittmarmianum, a major work of lexicography of disputed authenticity which we argue is probably a genuine work of Zonaras. From the studies in this thesis, it emerges that Zonaras' language reveals the talent of an author who has been unjustly neglected and certainly deserves further attention and exploitation for the benefit of both historians and linguists.A commentary on Xenophon's 'Àpologia Sokratous'
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15489
This thesis is a commentary on Xenophon the Athenian's (Apology of Socrates), a work written in the first half of the 4th century B.C. with the express purpose of explaining Socrates' self-aggrandizing behaviour during his trial in 399. The commentary is prefaced by three essays which treat the issues of authenticity, dating, and possible non-Platonic influences on the work, while the four appendices contain comparisons with Xenophon's Memorabilia and Plato's Apology as well as treatments of Socrates' daimonic sign and his arrogant behaviour during the trial as described by Xenophon. Based on the 1919 Oxford Classical Text edited by E. C. Marchant, the commentary itself is a line-by-line analysis concerned primarily with providing a social, historical, and literary context for each passage under consideration.
2000-01-01T00:00:00ZPolson, Timothy J.This thesis is a commentary on Xenophon the Athenian's (Apology of Socrates), a work written in the first half of the 4th century B.C. with the express purpose of explaining Socrates' self-aggrandizing behaviour during his trial in 399. The commentary is prefaced by three essays which treat the issues of authenticity, dating, and possible non-Platonic influences on the work, while the four appendices contain comparisons with Xenophon's Memorabilia and Plato's Apology as well as treatments of Socrates' daimonic sign and his arrogant behaviour during the trial as described by Xenophon. Based on the 1919 Oxford Classical Text edited by E. C. Marchant, the commentary itself is a line-by-line analysis concerned primarily with providing a social, historical, and literary context for each passage under consideration.Quintus Smyrnaeus : Posthomerica XII, a commentary
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15488
This commentary sets out (1) to monitor closely a sizable portion of imperial Greek epic poetry, and to arrive, on the basis of available evidence (vi2., extant Greek poetry, primarily), at an idea of the funds (both linguistic and thematic) at the disposal of such a poet; (ii) to determine, as a next step, whether this poet has, as is commonly alleged, had access to Roman poetry again on the basis of available evidence (viz.,most genres of Roman poetry); and (iii) to reexamine from the primary sources the three important mythical tales contained therein (viz., those concerning 3inon, Laocoon and Cassandra). The demands of (i) are (and can only be) satisfied by ample documentation from Greek poetry, of whatever date, genre or provenance. Quintus' literary background can now be viewed in a proper light. The evidence for (ii) is (perhaps unavoidably, given the nature of the problem) inconclusive as far as components external to (iii) are concerned, but see Index Al(v), and the Postscript; in any event the need to look far beyond the immediate issues is evident. On the question of Roman utilisation for (iii) there is no doubt: none existed. That apart, reexamination of the myths has, I believe, contributed some new and concrete results. Emphasis is placed throughout on conveying to the reader in concise form information not hitherto assembled; and on highlighting some aspects of this work that have received little attention at the expense of topics for which an abundance of secondary literature is already to hand. Detailed indexes are provided.
1979-01-01T00:00:00ZCampbell, MalcolmThis commentary sets out (1) to monitor closely a sizable portion of imperial Greek epic poetry, and to arrive, on the basis of available evidence (vi2., extant Greek poetry, primarily), at an idea of the funds (both linguistic and thematic) at the disposal of such a poet; (ii) to determine, as a next step, whether this poet has, as is commonly alleged, had access to Roman poetry again on the basis of available evidence (viz.,most genres of Roman poetry); and (iii) to reexamine from the primary sources the three important mythical tales contained therein (viz., those concerning 3inon, Laocoon and Cassandra). The demands of (i) are (and can only be) satisfied by ample documentation from Greek poetry, of whatever date, genre or provenance. Quintus' literary background can now be viewed in a proper light. The evidence for (ii) is (perhaps unavoidably, given the nature of the problem) inconclusive as far as components external to (iii) are concerned, but see Index Al(v), and the Postscript; in any event the need to look far beyond the immediate issues is evident. On the question of Roman utilisation for (iii) there is no doubt: none existed. That apart, reexamination of the myths has, I believe, contributed some new and concrete results. Emphasis is placed throughout on conveying to the reader in concise form information not hitherto assembled; and on highlighting some aspects of this work that have received little attention at the expense of topics for which an abundance of secondary literature is already to hand. Detailed indexes are provided.The Platonic 'Theages' : an introduction, commentary and critical edition
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15486
The Theages poses a number of problems for the interpreter of Plato and the Platonic dialogue. Traditionally, the most controversial one concerns the authenticity of the work: is Plato its author, and what criteria may be considered valid and important for settling the debate over authorship. But there are numerous other questions of at least equal significance. What is the purpose for which this dialogue was written, and what is its meaning. Is it merely a patchwork, as is commonly assumed, or does it display a structural unity. How does the Socrates of this work compare with the same character in other Socratic compositions, and what literary qualities can be attributed to the author's portrayal of the dialogue's other personae. How are we to evaluate the lengthy section in the Theages on Socrates' "divine sign". When was this dialogue written. What is its relation to the other works in the Platonic Corpus, to Socratic literature generally, and to philosophical interests at the time of its composition. The introduction and some of the appendices to this thesis attempt to offer answers to these questions, both through a comprehensive review and assessment of the critical literature on the Theages, and through the use of new evidence, argumentation, and interpretation. At the same time, a basis for the analyses offered here (and for future examinations of the Theages) is provided in this study by a detailed line-by-line commentary on the text. The text on which this commentary depends has been established from a fresh collation of all known manuscripts, early printed editions, and ancient testimonia, containing all or part of the Theages. This thesis represents the first attempt, in any language, to undertake the above programme of work on a definitive scale.
1988-01-01T00:00:00ZJoyal, Mark A. J.The Theages poses a number of problems for the interpreter of Plato and the Platonic dialogue. Traditionally, the most controversial one concerns the authenticity of the work: is Plato its author, and what criteria may be considered valid and important for settling the debate over authorship. But there are numerous other questions of at least equal significance. What is the purpose for which this dialogue was written, and what is its meaning. Is it merely a patchwork, as is commonly assumed, or does it display a structural unity. How does the Socrates of this work compare with the same character in other Socratic compositions, and what literary qualities can be attributed to the author's portrayal of the dialogue's other personae. How are we to evaluate the lengthy section in the Theages on Socrates' "divine sign". When was this dialogue written. What is its relation to the other works in the Platonic Corpus, to Socratic literature generally, and to philosophical interests at the time of its composition. The introduction and some of the appendices to this thesis attempt to offer answers to these questions, both through a comprehensive review and assessment of the critical literature on the Theages, and through the use of new evidence, argumentation, and interpretation. At the same time, a basis for the analyses offered here (and for future examinations of the Theages) is provided in this study by a detailed line-by-line commentary on the text. The text on which this commentary depends has been established from a fresh collation of all known manuscripts, early printed editions, and ancient testimonia, containing all or part of the Theages. This thesis represents the first attempt, in any language, to undertake the above programme of work on a definitive scale.A lexicon to Pindar
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15485
1967-01-01T00:00:00ZSlater, William JohnPhiletas of Cos : the poetical fragments
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15484
The greatest impediment in our effort to reconstruct the history of Greek literature of the 4th c. B.C. is the almost complete loss of important poets such as Antimachus of Colophon, a loss which leaves us in the dark as to the conditions that led to the 3rd c. B.C. renaissance. In the times around 300 B.C. leading figures were active in the SE Aegean, the most prominent of whom was Philetas of Cos. Ptolemy I entrusted him with the tutorship of his son Ptolemy II. Philetas was highly esteemed by his compatriots who honoured him with a statue, and by the avant-garde among Hellenistic poets including Callimachus and Theocritus. He wrote hexameters (Hermes), narrative elegy (Demeter), Epigrams and Paegnia and perhaps a Telephus. His Ataktoi Glossai, the first ever collection of recondite dialect vocables, became instantly renowned. But his poetiy did not survive long and is now almost entirely lost; no more than 50 lines survive along with 31 second hand entries of his Atakta mainly from Athenaeus. These were last published and studied by G. Kuchenmiiller in a Berlin 1928 thesis written in Latin, a work nowadays not easily accessible. This new approach to the scanty poetical remains of Philetas brings the study of this key figure up to date, takes into consideration material published since the twenties (including two fragments, three important testimonies, Hellenistic fragments which have become available from papyri, verse-inscriptions and inscriptions from Cos). Evidence from various sources is adduced to reconstruct Philetas' poems (particularly his "Coan" Demeter, to which most of the surviving fragments are attributed) and the key epigram fr. 27 is newly interpreted to show Philetas a Callimachean before Callimachus. A detailed commentary elucidates the wide range of Philetas' sources of inspiration and the largely neglected influence of his work, often followed up to Imperial times. A list of Alleged Testimonia and another of Alleged Ascriptions are provided to discuss pseudo-Philetan references and material.
1997-01-01T00:00:00ZSpanoudakis, KonstantinThe greatest impediment in our effort to reconstruct the history of Greek literature of the 4th c. B.C. is the almost complete loss of important poets such as Antimachus of Colophon, a loss which leaves us in the dark as to the conditions that led to the 3rd c. B.C. renaissance. In the times around 300 B.C. leading figures were active in the SE Aegean, the most prominent of whom was Philetas of Cos. Ptolemy I entrusted him with the tutorship of his son Ptolemy II. Philetas was highly esteemed by his compatriots who honoured him with a statue, and by the avant-garde among Hellenistic poets including Callimachus and Theocritus. He wrote hexameters (Hermes), narrative elegy (Demeter), Epigrams and Paegnia and perhaps a Telephus. His Ataktoi Glossai, the first ever collection of recondite dialect vocables, became instantly renowned. But his poetiy did not survive long and is now almost entirely lost; no more than 50 lines survive along with 31 second hand entries of his Atakta mainly from Athenaeus. These were last published and studied by G. Kuchenmiiller in a Berlin 1928 thesis written in Latin, a work nowadays not easily accessible. This new approach to the scanty poetical remains of Philetas brings the study of this key figure up to date, takes into consideration material published since the twenties (including two fragments, three important testimonies, Hellenistic fragments which have become available from papyri, verse-inscriptions and inscriptions from Cos). Evidence from various sources is adduced to reconstruct Philetas' poems (particularly his "Coan" Demeter, to which most of the surviving fragments are attributed) and the key epigram fr. 27 is newly interpreted to show Philetas a Callimachean before Callimachus. A detailed commentary elucidates the wide range of Philetas' sources of inspiration and the largely neglected influence of his work, often followed up to Imperial times. A list of Alleged Testimonia and another of Alleged Ascriptions are provided to discuss pseudo-Philetan references and material.Narrative structure and narrative texture in the 'Aithiopika' of Heliodorus
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15450
This thesis consists of four individual studies, divided into two sections; "Narrative Structure" and "Narrative Texture". The first chapter ("Heliodoros and the Conventions of Romance") addresses the issue of the essence of romance; it attempts to get behind the narrative of the Aithiopika in such a way as to reveal how Heliodoros works within the boundaries and received practice of the genre ancient romance, and how he adapts and deviates from them. The second chapter ("Hearing Voices: Incorporated Genres in the Aithiopika") deals with genre, but in a different context. This study takes a concept- incorporated genre- from the theorist M.M. Bakhtin, and applies it to Heliodoros' narrative. Here the term "genre" takes on a broader significance, meaning not the romances themselves, but types of narrative, and ways of narrating, which Heliodoros has introduced into his story. Both chapters one and two are systematic analyses of the text; they deal with how Heliodoros has structured his narrative in ways conventional and unconventional. In the final chapters the term genre encompasses specific works and literary groupings. These studies help to demonstrate how Heliodoros has fleshed out the basic structure of the Aithiopika, or, in other words, they provide a feel for some of the texture of the romance. "Heliodoros and Homer" is explicitly narratological in outlook, showing one way in which Heliodoros has provided a paradigm for reading, perhaps not just the novel itself, but specifically within the novel the references to and allusions from Homer. "Heliodoros and Tragedy" tackles the meaning of theatricality, and references to the theatre, in an author writing in the late Roman Empire. But this chapter, too, provides a glimpse at the narrative texture, especially with regard to the way in which Heliodoros co-opted yet another literary predecessor, Euripides.
1997-01-01T00:00:00ZPletcher, James AlanThis thesis consists of four individual studies, divided into two sections; "Narrative Structure" and "Narrative Texture". The first chapter ("Heliodoros and the Conventions of Romance") addresses the issue of the essence of romance; it attempts to get behind the narrative of the Aithiopika in such a way as to reveal how Heliodoros works within the boundaries and received practice of the genre ancient romance, and how he adapts and deviates from them. The second chapter ("Hearing Voices: Incorporated Genres in the Aithiopika") deals with genre, but in a different context. This study takes a concept- incorporated genre- from the theorist M.M. Bakhtin, and applies it to Heliodoros' narrative. Here the term "genre" takes on a broader significance, meaning not the romances themselves, but types of narrative, and ways of narrating, which Heliodoros has introduced into his story. Both chapters one and two are systematic analyses of the text; they deal with how Heliodoros has structured his narrative in ways conventional and unconventional. In the final chapters the term genre encompasses specific works and literary groupings. These studies help to demonstrate how Heliodoros has fleshed out the basic structure of the Aithiopika, or, in other words, they provide a feel for some of the texture of the romance. "Heliodoros and Homer" is explicitly narratological in outlook, showing one way in which Heliodoros has provided a paradigm for reading, perhaps not just the novel itself, but specifically within the novel the references to and allusions from Homer. "Heliodoros and Tragedy" tackles the meaning of theatricality, and references to the theatre, in an author writing in the late Roman Empire. But this chapter, too, provides a glimpse at the narrative texture, especially with regard to the way in which Heliodoros co-opted yet another literary predecessor, Euripides.Euripidean lyric metres : a classification
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15449
In this thesis two branches of Euripidean lyric metres are discussed: aeolic and prosodiac-enoplian. A. M. Dale established aeolo-choriambic and prosodiac-enoplian as genera subsuming as species a number of various forms previously treated separately. She also treated both of these under the same name, aeolic. But whether each form should be grouped within these two genera, and whether both genera should be taken as aeolic, still lacked thorough examination. The first task of classification is to collect every parallel of each form. The scope is restricted to Euripidean odes, but Aeshylean and Sophoclean passages are taken into account as much as possible, especially in Part II. Part I treats glyconics and related metres. The decision as to which metre is associated with glyconics relies on basically two criteria: metrical context and similarity of forms. After a survey of the metrical construction of each ode, the general characteristics of aeolic metres, such as aeolic base, are examined with statistics. Then the manner of Euripidean usage is described metre by metre with a list of all examples. Part II is devoted to prosodiac-enoplian. Prosodiac-enoplian is associative with dochmiacs, especially in duets and a certain kind of choral odes, while aeolic (in the narrower sense) is quite alien in these odes. After the classification of predecessors is surveyed, each form which is classified in the genus 'prosodiac-enoplian' by Dale is subdivided from the point of similarity of form. Every occurrence of each form is examined in the Notes. Metrical context is given special attention. The classification adopted here is considerably different from that of Dale, in that it is argued that cola can and should be taken as meaningful units for analysis of tragic metres. The central figures of prosodiac-enoplian are … [illegible]. The second of these has been overlooked; but parallelism with the first may be observed not only in structure of these and their compounds but also in usage. They are followed by another colon to make a dicolon as well as prolonged by suffix. Unlike the work of Wilamowitz and Schroeder, this thesis refrains from historical speculation. An appendix on the 'choriambic dimeter' and an index of discussed passages is attached.
1983-01-01T00:00:00ZItsumi, KiichiroIn this thesis two branches of Euripidean lyric metres are discussed: aeolic and prosodiac-enoplian. A. M. Dale established aeolo-choriambic and prosodiac-enoplian as genera subsuming as species a number of various forms previously treated separately. She also treated both of these under the same name, aeolic. But whether each form should be grouped within these two genera, and whether both genera should be taken as aeolic, still lacked thorough examination. The first task of classification is to collect every parallel of each form. The scope is restricted to Euripidean odes, but Aeshylean and Sophoclean passages are taken into account as much as possible, especially in Part II. Part I treats glyconics and related metres. The decision as to which metre is associated with glyconics relies on basically two criteria: metrical context and similarity of forms. After a survey of the metrical construction of each ode, the general characteristics of aeolic metres, such as aeolic base, are examined with statistics. Then the manner of Euripidean usage is described metre by metre with a list of all examples. Part II is devoted to prosodiac-enoplian. Prosodiac-enoplian is associative with dochmiacs, especially in duets and a certain kind of choral odes, while aeolic (in the narrower sense) is quite alien in these odes. After the classification of predecessors is surveyed, each form which is classified in the genus 'prosodiac-enoplian' by Dale is subdivided from the point of similarity of form. Every occurrence of each form is examined in the Notes. Metrical context is given special attention. The classification adopted here is considerably different from that of Dale, in that it is argued that cola can and should be taken as meaningful units for analysis of tragic metres. The central figures of prosodiac-enoplian are … [illegible]. The second of these has been overlooked; but parallelism with the first may be observed not only in structure of these and their compounds but also in usage. They are followed by another colon to make a dicolon as well as prolonged by suffix. Unlike the work of Wilamowitz and Schroeder, this thesis refrains from historical speculation. An appendix on the 'choriambic dimeter' and an index of discussed passages is attached.A lexicon to Diodorus Siculus
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15448
The decision to undertake the compilation of a lexicon to an ancient author needs little apology. When the author is Diodorus and the lexicon is the first, none whatsoever is needed and it is ray modest hope that the present work will prove to be a useful instrument for both students of Diodorus' work as a whole, historians and linguists concerned with a particular facet of his sources, methods, and style, and those investigating Hellenistic prose style in general. The text used as the basis for the lexicon has been that of Vogel-Fischer (Teubner, Leipzig, 1388 ff.) and all references depend on their division of the text into chapters and paragraphs. I have deliberately avoided treatment of the fragments, since it is not always clear whether the words are those of Diodorus or those of an author paraphrasing him, while one of the functions of the lexicon might be to submit the fragments to the test. The work attempts, as far as is possible, to combine the advantages of both lexicon and index: each word is analysed grammatically and semantically and each occurrence of almost every word is duly recorded. However, it has proved impossible to note all the various forms of the words used by Diodorus without allowing the lexicon to become unwieldy, when scholars seeking such information can without significant inconvenience use the references cited in the work to look up the relevant passages in order to satisfy their interest. Furthermore, I did not consider it profitable to cite every example of the definite article, some common particles, and some pronouns and demonstrative active adjectives but instead concentrated on particular usages and combinations; in this way the size of the lexicon has been reduced by some six or seven hundred pages, while the scholar investigating other uses of these words might as easily read through the entire text as check out an endless sequence of references.
1981-01-01T00:00:00ZMcDougall, James IainThe decision to undertake the compilation of a lexicon to an ancient author needs little apology. When the author is Diodorus and the lexicon is the first, none whatsoever is needed and it is ray modest hope that the present work will prove to be a useful instrument for both students of Diodorus' work as a whole, historians and linguists concerned with a particular facet of his sources, methods, and style, and those investigating Hellenistic prose style in general. The text used as the basis for the lexicon has been that of Vogel-Fischer (Teubner, Leipzig, 1388 ff.) and all references depend on their division of the text into chapters and paragraphs. I have deliberately avoided treatment of the fragments, since it is not always clear whether the words are those of Diodorus or those of an author paraphrasing him, while one of the functions of the lexicon might be to submit the fragments to the test. The work attempts, as far as is possible, to combine the advantages of both lexicon and index: each word is analysed grammatically and semantically and each occurrence of almost every word is duly recorded. However, it has proved impossible to note all the various forms of the words used by Diodorus without allowing the lexicon to become unwieldy, when scholars seeking such information can without significant inconvenience use the references cited in the work to look up the relevant passages in order to satisfy their interest. Furthermore, I did not consider it profitable to cite every example of the definite article, some common particles, and some pronouns and demonstrative active adjectives but instead concentrated on particular usages and combinations; in this way the size of the lexicon has been reduced by some six or seven hundred pages, while the scholar investigating other uses of these words might as easily read through the entire text as check out an endless sequence of references.Hospitality in Apollonius Rhodius' Àrgonautica', Books I and II
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15447
In this thesis, Hospitality in Apollonius Rhodius' Argonautica Books One and Two, I offer a detailed and systematic analysis of the epic motifs used by Apollonius Rhodius. Careful comparison with its principal models, the Homeric epics, shows the poet's sophisticated manipulation of the Iliad and Odyssey, and reveals much of his narrative technique. Read in the context of its sources, it is possible to focus with more precision on Apollonius' innovations. For this study, I have selected the major hospitality scenes of the first two books, which are concerned with the outward journey to Colchis. Reference is, however, made throughout to the hospitality scenes in Books Three and Four. The hospitality theme is one of the most important in an epic concerning the voyage heroes make in order to retrieve the Golden Fleece. Hospitality scenes are characterised by a certain repetition of motifs: e.g. arrival, reception, meal, storytelling and exchange of gifts. These elements are always adapted according to the particular poetic context and purpose of a scene. With their elaborate structure hospitality scenes provide fascinating material for the study of the reworking of the Homeric epics, crucial for the understanding of Apollonius' work.
1999-01-01T00:00:00ZPlantinga, Mirjam GretekeIn this thesis, Hospitality in Apollonius Rhodius' Argonautica Books One and Two, I offer a detailed and systematic analysis of the epic motifs used by Apollonius Rhodius. Careful comparison with its principal models, the Homeric epics, shows the poet's sophisticated manipulation of the Iliad and Odyssey, and reveals much of his narrative technique. Read in the context of its sources, it is possible to focus with more precision on Apollonius' innovations. For this study, I have selected the major hospitality scenes of the first two books, which are concerned with the outward journey to Colchis. Reference is, however, made throughout to the hospitality scenes in Books Three and Four. The hospitality theme is one of the most important in an epic concerning the voyage heroes make in order to retrieve the Golden Fleece. Hospitality scenes are characterised by a certain repetition of motifs: e.g. arrival, reception, meal, storytelling and exchange of gifts. These elements are always adapted according to the particular poetic context and purpose of a scene. With their elaborate structure hospitality scenes provide fascinating material for the study of the reworking of the Homeric epics, crucial for the understanding of Apollonius' work.Aspects of the vocabulary of Aeschylus
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15445
1977-01-01T00:00:00ZKapsomenos, AntoniosCassandra in Aesychylus' 'Agamemnon' : language and character interaction
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15443
This study in four parts examines the Cassandra scene in Aeschylus' Agamemnon, the first play in his sole extant trilogy entitled Oresteia. In the first part, a brief survey of Cassandra's language is given in which I try to argue that her deranged state affects her utterances and causes communication problems between her and the Chorus. The first part ends with a preliminary appraisal of her relationship with Apollo. The second part deals with her barbarian aspect. At the beginning, I deal with the general antithesis between Greeks and Orientals and incorporate some information on the oriental and/or primitive elements of Apolline worship. The rest is more focused on Agamemnon and specifically on the debt of Aeschylus to the tradition; and on the oriental and/or primitive elements of Cassandra, without forgetting the King, the Queen and Apollo, whose figure and relationships with his "servants" are briefly discussed. The third part examines the relationship between Agamemnon and Cassandra. Adopting a scene by scene analysis on the meaning of the presence (and sometimes absence) of the King, we come to the conclusion that the King, already overburdened with mistakes, commits another by having, unlike Apollo, a rather carnal relationship with Cassandra. As for the last part, following the same principle of analysis, we deal with the majestic figure of the Queen. Through her manipulation of language, and consequently of the other personages (namely the Elders and Agamemnon), we try to discover differences and possible similarities with Cassandra, on the basis of Clytaemnestra's and Cassandra's marginal status.
1993-01-01T00:00:00ZVarvatsoulis, AthanasiosThis study in four parts examines the Cassandra scene in Aeschylus' Agamemnon, the first play in his sole extant trilogy entitled Oresteia. In the first part, a brief survey of Cassandra's language is given in which I try to argue that her deranged state affects her utterances and causes communication problems between her and the Chorus. The first part ends with a preliminary appraisal of her relationship with Apollo. The second part deals with her barbarian aspect. At the beginning, I deal with the general antithesis between Greeks and Orientals and incorporate some information on the oriental and/or primitive elements of Apolline worship. The rest is more focused on Agamemnon and specifically on the debt of Aeschylus to the tradition; and on the oriental and/or primitive elements of Cassandra, without forgetting the King, the Queen and Apollo, whose figure and relationships with his "servants" are briefly discussed. The third part examines the relationship between Agamemnon and Cassandra. Adopting a scene by scene analysis on the meaning of the presence (and sometimes absence) of the King, we come to the conclusion that the King, already overburdened with mistakes, commits another by having, unlike Apollo, a rather carnal relationship with Cassandra. As for the last part, following the same principle of analysis, we deal with the majestic figure of the Queen. Through her manipulation of language, and consequently of the other personages (namely the Elders and Agamemnon), we try to discover differences and possible similarities with Cassandra, on the basis of Clytaemnestra's and Cassandra's marginal status.The family and gender relations in the speeches of Isaeus
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15441
This dissertation investigates the wealth of information regarding the Classical Athenian family, gender relations, and law found in the inheritance speeches of Isaeus. In examining Isaeus as a corpus of evidence, this thesis reveals both general conceptions of the family and the rules and customs that governed the sexual, legal, and economic relations within it. Inherent in its context-based approach to interpretation is a consideration of the Athenian legal system, specifically the forensic arena, and how it influenced disputes over the transmission of property in the polis. Isaeus illustrates the legal and economic capabilities of female citizens in fourth century Athens, the use of their sexuality as a weapon in court, the opportunities for and restrictions on exploitation within the citizen family, the role of the logographos in attaining and preventing that exploitation, and the simultaneous zeal and ambivalence of the Athenian legal system regarding familial and societal conflict.
1999-01-01T00:00:00ZNeblett, Brandon H.This dissertation investigates the wealth of information regarding the Classical Athenian family, gender relations, and law found in the inheritance speeches of Isaeus. In examining Isaeus as a corpus of evidence, this thesis reveals both general conceptions of the family and the rules and customs that governed the sexual, legal, and economic relations within it. Inherent in its context-based approach to interpretation is a consideration of the Athenian legal system, specifically the forensic arena, and how it influenced disputes over the transmission of property in the polis. Isaeus illustrates the legal and economic capabilities of female citizens in fourth century Athens, the use of their sexuality as a weapon in court, the opportunities for and restrictions on exploitation within the citizen family, the role of the logographos in attaining and preventing that exploitation, and the simultaneous zeal and ambivalence of the Athenian legal system regarding familial and societal conflict.The mirror of life : interpretations of a metaphorical definition of comedy
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15440
Cicero's dictum, comoedia est imitatio uitae, speculum consuetudinis, imago ueritatis, as found in the prefatory essays to Donatus' commentaries on the Terentian comedies, has become accepted as the standard definition of New Comedy, without any external evidence as to the precise meaning. There are two possible interpretations: either the mirror is philosophical and it was comedy's main purpose to provide ethical instruction to its audience, or the mirror of comedy is realistic because it reflects the language, customs, and social values of the people. The issue is further complicated by the difference in objectives between the three main extant examples of New Comedy: Menander, Plautus and Terence, but also the differences in between the theory of comedy, and the actual practice. In the Renaissance, those playwrights who dutifully learned the Ciceronian-Donatian definition of comedy in their editions of Terence's comedies, were forced, when turning their hand to comedy themselves, to interpret the dictum in a practical way that would also reflect the age in which they were living.
1997-01-01T00:00:00ZWallace, Kevin AlexanderCicero's dictum, comoedia est imitatio uitae, speculum consuetudinis, imago ueritatis, as found in the prefatory essays to Donatus' commentaries on the Terentian comedies, has become accepted as the standard definition of New Comedy, without any external evidence as to the precise meaning. There are two possible interpretations: either the mirror is philosophical and it was comedy's main purpose to provide ethical instruction to its audience, or the mirror of comedy is realistic because it reflects the language, customs, and social values of the people. The issue is further complicated by the difference in objectives between the three main extant examples of New Comedy: Menander, Plautus and Terence, but also the differences in between the theory of comedy, and the actual practice. In the Renaissance, those playwrights who dutifully learned the Ciceronian-Donatian definition of comedy in their editions of Terence's comedies, were forced, when turning their hand to comedy themselves, to interpret the dictum in a practical way that would also reflect the age in which they were living.The technique of humour of Cratrinus, Eupolis, Pherecrates and Plato and of the poets of the Athenian old comedy
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15438
The thesis examines the technique of humour of the old comedians other than Aristophanes, concentrating particularly upon the four for whom we have the best evidence, viz. Cratinus, Eupolis, Pherecrates and Plato. The internal and external evidence for the kind of humour they employed is considered under five principal groupings, viz. The Visual Elements, Ridicule and Criticism, Physical Humour, Parody and Borrowings, and Imagery, Vocabulary and Verbal Devices. Within these main groupings there are many sub-divisions under which the examples of particular techniques are collected and discussed. A list of references is normally given, unless the discussion itself has already listed all examples. Several longer fragments are given detailed consideration and there is an index of fragments discussed. Account is taken of the most recently discovered fragments published in Oxyrhynchus Papyri. Many conclusions relate to limited techniques or even to particular fragments, but in broad terms we can see that Cratinus plays' had varied political, literary, philosophical and social themes and that some of his burlesques were allegories. Criticism and invective were strongly represented, there was some obscenity, parody tended to be of homer and the early poets rather than of Fifth Century Tragedy, and verbal inventiveness and word-play were prominent. Cratinus had much to say of his rivals and himself. Eupolis overriding interest was in topical criticism and he had no taste for fantasy and mythological burlesque. He shows no signs of full-scale criticism of Tragedy, but some interest in lyric poetry and in philosophy is apparent. He exploited sexual and excretory humour, but was less given to coining words than Crantius. Pherecrates avoided political criticism on the scale of Cratinus and Eupolis attacks and composed rather plays of everyday life. Dietary humour and the Golden Age these are well attested in his work, but he used obscenity with some restraint. He shows but a listed interest in parody. Plato wrote both in the Old and Middle Comedy style, composing burlesques, political plays and literary comedies. Burlesques with erotic themes were particularly to his liking (of. Aleseus Comicus), and sexual humour was probably an important part of his technique. Plato was capable in his use of imagery and verbal humour. Strattis provides our best evidence for burlescue of Tragedy on a large scale.
1974-01-01T00:00:00ZWilson, Allan MurrayThe thesis examines the technique of humour of the old comedians other than Aristophanes, concentrating particularly upon the four for whom we have the best evidence, viz. Cratinus, Eupolis, Pherecrates and Plato. The internal and external evidence for the kind of humour they employed is considered under five principal groupings, viz. The Visual Elements, Ridicule and Criticism, Physical Humour, Parody and Borrowings, and Imagery, Vocabulary and Verbal Devices. Within these main groupings there are many sub-divisions under which the examples of particular techniques are collected and discussed. A list of references is normally given, unless the discussion itself has already listed all examples. Several longer fragments are given detailed consideration and there is an index of fragments discussed. Account is taken of the most recently discovered fragments published in Oxyrhynchus Papyri. Many conclusions relate to limited techniques or even to particular fragments, but in broad terms we can see that Cratinus plays' had varied political, literary, philosophical and social themes and that some of his burlesques were allegories. Criticism and invective were strongly represented, there was some obscenity, parody tended to be of homer and the early poets rather than of Fifth Century Tragedy, and verbal inventiveness and word-play were prominent. Cratinus had much to say of his rivals and himself. Eupolis overriding interest was in topical criticism and he had no taste for fantasy and mythological burlesque. He shows no signs of full-scale criticism of Tragedy, but some interest in lyric poetry and in philosophy is apparent. He exploited sexual and excretory humour, but was less given to coining words than Crantius. Pherecrates avoided political criticism on the scale of Cratinus and Eupolis attacks and composed rather plays of everyday life. Dietary humour and the Golden Age these are well attested in his work, but he used obscenity with some restraint. He shows but a listed interest in parody. Plato wrote both in the Old and Middle Comedy style, composing burlesques, political plays and literary comedies. Burlesques with erotic themes were particularly to his liking (of. Aleseus Comicus), and sexual humour was probably an important part of his technique. Plato was capable in his use of imagery and verbal humour. Strattis provides our best evidence for burlescue of Tragedy on a large scale.Katà stoixēion : the collected letters of Aristophanes, Euripides and Sophocles
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15437
This research, a computer-assisted analysis of fifth century drama covering thirty-six plays: eleven of Aristophanes, eighteen of Euripides, and seven of Sophocles, contains detailed information concerning the distribution of letters in their works. 4 A general letter count was refined in terms of vowels and consonants, and the six consonant groups: gutturals, labials, dentals, liquids, aspirates, and sibilants. Each play was examined individually first as a whole and then in part, the trimeter sections, for as a letter or a group is to the whole so should it be to the part. And if not, why not. A principal consideration was the contribution of sibilants as a 'sound*, Sigma was regarded adversely by literary critics in antiquity; this provides a useful link between quantity and quality. With a view to objectivity, the programmed research was designed with few assumptions and the raw data collected without bias. That is, no a-priori assignments of subjective factors such as 'harshness' were made. The frequency of every letter in an initial, medial, or final position within a phonetic-word and within a verse-line was recorded. Each play, and subsequently each author, was described in terms of vowel to consonant ratio, consonant group representation, consonant group position (i, m, or f), and consonant group alliteration in trimeter scenes. Rudimentary 'voice-prints' for each author emerged indicating individual traits, preferences, and time-dependent features of an author's style. Differences between Comedy and Tragedy were measured and the question of Euripides' alleged excessive sigmaticism examined in full. Evidence of Aristophanes' comic characterisation of Euripides was presented in some detail.
1986-01-01T00:00:00ZKaferly, Diane Helene AmeliaThis research, a computer-assisted analysis of fifth century drama covering thirty-six plays: eleven of Aristophanes, eighteen of Euripides, and seven of Sophocles, contains detailed information concerning the distribution of letters in their works. 4 A general letter count was refined in terms of vowels and consonants, and the six consonant groups: gutturals, labials, dentals, liquids, aspirates, and sibilants. Each play was examined individually first as a whole and then in part, the trimeter sections, for as a letter or a group is to the whole so should it be to the part. And if not, why not. A principal consideration was the contribution of sibilants as a 'sound*, Sigma was regarded adversely by literary critics in antiquity; this provides a useful link between quantity and quality. With a view to objectivity, the programmed research was designed with few assumptions and the raw data collected without bias. That is, no a-priori assignments of subjective factors such as 'harshness' were made. The frequency of every letter in an initial, medial, or final position within a phonetic-word and within a verse-line was recorded. Each play, and subsequently each author, was described in terms of vowel to consonant ratio, consonant group representation, consonant group position (i, m, or f), and consonant group alliteration in trimeter scenes. Rudimentary 'voice-prints' for each author emerged indicating individual traits, preferences, and time-dependent features of an author's style. Differences between Comedy and Tragedy were measured and the question of Euripides' alleged excessive sigmaticism examined in full. Evidence of Aristophanes' comic characterisation of Euripides was presented in some detail.The language of Attic inscriptions, 323-146 BC (excluding ostraka & vases)
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15435
1964-01-01T00:00:00ZHenry, Alan SorleyThe syntax of postpositives in classical greek prose
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15434
Postpositives (in particular, aut-, u-, av, tls) , which do not stand in initial position, have a strong traditional tendency in early Greek word-order to stand in 'peninitial' (second) position; but by classical times this has been modified by frequent 'deferment' to later positions. The thesis is a preliminary to a study of the causes of deferment through comparison of peninitial and deferred instances in which the author has free choice between different word-orders, i.e. is constrained neither by rules associated with his dialect or period nor by habitual formulae. Rules, which reduce the number of 'possible' positions, are listed, and their exceptions studied, in Chapter Two, and Formulae, which may explain, by attraction to the position following particular words, individual cases of both peninitial position and deferment, in Chapter Three. In Chapter One, possible causes of deferment are discussed: 'unit-formation', 'colon-formation', 'formulaism', Comparison of passages in Homer and Herodotus suggests that in many cases these overlap, different causes reinforcing each other; this will make it difficult to eliminate the possibility that further causes may exist. Despite grounds for doubting that grammatical relations determine word-order, there are many cases where a deferred postpositive follows its most closely-related verb; it is revealed that the change from prevalence of peninitial position in Homer to deferment in Herodotus is accompanied more than anything else by an increase in the order verb--postpositive. This theme is continued in Chapter Two with the discovery in Rules XXIV ff. that not only does av not come later than directly after its verb but the others studied are similarly influenced by elements, verbal or substantial, to which they 'belong'; thus the problem of relations with the verb reduces in normal usage to two possibilities, either somewhere before or directly after; the latter is a primary phenomenon compatible with peninitial position but often causing deferment. The tables proving Rules XXV ff. reveal interesting patterns which may be stylometrically useful. In Chapter Four, the conclusions are summed up, and some applied to textual problems in the texts mainly studied (Thucydides, Plato, Demosthenes) and tentatively to detecting discrepancies of style in the spurious and suspected works of the Platonic corpus.
1978-01-01T00:00:00ZMarshall, Morrison H. B.Postpositives (in particular, aut-, u-, av, tls) , which do not stand in initial position, have a strong traditional tendency in early Greek word-order to stand in 'peninitial' (second) position; but by classical times this has been modified by frequent 'deferment' to later positions. The thesis is a preliminary to a study of the causes of deferment through comparison of peninitial and deferred instances in which the author has free choice between different word-orders, i.e. is constrained neither by rules associated with his dialect or period nor by habitual formulae. Rules, which reduce the number of 'possible' positions, are listed, and their exceptions studied, in Chapter Two, and Formulae, which may explain, by attraction to the position following particular words, individual cases of both peninitial position and deferment, in Chapter Three. In Chapter One, possible causes of deferment are discussed: 'unit-formation', 'colon-formation', 'formulaism', Comparison of passages in Homer and Herodotus suggests that in many cases these overlap, different causes reinforcing each other; this will make it difficult to eliminate the possibility that further causes may exist. Despite grounds for doubting that grammatical relations determine word-order, there are many cases where a deferred postpositive follows its most closely-related verb; it is revealed that the change from prevalence of peninitial position in Homer to deferment in Herodotus is accompanied more than anything else by an increase in the order verb--postpositive. This theme is continued in Chapter Two with the discovery in Rules XXIV ff. that not only does av not come later than directly after its verb but the others studied are similarly influenced by elements, verbal or substantial, to which they 'belong'; thus the problem of relations with the verb reduces in normal usage to two possibilities, either somewhere before or directly after; the latter is a primary phenomenon compatible with peninitial position but often causing deferment. The tables proving Rules XXV ff. reveal interesting patterns which may be stylometrically useful. In Chapter Four, the conclusions are summed up, and some applied to textual problems in the texts mainly studied (Thucydides, Plato, Demosthenes) and tentatively to detecting discrepancies of style in the spurious and suspected works of the Platonic corpus.Local defence of Rome's north-east frontier - third to seventh centuries AD
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15185
The purpose of this thesis is to examine the function of local communities in the defence of the late Roman Empire along the North-East frontier. The North-East is defined as those lands between 37 and 49 degrees longitude east and 42 and 36 degrees latitude north, encompassing territories in northern Syria, northern Mesopotamia, Armenia, and Georgia. Efforts at controlling this region had to take into account a variety of communities and environmental conditions. The diversity of the terrain impeded easy unification of the region. Throughout Antiquity attempts were made to overcome these barriers through projects which largely revolved around specific urban centres. Such centres provided points through which imperial powers controlled the periphery via local agents. In order to establish the difficulties faced by both local communities and the late Roman government, the successes and failures of previous imperial powers at controlling the region shall be surveyed. During the fourth century a defensive strategy in which the Roman army avoided pitched battles and increasingly relied on specialists, the limitanei, and the subject population to keep invaders at bay, was developed in the North-East. The imperial government carefully used traditional power structures and local customs to secure the loyalty of both provincial leaders and subjects. This can be observed in detailed studies of several important frontier settlements. Armenian sources have been used in conjunction with Classical literature to create an enriched picture of the North-East. The Christian hierarchy was central to the late Roman government's control of the frontier communities. While they rarely held legitimate military authority, the clergy played a tremendous part in bolstering the morale of commanders, troops, and citizens. They were called upon to arbitrate judicial cases within the empire, and following this development, they acted as intermediaries between imperial courts, opposing armies, and mutinous troops. The Church's missionary efforts and communication with Christian communities on all sides of the frontier made clerics useful agents for negotiation and a valuable source of information. As a consequence, Christianity influenced the development of diplomacy in the region and was in turn influenced by political and military matters. It is debatable whether the late Roman state had developed any sort of "grand strategy" in the North-East. Yet the willingness to support local initiative over the course of three hundred years suggests that the imperial government consciously followed a consistent policy, not unlike that employed during early periods with regards to client kings.
1993-01-01T00:00:00ZFahey, William EdmundThe purpose of this thesis is to examine the function of local communities in the defence of the late Roman Empire along the North-East frontier. The North-East is defined as those lands between 37 and 49 degrees longitude east and 42 and 36 degrees latitude north, encompassing territories in northern Syria, northern Mesopotamia, Armenia, and Georgia. Efforts at controlling this region had to take into account a variety of communities and environmental conditions. The diversity of the terrain impeded easy unification of the region. Throughout Antiquity attempts were made to overcome these barriers through projects which largely revolved around specific urban centres. Such centres provided points through which imperial powers controlled the periphery via local agents. In order to establish the difficulties faced by both local communities and the late Roman government, the successes and failures of previous imperial powers at controlling the region shall be surveyed. During the fourth century a defensive strategy in which the Roman army avoided pitched battles and increasingly relied on specialists, the limitanei, and the subject population to keep invaders at bay, was developed in the North-East. The imperial government carefully used traditional power structures and local customs to secure the loyalty of both provincial leaders and subjects. This can be observed in detailed studies of several important frontier settlements. Armenian sources have been used in conjunction with Classical literature to create an enriched picture of the North-East. The Christian hierarchy was central to the late Roman government's control of the frontier communities. While they rarely held legitimate military authority, the clergy played a tremendous part in bolstering the morale of commanders, troops, and citizens. They were called upon to arbitrate judicial cases within the empire, and following this development, they acted as intermediaries between imperial courts, opposing armies, and mutinous troops. The Church's missionary efforts and communication with Christian communities on all sides of the frontier made clerics useful agents for negotiation and a valuable source of information. As a consequence, Christianity influenced the development of diplomacy in the region and was in turn influenced by political and military matters. It is debatable whether the late Roman state had developed any sort of "grand strategy" in the North-East. Yet the willingness to support local initiative over the course of three hundred years suggests that the imperial government consciously followed a consistent policy, not unlike that employed during early periods with regards to client kings.Some aspects of the political career of Marcus Licinius Crassus, consul 70 and 55BC
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15184
Ch. I A discrepancy exists in the ancient sources between the record of Crassus' activities and assessments of his importance. Some possible reasons are considered. Ch. II Crassus' birth date is placed between late June -115 and very early 114. Absent from Rome between 81 and 82, Crassus entered the senate in about 81. He was praetor in 75 or 74, was prosecuted for incest in 73, and was therefore a privatus when given the command against Spartacus. His political position in the 70s is considered. Ch. III In 70 Crassus was concerned in the restoration of the tribunicia potestas, as he shows connections with several tribunes of the 70s. His breach with Pompey may concern the actions of the censors of 70. Crassus was interested in the reform of the courts, though probably friendly to Verres. Ch. IV Crassus may have been hostile to both Lucullus and Pompey in the early 60s, Cn.Piso prosecuted Manilius in 66/5, and was sent to Spain to facilitate a change of prosecutor. Catiline was involved against Manilius. Ch. V In 65 Crassus aimed to enfranchise the Transpadani in order to increase his power in the comitia. He was also concerned to annexe Egypt, frustrated by Catulus, he considered an alliance with Pompey, and began to cooperate with Caesar. Ch. VI Catiline's supposed Pompeian ties are unconvincing. Crassus supported. Catiline and Antonius. In 63 Cicero allied himself with the optimates, frustrated Crassus' tribunician programme, and tried to destroy his political credibility by virtually creating the Catilinarian "conspiracy". Ch. VII Pompey had hoped to return with his army. He then tried to ally himself with Cato, and dropped several former associates, one of whom, P.Clodius, was helped by Crassus. Crassus joined the optimates to ensure Pompey's frustration. The First Triumvirate ensued. Ch. VIII In April 59 Pompey and Caesar tried to drop Crassus, who managed, through his association with Clodius, to prevent this. The Vettius affair may have been genuine. The tribunician elections were held in October. Ch. IX Having failed to crush Pompey through Clodius, Crassus, with Caesar's help, forced him to a crisis from which he himself would emerge the strongest. Provincial commands were decided at Luca; the second consulship was not. Ch. X Most of the measures passed' in 55 were not politically significant. Crassus, more committed to the alliance, now incurred hostility. Though away in 54 he kept in touch, and may have been involved in the electoral scandal of that year. Ch. XI Crassus' style belied his great ambitions. The nature of his power necessitated an approach different from that of Pompey. His strategy for securing supreme power is considered. The political realignment that followed his death led inevitably to Civil War. Appendix A Crassus married the widow of a brother who died by 91. Publius, his elder son, married Scipio's daughter probably in 55. Marcus married Caecilia Metella in 70 or 69. Appendix B Plutarch's figure for Crassus' total wealth is too low. Pompey and Crassus were both very rich. Crassus had interests in the South of Italy, and derived his wealth from Spanish silver mines, housing, and slaves. Appendix C Cicero's Sixth Stoic Paradox may have existed before all six were published together in 46, Plutarch thought it a speech, and associated it with Crassus' trial for incest in 73.
1981-01-01T00:00:00ZPugh, David William DrummondCh. I A discrepancy exists in the ancient sources between the record of Crassus' activities and assessments of his importance. Some possible reasons are considered. Ch. II Crassus' birth date is placed between late June -115 and very early 114. Absent from Rome between 81 and 82, Crassus entered the senate in about 81. He was praetor in 75 or 74, was prosecuted for incest in 73, and was therefore a privatus when given the command against Spartacus. His political position in the 70s is considered. Ch. III In 70 Crassus was concerned in the restoration of the tribunicia potestas, as he shows connections with several tribunes of the 70s. His breach with Pompey may concern the actions of the censors of 70. Crassus was interested in the reform of the courts, though probably friendly to Verres. Ch. IV Crassus may have been hostile to both Lucullus and Pompey in the early 60s, Cn.Piso prosecuted Manilius in 66/5, and was sent to Spain to facilitate a change of prosecutor. Catiline was involved against Manilius. Ch. V In 65 Crassus aimed to enfranchise the Transpadani in order to increase his power in the comitia. He was also concerned to annexe Egypt, frustrated by Catulus, he considered an alliance with Pompey, and began to cooperate with Caesar. Ch. VI Catiline's supposed Pompeian ties are unconvincing. Crassus supported. Catiline and Antonius. In 63 Cicero allied himself with the optimates, frustrated Crassus' tribunician programme, and tried to destroy his political credibility by virtually creating the Catilinarian "conspiracy". Ch. VII Pompey had hoped to return with his army. He then tried to ally himself with Cato, and dropped several former associates, one of whom, P.Clodius, was helped by Crassus. Crassus joined the optimates to ensure Pompey's frustration. The First Triumvirate ensued. Ch. VIII In April 59 Pompey and Caesar tried to drop Crassus, who managed, through his association with Clodius, to prevent this. The Vettius affair may have been genuine. The tribunician elections were held in October. Ch. IX Having failed to crush Pompey through Clodius, Crassus, with Caesar's help, forced him to a crisis from which he himself would emerge the strongest. Provincial commands were decided at Luca; the second consulship was not. Ch. X Most of the measures passed' in 55 were not politically significant. Crassus, more committed to the alliance, now incurred hostility. Though away in 54 he kept in touch, and may have been involved in the electoral scandal of that year. Ch. XI Crassus' style belied his great ambitions. The nature of his power necessitated an approach different from that of Pompey. His strategy for securing supreme power is considered. The political realignment that followed his death led inevitably to Civil War. Appendix A Crassus married the widow of a brother who died by 91. Publius, his elder son, married Scipio's daughter probably in 55. Marcus married Caecilia Metella in 70 or 69. Appendix B Plutarch's figure for Crassus' total wealth is too low. Pompey and Crassus were both very rich. Crassus had interests in the South of Italy, and derived his wealth from Spanish silver mines, housing, and slaves. Appendix C Cicero's Sixth Stoic Paradox may have existed before all six were published together in 46, Plutarch thought it a speech, and associated it with Crassus' trial for incest in 73.Bloody women : rites of passage, blood and Artemis : women in Classical Athenian conception
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15182
The expected role for women in 5th century Athens as presented in evidence from myths, rituals, medicine and religion was socially and biologically conceived of in strict terms, but it was also perceived as conflicted. This conflict will be explored by investigating women in real life and women in myth and ritual. The ideal rites of passage women were intended to pass through in their lives as exemplified in medical texts required women to shed their blood at appropriate times from menarche to marriage to motherhood. These transitions are socially signified by certain rituals designed to highlight the change in the individuals' status. This medical conception of the female body and its functions was affected by social expectations of the proper female role in society: to be a wife and mother. Myths presented extraordinary women as failing to bleed in the standard socially expected transitions from parthenos to gyne. The discrepancy between the presentation of women in social and medical thought and the presentation of women in myth indicates the ambiguities and difficulties that surround the development of girls into complete women often explored in rituals. These two provinces, women in everyday life and women in myth and ritual, overlap, relate and interpenetrate in the presentation of the goddess Artemis. Artemis operates in a place where myth and real life function together in the form of rituals surrounding women bleeding in these rites of passage. The methodology of social anthropology adopted in this study allows the interpretation of myth in action in women's lives and investigates where social ideals, mythology and the goddess Artemis overlap to inform the lives of women. Rather than merely describe what occurred in myth and ritual or what a woman's life was meant to be, this model will illustrate how such elements combined to affect a woman's life and the functioning of the society in which she lived. The picture which is created of the position of women when this evidence is considered in conjunction with the precepts of social anthropology illustrates part of a discourse about the position women and reveals how the social structure of their place in society was produced and reproduced.
1998-01-01T00:00:00ZThompson, Heather AnnThe expected role for women in 5th century Athens as presented in evidence from myths, rituals, medicine and religion was socially and biologically conceived of in strict terms, but it was also perceived as conflicted. This conflict will be explored by investigating women in real life and women in myth and ritual. The ideal rites of passage women were intended to pass through in their lives as exemplified in medical texts required women to shed their blood at appropriate times from menarche to marriage to motherhood. These transitions are socially signified by certain rituals designed to highlight the change in the individuals' status. This medical conception of the female body and its functions was affected by social expectations of the proper female role in society: to be a wife and mother. Myths presented extraordinary women as failing to bleed in the standard socially expected transitions from parthenos to gyne. The discrepancy between the presentation of women in social and medical thought and the presentation of women in myth indicates the ambiguities and difficulties that surround the development of girls into complete women often explored in rituals. These two provinces, women in everyday life and women in myth and ritual, overlap, relate and interpenetrate in the presentation of the goddess Artemis. Artemis operates in a place where myth and real life function together in the form of rituals surrounding women bleeding in these rites of passage. The methodology of social anthropology adopted in this study allows the interpretation of myth in action in women's lives and investigates where social ideals, mythology and the goddess Artemis overlap to inform the lives of women. Rather than merely describe what occurred in myth and ritual or what a woman's life was meant to be, this model will illustrate how such elements combined to affect a woman's life and the functioning of the society in which she lived. The picture which is created of the position of women when this evidence is considered in conjunction with the precepts of social anthropology illustrates part of a discourse about the position women and reveals how the social structure of their place in society was produced and reproduced.The role played by the sanctuary at Isthmia in the rise of the Corinthian polis from the eighth to the sixth century BC
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/15161
Bringing together selected evidence from sanctuaries and burials outside and within the Corinthia, the present study discusses the material in five chapters. Each is devoted to providing an insight into a particular aspect of overall sanctuary development. Chapter One considers all the available literary evidence relevant to the relationship between Corinth and Isthmia. This is then complemented by Chapter Two which is concerned with the archaeological evidence of Isthmia and two other contemporary Corinthian sanctuary sites at Perachora and Temple Hill. The nature and location of burial sites within the Corinthia are then discussed in Chapter Three to bring attention to the change in dedicatory habits. Chapter Four uses the evidence of the previous chapters to chart the development and influence of Isthmia socially and politically within the Corinthia and in a Panhellenic situation. Chapter Five uses comparative material to place these developments in a truly Greek context. This Thesis gives weight to recent theories about the rise of sanctuaries and the polis. It combines archaeological evidence from sanctuary and burial sites to give a broader and deeper picture of the socio-political development of Corinth.
1997-01-01T00:00:00ZToley, Richard MarkBringing together selected evidence from sanctuaries and burials outside and within the Corinthia, the present study discusses the material in five chapters. Each is devoted to providing an insight into a particular aspect of overall sanctuary development. Chapter One considers all the available literary evidence relevant to the relationship between Corinth and Isthmia. This is then complemented by Chapter Two which is concerned with the archaeological evidence of Isthmia and two other contemporary Corinthian sanctuary sites at Perachora and Temple Hill. The nature and location of burial sites within the Corinthia are then discussed in Chapter Three to bring attention to the change in dedicatory habits. Chapter Four uses the evidence of the previous chapters to chart the development and influence of Isthmia socially and politically within the Corinthia and in a Panhellenic situation. Chapter Five uses comparative material to place these developments in a truly Greek context. This Thesis gives weight to recent theories about the rise of sanctuaries and the polis. It combines archaeological evidence from sanctuary and burial sites to give a broader and deeper picture of the socio-political development of Corinth.A commentary on Plautus' 'Aulularia'
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/14536
This thesis provides a commentary on Plautus' Aulularia. In the introduction I examine the key themes and issues of Aulularia, in particular the two main textual problems of the names of the slaves and the lost ending, and the two main themes of communication and religion. The introduction also examines the characters of the play, some aspects relating to the Greek model, the main features of Plautine Latin, and the MSS tradition. However, there is not an attempt either to discover exactly what Plautus wrote, or to reconstruct the Greek model. The commentary focuses on the explanation of lines which are difficult or unusual linguistically, metrically, or textually, but also discusses social and historical themes as they arise, which are not examined in the introduction. Thus I have aimed to investigate technical aspects in detail, while keeping in mind a broader perspective, which enables one to discover the themes of the play. These themes have been emphasised in order to create a form useful to both undergraduate and postgraduate students, since the ultimate aim is to publish the commentary. At the end of the commentary there is a conspectus metrorum, which aims to provide a starting-point for an investigation of the metre of the play, rather than a definitive analysis. It is the aim of this commentary and introduction to aid appreciation and understanding of the material that survives to us, while not forgetting that it does not exist in isolation from its Greek model, but recognising that there is value in a study of this play for itself, whether or not Plautus remained close to or deviated much from his Greek model.
2005-01-01T00:00:00ZWalker, JoanneThis thesis provides a commentary on Plautus' Aulularia. In the introduction I examine the key themes and issues of Aulularia, in particular the two main textual problems of the names of the slaves and the lost ending, and the two main themes of communication and religion. The introduction also examines the characters of the play, some aspects relating to the Greek model, the main features of Plautine Latin, and the MSS tradition. However, there is not an attempt either to discover exactly what Plautus wrote, or to reconstruct the Greek model. The commentary focuses on the explanation of lines which are difficult or unusual linguistically, metrically, or textually, but also discusses social and historical themes as they arise, which are not examined in the introduction. Thus I have aimed to investigate technical aspects in detail, while keeping in mind a broader perspective, which enables one to discover the themes of the play. These themes have been emphasised in order to create a form useful to both undergraduate and postgraduate students, since the ultimate aim is to publish the commentary. At the end of the commentary there is a conspectus metrorum, which aims to provide a starting-point for an investigation of the metre of the play, rather than a definitive analysis. It is the aim of this commentary and introduction to aid appreciation and understanding of the material that survives to us, while not forgetting that it does not exist in isolation from its Greek model, but recognising that there is value in a study of this play for itself, whether or not Plautus remained close to or deviated much from his Greek model.Sex and society in the 'Laws' of Plato
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/14535
This thesis deals with the topics of sex and society in the Laws of Plato with recourse to ancient historical context and modern critical theory. It examines reconstructions of ancient 'sexuality' (e.g. through Dover, Foucault and Davidson) with a view to increased clarification. The text of the Laws is considered, along with many of its literary qualities, its influences and the utopian plan that it entails. Plato's narrator, the Athenian Stranger, has proposed the remarkable theory that sexuality can be controlled through the manipulation of people's thoughts. The thesis is particularly interested in the manner in which sexuality is ideologically constructed. A significant portion of this inquiry deals with education in the hypothetical polis (Magnesia) and the part that this is designed to play specifically in terms of sex-role stereotyping. The Laws spins andreia as the ideal model for the Magnesians to imitate in their mandatory pursuit of arete. The reformulation of the Magnesian oikos and the 'brave new femininity' that this plan entails figure prominently into this examination. Magnesian women must become more like (idealised) men in terms of 'manly' enkrateia. They will combine alleged elements from athenian, Spartan, Kretan, Sauromatian and Amazonian women (plus Platonic philosophy) to attain this new status. Men must become less like women are perceived to be. A law is drafted to ban same-sex activities, considered 'womanish', but there is some uncertainty as to whether or not it will ever be enforced. Psychology and propaganda, religion, education, the family and government will all work together to affect the moral hygiene of Magnesia. The thesis investigates each of these topics, with recourse to material outside the Laws, in considering Plato's social/sexual construction theory.
2003-01-01T00:00:00ZMoore, Kenneth R.This thesis deals with the topics of sex and society in the Laws of Plato with recourse to ancient historical context and modern critical theory. It examines reconstructions of ancient 'sexuality' (e.g. through Dover, Foucault and Davidson) with a view to increased clarification. The text of the Laws is considered, along with many of its literary qualities, its influences and the utopian plan that it entails. Plato's narrator, the Athenian Stranger, has proposed the remarkable theory that sexuality can be controlled through the manipulation of people's thoughts. The thesis is particularly interested in the manner in which sexuality is ideologically constructed. A significant portion of this inquiry deals with education in the hypothetical polis (Magnesia) and the part that this is designed to play specifically in terms of sex-role stereotyping. The Laws spins andreia as the ideal model for the Magnesians to imitate in their mandatory pursuit of arete. The reformulation of the Magnesian oikos and the 'brave new femininity' that this plan entails figure prominently into this examination. Magnesian women must become more like (idealised) men in terms of 'manly' enkrateia. They will combine alleged elements from athenian, Spartan, Kretan, Sauromatian and Amazonian women (plus Platonic philosophy) to attain this new status. Men must become less like women are perceived to be. A law is drafted to ban same-sex activities, considered 'womanish', but there is some uncertainty as to whether or not it will ever be enforced. Psychology and propaganda, religion, education, the family and government will all work together to affect the moral hygiene of Magnesia. The thesis investigates each of these topics, with recourse to material outside the Laws, in considering Plato's social/sexual construction theory.Linguistic evidence for Mycenaean epic
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/14497
It is now widely acknowledged that the Greek epic tradition, best known from Homer, dates back into the Mycenaean Age, and that certain aspects of epic language point to an origin for this type of verse before the date of the extant Linear B tablets. This thesis argues that not only is this so, but that indeed before the end of the Mycenaean Age epic verse was composed in a distinctive literary language characterized by the presence of alternative forms used for metrical convenience. Such alternatives included dialectal variants and forms which were retained in epic once obsolete in everyday speech. Thus epic language in the 2nd millennium already possessed some of the most distinctive characteristics manifest in its Homeric incarnation, namely the presence of doublets and the retention of archaisms. It is argued here that the most probable source for accretions to epic language was at all times the spoken language familiar to the poets of the tradition. There is reason to believe that certain archaic forms, attested only in epic and its imitators, were obsolete in spoken Greek before 1200 B.C.; by examining formulae containing such forms it is possible to determine the likely subject-matter of 2nd millennium epic. Such a linguistic analysis leads to the conclusion that much of the thematic content of Homeric epic corresponds to that of 2nd millennium epic. Non-Homeric early dactylic verse (e.g. the Hesiodic corpus) provides examples of both non-Homeric dialect forms and of archaisms unknown from Homer. This fact, it is argued, points to the conclusion that the 2nd millennium linguistic heritage of epic is evident also from these poems, and that they are not simply imitations of Homer, but independent representatives of the same poetic tradition whose roots lie in the 2nd millennium epic.
2003-01-01T00:00:00ZMacleod, EilidhIt is now widely acknowledged that the Greek epic tradition, best known from Homer, dates back into the Mycenaean Age, and that certain aspects of epic language point to an origin for this type of verse before the date of the extant Linear B tablets. This thesis argues that not only is this so, but that indeed before the end of the Mycenaean Age epic verse was composed in a distinctive literary language characterized by the presence of alternative forms used for metrical convenience. Such alternatives included dialectal variants and forms which were retained in epic once obsolete in everyday speech. Thus epic language in the 2nd millennium already possessed some of the most distinctive characteristics manifest in its Homeric incarnation, namely the presence of doublets and the retention of archaisms. It is argued here that the most probable source for accretions to epic language was at all times the spoken language familiar to the poets of the tradition. There is reason to believe that certain archaic forms, attested only in epic and its imitators, were obsolete in spoken Greek before 1200 B.C.; by examining formulae containing such forms it is possible to determine the likely subject-matter of 2nd millennium epic. Such a linguistic analysis leads to the conclusion that much of the thematic content of Homeric epic corresponds to that of 2nd millennium epic. Non-Homeric early dactylic verse (e.g. the Hesiodic corpus) provides examples of both non-Homeric dialect forms and of archaisms unknown from Homer. This fact, it is argued, points to the conclusion that the 2nd millennium linguistic heritage of epic is evident also from these poems, and that they are not simply imitations of Homer, but independent representatives of the same poetic tradition whose roots lie in the 2nd millennium epic.Myth and argument in Plato’s Phaedrus, Republic, and Phaedo
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/14175
Myth and Argument in Plato’s Phaedrus, Republic, and Phaedo investigates the role played by eschatological myth in the arguments of Plato’s Phaedrus, Republic and Phaedo. It argues that a reconsideration of the agenda followed by Socrates in each of these dialogues brings into view the contribution made by the mythological narrative to their argumentative line. Each of the three chapters of my thesis analyses the nature of this contribution.
The first chapter argues that the myth occupying the central pages of the Phaedrus contributes to developing one of the themes addressed in the dialogue, namely a link between the divine realm and the activities thought by Phaedrus to be unrelated to the religious sphere. By showing that Eros fosters imitation of the gods, the palinode makes an important contribution to this topic.
The second chapter proposes that the myth of Er and passage 608c2-621d3 in which it is included are an essential part of the line of argument of the Republic. I analyse the aims Socrates sets in Book 2 for his investigation into justice, and show that they include the description of the positive consequences of justice along with the benefits it causes in and by itself. By listing the rewards just people will receive from other people and the gods, passage 608c2-621d3 gives a description of the positive consequences of justice.
The third chapter argues that the argumentative line followed in the Phaedo finds its culmination in the eschatological myth. Socrates expresses a hope for post-mortem justice in his defence of the philosophical life. To render it plausible to his interlocutors he needs to show that the soul is both immortal and intrinsically intelligent. After vindicating these notions, Socrates presents in the concluding myth the image of an afterlife governed by ethical principles.
2018-06-28T00:00:00ZFossati, ManlioMyth and Argument in Plato’s Phaedrus, Republic, and Phaedo investigates the role played by eschatological myth in the arguments of Plato’s Phaedrus, Republic and Phaedo. It argues that a reconsideration of the agenda followed by Socrates in each of these dialogues brings into view the contribution made by the mythological narrative to their argumentative line. Each of the three chapters of my thesis analyses the nature of this contribution.
The first chapter argues that the myth occupying the central pages of the Phaedrus contributes to developing one of the themes addressed in the dialogue, namely a link between the divine realm and the activities thought by Phaedrus to be unrelated to the religious sphere. By showing that Eros fosters imitation of the gods, the palinode makes an important contribution to this topic.
The second chapter proposes that the myth of Er and passage 608c2-621d3 in which it is included are an essential part of the line of argument of the Republic. I analyse the aims Socrates sets in Book 2 for his investigation into justice, and show that they include the description of the positive consequences of justice along with the benefits it causes in and by itself. By listing the rewards just people will receive from other people and the gods, passage 608c2-621d3 gives a description of the positive consequences of justice.
The third chapter argues that the argumentative line followed in the Phaedo finds its culmination in the eschatological myth. Socrates expresses a hope for post-mortem justice in his defence of the philosophical life. To render it plausible to his interlocutors he needs to show that the soul is both immortal and intrinsically intelligent. After vindicating these notions, Socrates presents in the concluding myth the image of an afterlife governed by ethical principles.Other times, other customs? : analysing the 'Gesta Roberti Wiscardi'
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/13818
This thesis approaches the Gesta Roberti Wiscardi as a means of gaining an insight into the cultural values of its author and intended audience. A detailed study is made of the various role models within the poem: the ideal soldier, the good lord, the role of women in society, and the perception of priests and the papacy. In addition to this the text is used to establish racial stereotypes for the following groups of peoples: the Germans, Sicilians, Seljuqs, Greeks, Italians, Venetians and Normans. The significance of the characterisation of individuals who are portrayed in a manner inconsistent with their racial stereotype is also examined. The thesis re-examines the evidence in the text and in other document sources concerning the author of the poem and establishes a viable identification. A new interpretation of the role of the two patrons. Urban II and Roger Borsa, is also discussed. The question of the consistency of style in William of Apulia's poem is also addressed and set in the context of the subject matter and intent of the work. Finally a discussion is made of the evidence for the use of William as a source by three subsequent historians: Robert of Torigni, Suger of St Denis and Anna Comnena. This thesis draws attention to further use of the Gesta by Robert than previously realised and for the first time forwards a concrete case for its use by the latter two authors.
2002-01-01T00:00:00ZTitchen, John WilliamThis thesis approaches the Gesta Roberti Wiscardi as a means of gaining an insight into the cultural values of its author and intended audience. A detailed study is made of the various role models within the poem: the ideal soldier, the good lord, the role of women in society, and the perception of priests and the papacy. In addition to this the text is used to establish racial stereotypes for the following groups of peoples: the Germans, Sicilians, Seljuqs, Greeks, Italians, Venetians and Normans. The significance of the characterisation of individuals who are portrayed in a manner inconsistent with their racial stereotype is also examined. The thesis re-examines the evidence in the text and in other document sources concerning the author of the poem and establishes a viable identification. A new interpretation of the role of the two patrons. Urban II and Roger Borsa, is also discussed. The question of the consistency of style in William of Apulia's poem is also addressed and set in the context of the subject matter and intent of the work. Finally a discussion is made of the evidence for the use of William as a source by three subsequent historians: Robert of Torigni, Suger of St Denis and Anna Comnena. This thesis draws attention to further use of the Gesta by Robert than previously realised and for the first time forwards a concrete case for its use by the latter two authors.Representing the symposion : identity and performance in the 'Symposia' of Plato and Xenophon
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/13817
This thesis contends that to uncover the 'real' symposion from its literary and artistic representations is a difficult task. Every representation of the symposion is informed by its author's wider textual ambitions. Its shape, the roles it plays, and the meanings it conveys are all determined by considerations other than providing an authentic snapshot of sympotic life. However, by acknowledging and investigating these authorial strategies, it might just be possible to catch a glimpse of the event they purport to represent, as this close reading of the Symposia of Plato and Xenophon aims to show. For, at the heart of Plato and Xenophon's ambitions lies an interest in the protocols and procedures of the symposion, even as these are shaped for philosophical ends. Chasing the symposion via this route will lead us into a world of philosophy and education, where the democratic city clashes with and is subsumed into processes of elite self-fashioning. The performances in Plato's idealised symposion are epideixeis which affirm (at the same time as they open up and explore) their performers' claims to be well-educated, symposion-gomg kaloi kagathoi. By contrast, the epideixeis of Xenophon's symposiasts take part in a discussion of kalokagaihia, and suggest how the symposion might (or might not) facilitate its learning. Both Plato and Xenophon are concerned with the symposion as a location for kalokagathia and with kalokagathia as a process. In its quest for the symposion, this thesis uncovers two distinct, but related, conceptions of the symposion and suggests some new ways of reading Plato and Xenophon's Symposia. For Plato, the symposion operates alongside the more traditionally 'philosophical' content of his dialogue. By contrast, Xenophon imposes his writerly agenda on top of his symposion, extolling the merits of his textual Symposium over the symposion.
2003-01-01T00:00:00ZHobden, FionaThis thesis contends that to uncover the 'real' symposion from its literary and artistic representations is a difficult task. Every representation of the symposion is informed by its author's wider textual ambitions. Its shape, the roles it plays, and the meanings it conveys are all determined by considerations other than providing an authentic snapshot of sympotic life. However, by acknowledging and investigating these authorial strategies, it might just be possible to catch a glimpse of the event they purport to represent, as this close reading of the Symposia of Plato and Xenophon aims to show. For, at the heart of Plato and Xenophon's ambitions lies an interest in the protocols and procedures of the symposion, even as these are shaped for philosophical ends. Chasing the symposion via this route will lead us into a world of philosophy and education, where the democratic city clashes with and is subsumed into processes of elite self-fashioning. The performances in Plato's idealised symposion are epideixeis which affirm (at the same time as they open up and explore) their performers' claims to be well-educated, symposion-gomg kaloi kagathoi. By contrast, the epideixeis of Xenophon's symposiasts take part in a discussion of kalokagaihia, and suggest how the symposion might (or might not) facilitate its learning. Both Plato and Xenophon are concerned with the symposion as a location for kalokagathia and with kalokagathia as a process. In its quest for the symposion, this thesis uncovers two distinct, but related, conceptions of the symposion and suggests some new ways of reading Plato and Xenophon's Symposia. For Plato, the symposion operates alongside the more traditionally 'philosophical' content of his dialogue. By contrast, Xenophon imposes his writerly agenda on top of his symposion, extolling the merits of his textual Symposium over the symposion.Virgil glosses in Latin glossaries
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/13623
1922-01-01T00:00:00ZDall, Agnes Farmer GibsonThe life and work of 'Palmyra Wood', a biographical study : including a description of his travels, the first draft of his essay on Homer, and a commentary on the place of the essay in English and German criticism
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/13087
1928-01-01T00:00:00ZMoncur, JamesThe records of the Fratres Arvales : a study of their ritual
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/13086
1934-01-01T00:00:00ZKilgour, AndrewThebes, the Boeotian League, and central Greece : political and military development and interaction in the fourth century B.C.
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/12254
The history of central Greece in the fourth century BC has long been viewed through the lens of Athenian and Spartan interests which distorts the historical narrative and often misleads the reader regarding the causes and effects of events in this region. The following examination rejects this view and instead uses a regional approach to achieve new and unique understandings of major events in central Greece during the first half of the fourth century BC. The main focus of the examination is the internal developments of the Boeotian League and its interaction with the other states of central Greece. This refers to the relationship between Thebes and the other cities of Boeotia within the federal state as well as between the Boeotian League and Locris, Phocis, and Thessaly. These relationships, when assessed from a regional perspective using both literary and archaeological evidence, craft a new narrative for the political and military history of central Greece, a narrative which can be defined as ‘Boeotian.’ In doing so, many long-standing ideas regarding this period will be challenged including ideological shifts within the government of Boeotia, motivations for the beginning of the Corinthian War, the historical importance of Pelopidas and Epaminondas, and the mechanisms of Boeotian supremacy in central Greece.
2017-06-22T00:00:00ZFurman, Michael StephenThe history of central Greece in the fourth century BC has long been viewed through the lens of Athenian and Spartan interests which distorts the historical narrative and often misleads the reader regarding the causes and effects of events in this region. The following examination rejects this view and instead uses a regional approach to achieve new and unique understandings of major events in central Greece during the first half of the fourth century BC. The main focus of the examination is the internal developments of the Boeotian League and its interaction with the other states of central Greece. This refers to the relationship between Thebes and the other cities of Boeotia within the federal state as well as between the Boeotian League and Locris, Phocis, and Thessaly. These relationships, when assessed from a regional perspective using both literary and archaeological evidence, craft a new narrative for the political and military history of central Greece, a narrative which can be defined as ‘Boeotian.’ In doing so, many long-standing ideas regarding this period will be challenged including ideological shifts within the government of Boeotia, motivations for the beginning of the Corinthian War, the historical importance of Pelopidas and Epaminondas, and the mechanisms of Boeotian supremacy in central Greece.Servius, Cato the Elder and Virgil
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/12119
This paper considers one of the most significant of the authors cited in the Servian tradition, Cato the Elder. He is cited more than any other historian, and looked at the other way round, Servius is a very important source for our knowledge of Cato. This paper addresses the questions of what we learn from Servius’ use of Cato, and what we learn about Virgil ?
2017-01-01T00:00:00ZSmith, Christopher JohnThis paper considers one of the most significant of the authors cited in the Servian tradition, Cato the Elder. He is cited more than any other historian, and looked at the other way round, Servius is a very important source for our knowledge of Cato. This paper addresses the questions of what we learn from Servius’ use of Cato, and what we learn about Virgil ?Cassandra in Aesychylus' 'Agamemnon' : language and character interaction
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/12117
This study in four parts examines the Cassandra scene in Aeschylus' Agamemnon, the first play in his sole extant trilogy entitled Oresteia. In the first part, a brief survey of Cassandra's language is given in which I try to argue that her deranged state affects her utterances and causes communication problems between her and the Chorus. The first part ends with a preliminary appraisal of her relationship with Apollo. The second part deals with her barbarian aspect. At the beginning, I deal with the general antithesis between Greeks and Orientals and incorporate some information on the oriental and/or primitive elements of Apolline worship. The rest is more focused on Agamemnon and specifically on the debt of Aeschylus to the tradition; and on the oriental and/or primitive elements of Cassandra, without forgetting the King, the Queen and Apollo, whose figure and relationships with his "servants" are briefly discussed. The third part examines the relationship between Agamemnon and Cassandra. Adopting a scene by scene analysis on the meaning of the presence (and sometimes absence) of the King, we come to the conclusion that the King, already overburdened with mistakes, commits another by having, unlike Apollo, a rather carnal relationship with Cassandra. As for the last part, following the same principle of analysis, we deal with the majestic figure of the Queen. Through her manipulation of language, and consequently of the other personages (namely the Elders and Agamemnon), we try to discover differences and possible similarities with Cassandra, on the basis of Clytaemnestra's and Cassandra's marginal status.
1993-01-01T00:00:00ZVarvatsoulis, AthanasiosThis study in four parts examines the Cassandra scene in Aeschylus' Agamemnon, the first play in his sole extant trilogy entitled Oresteia. In the first part, a brief survey of Cassandra's language is given in which I try to argue that her deranged state affects her utterances and causes communication problems between her and the Chorus. The first part ends with a preliminary appraisal of her relationship with Apollo. The second part deals with her barbarian aspect. At the beginning, I deal with the general antithesis between Greeks and Orientals and incorporate some information on the oriental and/or primitive elements of Apolline worship. The rest is more focused on Agamemnon and specifically on the debt of Aeschylus to the tradition; and on the oriental and/or primitive elements of Cassandra, without forgetting the King, the Queen and Apollo, whose figure and relationships with his "servants" are briefly discussed. The third part examines the relationship between Agamemnon and Cassandra. Adopting a scene by scene analysis on the meaning of the presence (and sometimes absence) of the King, we come to the conclusion that the King, already overburdened with mistakes, commits another by having, unlike Apollo, a rather carnal relationship with Cassandra. As for the last part, following the same principle of analysis, we deal with the majestic figure of the Queen. Through her manipulation of language, and consequently of the other personages (namely the Elders and Agamemnon), we try to discover differences and possible similarities with Cassandra, on the basis of Clytaemnestra's and Cassandra's marginal status.Representations of empire : images of foreign peoples and places on Roman coinage (138 B.C.-96 A.D.)
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/12115
This thesis examines figural representations of foreign peoples and places on Roman coinage. An accompanying appendix thoroughly catalogues this imagery between its earliest extant appearance in approximately 138 B.C. and the death of Domitian in 96 A.D.
A systematic survey makes it possible to nuance existing narratives of the development of this imagery that privileged the late first and early second centuries A.D. as the key moments of change by revealing considerable diversity and innovation in the earlier period. A second contribution is methodological, highlighting the need for contextual analysis of individual issues to supplement the typological approach that has dominated earlier scholarship.
Chapter One focuses on image types produced between 138-31 B.C. This was a particularly vibrant period for the production of these images and the chapter reveals a diverse spectrum of imagery. This contrasts sharply with previous assessments that characterised the period as dominated by images of submission. Chapter Two concentrates on Augustan imperial coinage (31 B.C.-14 A.D.) and identifies a shift towards more consistent usage of submissive imagery. Chapter Three highlights a significant decline in the use of images of foreign peoples and places on imperial coinage minted by the Julio-Claudian successors (14-68 A.D.). Chapter Four identifies a dramatic, albeit inconsistent, resurgence in the use of personifications of foreign peoples and places on coinage minted by competing imperial claimants during the civil wars of 68-69 A.D. Chapter Five focuses on Flavian imperial coinage (69-96 A.D.) and uncovers a significant resurgence in captive imagery. It identifies a new blurring of the lines between the iconographic traditions of captives and personifications of peoples and places. This blending of the two traditions lays important foundations for subsequent imagery on Trajanic imperial coinage.
2017-12-08T00:00:00ZMacDougall, Ellen Margaret HopeThis thesis examines figural representations of foreign peoples and places on Roman coinage. An accompanying appendix thoroughly catalogues this imagery between its earliest extant appearance in approximately 138 B.C. and the death of Domitian in 96 A.D.
A systematic survey makes it possible to nuance existing narratives of the development of this imagery that privileged the late first and early second centuries A.D. as the key moments of change by revealing considerable diversity and innovation in the earlier period. A second contribution is methodological, highlighting the need for contextual analysis of individual issues to supplement the typological approach that has dominated earlier scholarship.
Chapter One focuses on image types produced between 138-31 B.C. This was a particularly vibrant period for the production of these images and the chapter reveals a diverse spectrum of imagery. This contrasts sharply with previous assessments that characterised the period as dominated by images of submission. Chapter Two concentrates on Augustan imperial coinage (31 B.C.-14 A.D.) and identifies a shift towards more consistent usage of submissive imagery. Chapter Three highlights a significant decline in the use of images of foreign peoples and places on imperial coinage minted by the Julio-Claudian successors (14-68 A.D.). Chapter Four identifies a dramatic, albeit inconsistent, resurgence in the use of personifications of foreign peoples and places on coinage minted by competing imperial claimants during the civil wars of 68-69 A.D. Chapter Five focuses on Flavian imperial coinage (69-96 A.D.) and uncovers a significant resurgence in captive imagery. It identifies a new blurring of the lines between the iconographic traditions of captives and personifications of peoples and places. This blending of the two traditions lays important foundations for subsequent imagery on Trajanic imperial coinage.The fifth-century crisis
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/12066
This essay seeks to establish the parameters of our uncertainty concerning one of the most difficult periods of Roman history, the period between the traditional end of the Roman monarchy and the passing of the Licinio-Sextian legislation. In addition to some methodological observations, the essay attempts to offer a model for understanding Roman choices and decisions in a period of change and transformation.
2017-10-26T00:00:00ZSmith, Christopher JohnThis essay seeks to establish the parameters of our uncertainty concerning one of the most difficult periods of Roman history, the period between the traditional end of the Roman monarchy and the passing of the Licinio-Sextian legislation. In addition to some methodological observations, the essay attempts to offer a model for understanding Roman choices and decisions in a period of change and transformation.J.B. Ward-Perkins, the BSR and the landscape tradition in post-war Italian archaeology
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/12063
Nothing has so characterized the British School at Rome's approach, from its inception, as the commitment to landscape archaeology in one form or another. This paper discusses the origins of this commitment in the work of Thomas Ashby, but focuses on the major contribution of J.B. Ward-Perkins and the South Etruria Survey. This survey is set in the context both of intellectual developments in landscape archaeology, and the specific circumstances of the BSR, and its Director, after the Second World War. The article traces the impact of this work on subsequent landscape archaeology.
2017-10-26T00:00:00ZSmith, Christopher JohnNothing has so characterized the British School at Rome's approach, from its inception, as the commitment to landscape archaeology in one form or another. This paper discusses the origins of this commitment in the work of Thomas Ashby, but focuses on the major contribution of J.B. Ward-Perkins and the South Etruria Survey. This survey is set in the context both of intellectual developments in landscape archaeology, and the specific circumstances of the BSR, and its Director, after the Second World War. The article traces the impact of this work on subsequent landscape archaeology.Imperii pretium : cultural development and conceptual transformations in the myth of Eteokles and Polyneices from Aeschylus to Alfieri
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/12013
This thesis contextualises and explores the reconceptualization of the myth of Eteokles
and Polyneices in Greek, Latin and Italian tragedy, the literary genre that more than any
other offers the opportunity to trace its progressive transformation across a series of
relatively continuous and consistent phases. Within these limits, this study represents
the first comprehensive, systematic and detailed comparative analysis of the cultural
development of this myth, charting the shaping of its key themes: war and rivalry,
autochthony and patriotism, the connection between incest, parricide and fratricide, the
effects of predestination/family curse, the clash between private and public interests,
and the legitimate limits of power.
By means of a close examination of the thesis’ main corpus (constituted by Aeschylus’
Seven against Thebes, Sophocles’ Antigone, Oedipus Tyrannos and Oedipus at Colonus,
Euripides’ Phoenician Women, Seneca’s Oedipus and Phoenissae, Dolce’s Giocasta
and Alfieri’s Polinice) this dissertation demonstrates that the brothers are not merely
two stereotypical types whose characterisation as mortal enemies remains static and
unvaried. Although their rivalry never stops, the meaning, dynamic and purpose of their
struggle are progressively but profoundly transformed throughout the centuries. In
particular, I argue that the martial component that initially defined this myth, admittedly
important throughout its legacy, is variously adapted to accommodate either a warning
against the horrors of violence and subjugation, a cautionary appeal against overly
aggressive foreign policy, a denunciation of the unbearable price of civil strife, or an
aspiration to pacifism. In parallel, I analyse how the reflection on power and power
struggle becomes increasingly predominant, eventually displacing the war theme as the
main focus of this myth with a warning against the dangers of tyranny.
2016-06-01T00:00:00ZVettor, LetiziaThis thesis contextualises and explores the reconceptualization of the myth of Eteokles
and Polyneices in Greek, Latin and Italian tragedy, the literary genre that more than any
other offers the opportunity to trace its progressive transformation across a series of
relatively continuous and consistent phases. Within these limits, this study represents
the first comprehensive, systematic and detailed comparative analysis of the cultural
development of this myth, charting the shaping of its key themes: war and rivalry,
autochthony and patriotism, the connection between incest, parricide and fratricide, the
effects of predestination/family curse, the clash between private and public interests,
and the legitimate limits of power.
By means of a close examination of the thesis’ main corpus (constituted by Aeschylus’
Seven against Thebes, Sophocles’ Antigone, Oedipus Tyrannos and Oedipus at Colonus,
Euripides’ Phoenician Women, Seneca’s Oedipus and Phoenissae, Dolce’s Giocasta
and Alfieri’s Polinice) this dissertation demonstrates that the brothers are not merely
two stereotypical types whose characterisation as mortal enemies remains static and
unvaried. Although their rivalry never stops, the meaning, dynamic and purpose of their
struggle are progressively but profoundly transformed throughout the centuries. In
particular, I argue that the martial component that initially defined this myth, admittedly
important throughout its legacy, is variously adapted to accommodate either a warning
against the horrors of violence and subjugation, a cautionary appeal against overly
aggressive foreign policy, a denunciation of the unbearable price of civil strife, or an
aspiration to pacifism. In parallel, I analyse how the reflection on power and power
struggle becomes increasingly predominant, eventually displacing the war theme as the
main focus of this myth with a warning against the dangers of tyranny.The influence of Achaemenid Persia on fourth-century and early Hellenistic Greek tyranny
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/11826
This thesis is an examination of how Greek tyranny in the fourth century and the early Hellenistic age was influenced by Achaemenid Persia and the Ancient Near East. The introduction lays out the problems of interpreting the Ancient Near East through Greco-Roman sources, via Ephippus' description of Alexander the Great, as well as discussing two important examples of Persianisation that have been examined in detail in the past: Pausanias of Sparta and Alexander the Great. The relevant Classical Greek and Achaemenid sources concerning Persian kingship are then considered, in order to establish four categories by which to examine the tyrannical dynasties chosen as case studies: Appearance, Accessibility, Dynasty and Military Function. Using these four categories, the dynasties of the Dionysii of Syracuse, the Clearchids of Heraclea Pontica, the Hecatomnids of Caria and Agathocles of Syracuse, chosen for their geographical and temporal variance, are examined individually over the next four chapters.
Appearance concerns the ruler's dress and body presentation, the use of status items such as crowns and sceptres, and the display of luxury. Accessibility concerns the use of architecture and fortifications, as well as court protocol and bodyguards, in order to control access to the ruler. Dynasty concerns family trees, marriages and the role of women, and the role of close family and subordinates in important administrative positions. Military Function concerns the role of the ruler in warfare as well as power symbols, titles and epithets. The analysis of the tyrannies taken altogether using the same categories forms the basis of the subsequent chapter, and allows for comparison with the Achaemenid Persian evidence in order to determine whether there is any significant correlation. This chapter also examines the potential methods of transmission. The thesis concludes that there are significant similarities in some aspects of tyrannical rule with that of Achaemenid kingship, and demonstrates that tyrants were engaging in the political and philosophical discourse of the era. The 'royal nature' as demonstrated by Xenophon proves to be something that tyrants aspire to, without becoming kings in name. The thesis also concludes that thinking of Greek tyrants in rigid characterisation is no longer acceptable, whether temporally as alter and junger tyranny, or geographically as Greek rulers of Greek cities with no contextual influence.
2015-02-01T00:00:00ZLester-Pearson, MilesThis thesis is an examination of how Greek tyranny in the fourth century and the early Hellenistic age was influenced by Achaemenid Persia and the Ancient Near East. The introduction lays out the problems of interpreting the Ancient Near East through Greco-Roman sources, via Ephippus' description of Alexander the Great, as well as discussing two important examples of Persianisation that have been examined in detail in the past: Pausanias of Sparta and Alexander the Great. The relevant Classical Greek and Achaemenid sources concerning Persian kingship are then considered, in order to establish four categories by which to examine the tyrannical dynasties chosen as case studies: Appearance, Accessibility, Dynasty and Military Function. Using these four categories, the dynasties of the Dionysii of Syracuse, the Clearchids of Heraclea Pontica, the Hecatomnids of Caria and Agathocles of Syracuse, chosen for their geographical and temporal variance, are examined individually over the next four chapters.
Appearance concerns the ruler's dress and body presentation, the use of status items such as crowns and sceptres, and the display of luxury. Accessibility concerns the use of architecture and fortifications, as well as court protocol and bodyguards, in order to control access to the ruler. Dynasty concerns family trees, marriages and the role of women, and the role of close family and subordinates in important administrative positions. Military Function concerns the role of the ruler in warfare as well as power symbols, titles and epithets. The analysis of the tyrannies taken altogether using the same categories forms the basis of the subsequent chapter, and allows for comparison with the Achaemenid Persian evidence in order to determine whether there is any significant correlation. This chapter also examines the potential methods of transmission. The thesis concludes that there are significant similarities in some aspects of tyrannical rule with that of Achaemenid kingship, and demonstrates that tyrants were engaging in the political and philosophical discourse of the era. The 'royal nature' as demonstrated by Xenophon proves to be something that tyrants aspire to, without becoming kings in name. The thesis also concludes that thinking of Greek tyrants in rigid characterisation is no longer acceptable, whether temporally as alter and junger tyranny, or geographically as Greek rulers of Greek cities with no contextual influence.The self-presentation of the triumviral aristocracy
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/11384
This thesis analyses the self-presentation of the Roman aristocracy during the triumviral period.
Aristocratic self-fashioning has been of great interest to scholars studying both the republic and
empire; this study focuses on the transitional period of the civil war and political settlement. The key
features of the approach adopted in this thesis are that it focuses on the individuality of the
aristocrats, rather than political groupings, and considers their self-presentation as an aspect of the
creation of political culture, not merely a response to it. This thesis brings together the evidence for
self-presentation in three media: building, speech, and writing. Chapter one establishes the
foundation for these studies by reconstructing the careers of two aristocrats, C. Asinius Pollio and L.
Munatius Plancus, and analysing the priorities they, and the rest of the triumviral aristocrats,
pursued in their careers. Chapter two analyses the corpus of monumental building by the triumviral
aristocrats, chiefly those who held triumphs, and demonstrates the way in which they used these
structures to advertise their military achievements and their generosity to the Roman people.
Chapters three and four argue that the triumviral aristocrats had more opportunities for oratory
than has traditionally been alleged, and that they exploited these to pursue their political goals. The
talented orators competed with their peers and predecessors in order to establish their fame within
the tradition of Latin oratory. Chapter five analyses the outpouring of autobiographical writing after
the civil wars, as a means by which the aristocrats sought to promote themselves and justify their
careers and actions in the civil wars. The major goal of the triumviral aristocrats in their careers and
their self-presentation was to establish and protect their dignitas (reputation or standing). Through
the examination of the three media we see the various ways they exploited office, honours, and skill
to advertise themselves as traditional republican high-achievers.
2014-01-01T00:00:00ZMitchell, HannahThis thesis analyses the self-presentation of the Roman aristocracy during the triumviral period.
Aristocratic self-fashioning has been of great interest to scholars studying both the republic and
empire; this study focuses on the transitional period of the civil war and political settlement. The key
features of the approach adopted in this thesis are that it focuses on the individuality of the
aristocrats, rather than political groupings, and considers their self-presentation as an aspect of the
creation of political culture, not merely a response to it. This thesis brings together the evidence for
self-presentation in three media: building, speech, and writing. Chapter one establishes the
foundation for these studies by reconstructing the careers of two aristocrats, C. Asinius Pollio and L.
Munatius Plancus, and analysing the priorities they, and the rest of the triumviral aristocrats,
pursued in their careers. Chapter two analyses the corpus of monumental building by the triumviral
aristocrats, chiefly those who held triumphs, and demonstrates the way in which they used these
structures to advertise their military achievements and their generosity to the Roman people.
Chapters three and four argue that the triumviral aristocrats had more opportunities for oratory
than has traditionally been alleged, and that they exploited these to pursue their political goals. The
talented orators competed with their peers and predecessors in order to establish their fame within
the tradition of Latin oratory. Chapter five analyses the outpouring of autobiographical writing after
the civil wars, as a means by which the aristocrats sought to promote themselves and justify their
careers and actions in the civil wars. The major goal of the triumviral aristocrats in their careers and
their self-presentation was to establish and protect their dignitas (reputation or standing). Through
the examination of the three media we see the various ways they exploited office, honours, and skill
to advertise themselves as traditional republican high-achievers.Reactions to the beautiful body in Classical Athens : a tri-genre approach
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/11376
Economist Daniel Hamermesh’s groundbreaking Beauty Pays, building upon his
earlier research, opens with the sentence: “Modern man is obsessed with beauty. ”His
book analyses how beautiful individuals benefit (mainly financially) from their
appearances, a phenomenon he had previously termed the ‘beauty premium’. Since his
first article on the topic, many disciplines have followed suit, examining the beauty
premium within their respective contexts of politics, law, and other social sciences.
Contrary to the beauty premium is the concept of a beauty penalty, whereby the beautiful
individual is harmed rather than benefited from his/her looks. Hamermesh’s findings are
by no means limited to the modern world and his opening sentence could be adapted to
read: “Man is, and always has been, obsessed with beauty.” In this thesis, I argue that
beauty premiums and penalties can similarly be seen in operation in Classical Athens. I do
so by identifying and analysing reactions to the beautiful human body via a cross-section
of three popular literary genres: old comedy, the writings of Xenophon and attic oratory.
These genres show that reactions to beauty in Classical Athens were pervasive and
yet variegated. Each section begins with a review of what aspects of the male and female
body were considered beautiful within the respective genre. Then, I analyse the range of
diverse premiums (as well as penalties) granted to beautiful individuals. Beauty, and
reactions to beauty, may be a matter of individual preference, but the essential point is that
it causes reactions. Each genre nuances these reactions in its own way. In comedy,
beautiful characters, who have a range of personalities, are given both penalties and
premiums on account of their appearance. Reactions to such beauty are, at times, mocked
and, at other times, beautiful individuals are treated as prizes to be doled out to the main
characters. Xenophon, on the other hand, urges beautiful individuals and their pursuers
alike to ponder beauty and rethink granting undeserved premiums. Oratory unites both of
these findings in the course of its subtle arguments presented to a jury. Overall this thesis
draws attention to the multifaceted expectations of beauty, and the common societal
reactions recorded in this cross-section of literature. It is my hope that this analysis will be
a useful point of contrast to classicists and all those studying the beauty premium in
societies both modern and ancient.
2014-01-01T00:00:00ZHymes, Elsbeth JoyEconomist Daniel Hamermesh’s groundbreaking Beauty Pays, building upon his
earlier research, opens with the sentence: “Modern man is obsessed with beauty. ”His
book analyses how beautiful individuals benefit (mainly financially) from their
appearances, a phenomenon he had previously termed the ‘beauty premium’. Since his
first article on the topic, many disciplines have followed suit, examining the beauty
premium within their respective contexts of politics, law, and other social sciences.
Contrary to the beauty premium is the concept of a beauty penalty, whereby the beautiful
individual is harmed rather than benefited from his/her looks. Hamermesh’s findings are
by no means limited to the modern world and his opening sentence could be adapted to
read: “Man is, and always has been, obsessed with beauty.” In this thesis, I argue that
beauty premiums and penalties can similarly be seen in operation in Classical Athens. I do
so by identifying and analysing reactions to the beautiful human body via a cross-section
of three popular literary genres: old comedy, the writings of Xenophon and attic oratory.
These genres show that reactions to beauty in Classical Athens were pervasive and
yet variegated. Each section begins with a review of what aspects of the male and female
body were considered beautiful within the respective genre. Then, I analyse the range of
diverse premiums (as well as penalties) granted to beautiful individuals. Beauty, and
reactions to beauty, may be a matter of individual preference, but the essential point is that
it causes reactions. Each genre nuances these reactions in its own way. In comedy,
beautiful characters, who have a range of personalities, are given both penalties and
premiums on account of their appearance. Reactions to such beauty are, at times, mocked
and, at other times, beautiful individuals are treated as prizes to be doled out to the main
characters. Xenophon, on the other hand, urges beautiful individuals and their pursuers
alike to ponder beauty and rethink granting undeserved premiums. Oratory unites both of
these findings in the course of its subtle arguments presented to a jury. Overall this thesis
draws attention to the multifaceted expectations of beauty, and the common societal
reactions recorded in this cross-section of literature. It is my hope that this analysis will be
a useful point of contrast to classicists and all those studying the beauty premium in
societies both modern and ancient.A philosophy as old as Homer : Giacomo Leopardi and Greek poetic pessimism
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/11357
The aim of this thesis is twofold: it explores Giacomo Leopardi’s (1798-1837)
interpretation of, and engagement with, Greek pessimistic thought and, through him, it
investigates the complex and elusive phenomenon of Greek pessimistic thought itself.
This thesis contends that Greek pessimistic thought – epitomised by but not limited to
the famous wisdom of Silenus, the µὴ φῦναι topos – is an important element of Greek
thought, a fundamental part of some of Greece’s greatest literary works, and a vital
element in the understanding of Greek culture in general. Yet this aspect of ancient
thought has not yet received the attention it deserves, and in the history of its
interpretation it has often been forgotten, denied, or purposefully obliterated.
Furthermore, the pessimistic side of Greek thought plays a crucial role in both the
modern history of the interpretation of antiquity and the intellectual history of Europe; I
argue that this history is fundamentally incomplete without the appreciation of
Leopardi’s role in it. By his study of and engagement with ancient sources Leopardi
contributed to the 19th century rediscovery of Greek pessimistic wisdom, alongside,
though chronologically before, the likes of Arthur Schopenhauer, Friedrich Nietzsche,
and Jacob Burckhardt.
Having outlined some fundamental steps in the history of the reception of Greek
pessimism, this thesis examines the cardinal components of Leopardi’s reception of it:
his use of Greek conceptions of humanity to undermine modernity’s anthropocentric
fallacy, his reinterpretation of the Homeric simile of the leaves and its pessimistic
undertones, and his views on the idea that it would be best for man not to be born.
2017-01-01T00:00:00ZFranzoni, Maria GiuliaThe aim of this thesis is twofold: it explores Giacomo Leopardi’s (1798-1837)
interpretation of, and engagement with, Greek pessimistic thought and, through him, it
investigates the complex and elusive phenomenon of Greek pessimistic thought itself.
This thesis contends that Greek pessimistic thought – epitomised by but not limited to
the famous wisdom of Silenus, the µὴ φῦναι topos – is an important element of Greek
thought, a fundamental part of some of Greece’s greatest literary works, and a vital
element in the understanding of Greek culture in general. Yet this aspect of ancient
thought has not yet received the attention it deserves, and in the history of its
interpretation it has often been forgotten, denied, or purposefully obliterated.
Furthermore, the pessimistic side of Greek thought plays a crucial role in both the
modern history of the interpretation of antiquity and the intellectual history of Europe; I
argue that this history is fundamentally incomplete without the appreciation of
Leopardi’s role in it. By his study of and engagement with ancient sources Leopardi
contributed to the 19th century rediscovery of Greek pessimistic wisdom, alongside,
though chronologically before, the likes of Arthur Schopenhauer, Friedrich Nietzsche,
and Jacob Burckhardt.
Having outlined some fundamental steps in the history of the reception of Greek
pessimism, this thesis examines the cardinal components of Leopardi’s reception of it:
his use of Greek conceptions of humanity to undermine modernity’s anthropocentric
fallacy, his reinterpretation of the Homeric simile of the leaves and its pessimistic
undertones, and his views on the idea that it would be best for man not to be born.A commentary on Statius' 'Thebaid' 1.1-45
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/11354
This dissertation discusses the proem of Statius’ Thebaid (1.1-45) and the analysis of the
text is split between an introduction, three extended chapters and a lemmatized
commentary. Statius’ acknowledgements of his literary debts, in particular Virgil,
encourages, if not demands, an intertextual reading of his poetry. As such, my first
chapter, Literary Models, looks at how Statius engages with his epic models, namely
Homer, Virgil, Lucan and Ovid, but also how he draws upon the rich literary Theban
tradition. Like all Roman poets, Statius is highly self-conscious of his craft, and draws
upon Hellenistic and lyric models to enrich his epic and define himself as an exemplary
poet. I will argue that the proem offers a useful lens for analysing the Thebaid and
introduces his epic in exemplary fashion, in the sense that he draws attention to the
concept of opening his epic with the use of traditional tropes (namely, the invocation of
inspiring force; a recusatio; an imperial encomium and a synopsis of the poem’s narrative).
Considering the importance of origins in the Thebaid, and the inability to escape them, I
consider the proem, in this sense, the origin of the poem itself insofar as elements of it
are constantly ‘remembered’ and reiterated throughout the poem. The central feature of
the proem is the encomium to Domitian, in which Statius advises Domitian to realize his
own limits and hence retain order of the world he rules over, articulating contemporary
concerns about succession and empire. Statius, in a similar manner, expresses intent to
impose limits upon his own poem, which prompted me to write the chapter entitled Restraint. The third chapter, Characterisation, draws upon the discussions in Literary Models and Restraint in an analysis of the heroes introduced at 1.41-45.
2017-01-01T00:00:00ZManasseh, JamesThis dissertation discusses the proem of Statius’ Thebaid (1.1-45) and the analysis of the
text is split between an introduction, three extended chapters and a lemmatized
commentary. Statius’ acknowledgements of his literary debts, in particular Virgil,
encourages, if not demands, an intertextual reading of his poetry. As such, my first
chapter, Literary Models, looks at how Statius engages with his epic models, namely
Homer, Virgil, Lucan and Ovid, but also how he draws upon the rich literary Theban
tradition. Like all Roman poets, Statius is highly self-conscious of his craft, and draws
upon Hellenistic and lyric models to enrich his epic and define himself as an exemplary
poet. I will argue that the proem offers a useful lens for analysing the Thebaid and
introduces his epic in exemplary fashion, in the sense that he draws attention to the
concept of opening his epic with the use of traditional tropes (namely, the invocation of
inspiring force; a recusatio; an imperial encomium and a synopsis of the poem’s narrative).
Considering the importance of origins in the Thebaid, and the inability to escape them, I
consider the proem, in this sense, the origin of the poem itself insofar as elements of it
are constantly ‘remembered’ and reiterated throughout the poem. The central feature of
the proem is the encomium to Domitian, in which Statius advises Domitian to realize his
own limits and hence retain order of the world he rules over, articulating contemporary
concerns about succession and empire. Statius, in a similar manner, expresses intent to
impose limits upon his own poem, which prompted me to write the chapter entitled Restraint. The third chapter, Characterisation, draws upon the discussions in Literary Models and Restraint in an analysis of the heroes introduced at 1.41-45.Reassembling the Iberians : rain, road, coins, crops and settlement in central Hispania Citerior, 206-27 B.C.
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/11347
This thesis investigates Iberian communities in central Hispania Citerior during the Roman Republic. I demonstrate the usefulness of an actor-network approach for understanding a topic
characterised by scarce archaeological datasets. This approach is not intended to create a new
narrative for Roman Provincial Studies but instead allows us to ask new questions: what was
at stake for these communities? What was of interest to the Iberians? How did things happen?
Iberians lived primarily in small, often fortified settlements in elevated locations, although some
larger settlements are known and during the Republic many sites were abandoned for new locations on flatter ground. I find that throughout the period settlements were often clustered, creating communities distributed in small groups of sites. These Iberian groups grew versatile staple
crops in a variety of locations but may have tailored additional crops to regional environmental
conditions. I consider the potential for collaboration in the autumn ploughing and conclude that
any such collaboration must have relied on dense and wide relationships given changing patterns
of variability in rainfall. I show differences within coin circulation that suggest Iberian coins
were part of distinct sets of relationships. I also test the ability of carts to pass over various
long-distances routes and find that some coins were bound up in the same assemblages as cart
transport. The thesis positions the interface between all these different assemblages as crucial to
further work on these communities.
2017-01-01T00:00:00ZNaylor, Benjamin WaldenThis thesis investigates Iberian communities in central Hispania Citerior during the Roman Republic. I demonstrate the usefulness of an actor-network approach for understanding a topic
characterised by scarce archaeological datasets. This approach is not intended to create a new
narrative for Roman Provincial Studies but instead allows us to ask new questions: what was
at stake for these communities? What was of interest to the Iberians? How did things happen?
Iberians lived primarily in small, often fortified settlements in elevated locations, although some
larger settlements are known and during the Republic many sites were abandoned for new locations on flatter ground. I find that throughout the period settlements were often clustered, creating communities distributed in small groups of sites. These Iberian groups grew versatile staple
crops in a variety of locations but may have tailored additional crops to regional environmental
conditions. I consider the potential for collaboration in the autumn ploughing and conclude that
any such collaboration must have relied on dense and wide relationships given changing patterns
of variability in rainfall. I show differences within coin circulation that suggest Iberian coins
were part of distinct sets of relationships. I also test the ability of carts to pass over various
long-distances routes and find that some coins were bound up in the same assemblages as cart
transport. The thesis positions the interface between all these different assemblages as crucial to
further work on these communities.Julia Domna
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/11340
1931-01-01T00:00:00ZRae, Nellie Finlay CrightonBeyond metaphor : archaeology as a social and artistic practice
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/11302
This article summarises recent work on the engagement between art and archaeology, but seeks to embed this in a longer history of archaeology as a metaphor for other cultural and social practices, and at the same time to compare the ways in which archaeologists and other practitioners operate within the field of cultural production.
2017-01-26T00:00:00ZSmith, Christopher JohnThis article summarises recent work on the engagement between art and archaeology, but seeks to embed this in a longer history of archaeology as a metaphor for other cultural and social practices, and at the same time to compare the ways in which archaeologists and other practitioners operate within the field of cultural production.Tertullian the African theologian : a social anthropological reading of Tertullian's identities
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/11124
The following thesis explores the social identities of TertuIIian, a Christian from Carthage who lived from approximately 160 to 220. After exploring the implications of calling TertuIIian an "African Theologian," the introduction interacts with the work done on TertuIIian in the past, concluding that although he was once read Euro-centrically and assumed to be a Roman, explicitly, and a European, implicitly, scholars in recent decades have deconstructed the biographical information of TertuIIian, leaving his African origin as one of the only undisputed aspects of his life. However, while scholars have located TertuIIian within the broader movements of the Roman Empire, few have explored the North African milieu in relation to Tertullian's writings. In order to contribute to this area of scholarship, theories from the discipline of Social Anthropology are accommodated and applied to selections of Tertullian's writings, thereby exploring Tertullian's construction of his own identities. The social theories applied, namely, social identity, kinship identity, class identity, ethnic identity and religious identity, are used heuristically to read the sources from Roman Africa in order to inquire as to the various identities constructed by individuals and groups. Within the social context of Roman Africa, this study establishes the categories of Roman colonizers, indigenous Africans and new elites. The third category, new elites, is actually meant to destabilize the other two, denying any "essential" Roman or African identity. Once the context has been framed, the thesis investigates samples from Tertullian's writings to compare his construction of his own identities and the identities of his rhetorical opponents. In order to interpret
Tertullian's social identities, one chapter compares the identities Tertullian
constructs in his works Apologeticum and Ad nationes. The similarity of these
two tracts allows for an inquiry into TertuIIian's "Other" and the "Other" Tertullian constructs for his audiences. The subsequent chapter applies kinship theory in order to compare Tertullian's ideals with those of Roman kinship and early Christian kinship. Therein, the usual discussion of Tertullian's view of marriage is readdressed by comparing the kinship identities and ideals forwarded in his works Ad uxorem 1 and 2. Closely connected to Tertullian's kinship identity is that of his class identity, and, while his exact status and class may be elusive in historical terms, one can explore his socio-economic ingroup and outgroup as he portrays them in De cultu feminarum 1 and 2. Tertullian's ethnic identity is discussed in a chapter that interprets his works De uirginibus uelandis and De pallio, in which it is suggested that Tertullian establishes boundaries between his own ethnic group and that of Roman colonizers. The last form of identity discussed, religious identity, involves a reinterpretation of TertuIIian's use of the New Prophecy. Therein, Tertullian's religious "Other" is understood to be constructed with not only "psychic" rhetoric, but also with Roman imagery. The overall study finds Tertullian's identities to be manifold, complex and discursive.
Additionally, his writings are understood to reflect antagonism towards Romans, including Christian Romans, and Romanized Africans. While TertuIIian accommodates much from (Graeco-)Roman literature, laws and customs, he nevertheless retains a strongly stated non-Roman-ness and an African-ity which have been almost entirely neglected in past studies, and it is this aspect, therefore, which is highlighted in the present thesis.
2006-01-01T00:00:00ZWilhite, David E.The following thesis explores the social identities of TertuIIian, a Christian from Carthage who lived from approximately 160 to 220. After exploring the implications of calling TertuIIian an "African Theologian," the introduction interacts with the work done on TertuIIian in the past, concluding that although he was once read Euro-centrically and assumed to be a Roman, explicitly, and a European, implicitly, scholars in recent decades have deconstructed the biographical information of TertuIIian, leaving his African origin as one of the only undisputed aspects of his life. However, while scholars have located TertuIIian within the broader movements of the Roman Empire, few have explored the North African milieu in relation to Tertullian's writings. In order to contribute to this area of scholarship, theories from the discipline of Social Anthropology are accommodated and applied to selections of Tertullian's writings, thereby exploring Tertullian's construction of his own identities. The social theories applied, namely, social identity, kinship identity, class identity, ethnic identity and religious identity, are used heuristically to read the sources from Roman Africa in order to inquire as to the various identities constructed by individuals and groups. Within the social context of Roman Africa, this study establishes the categories of Roman colonizers, indigenous Africans and new elites. The third category, new elites, is actually meant to destabilize the other two, denying any "essential" Roman or African identity. Once the context has been framed, the thesis investigates samples from Tertullian's writings to compare his construction of his own identities and the identities of his rhetorical opponents. In order to interpret
Tertullian's social identities, one chapter compares the identities Tertullian
constructs in his works Apologeticum and Ad nationes. The similarity of these
two tracts allows for an inquiry into TertuIIian's "Other" and the "Other" Tertullian constructs for his audiences. The subsequent chapter applies kinship theory in order to compare Tertullian's ideals with those of Roman kinship and early Christian kinship. Therein, the usual discussion of Tertullian's view of marriage is readdressed by comparing the kinship identities and ideals forwarded in his works Ad uxorem 1 and 2. Closely connected to Tertullian's kinship identity is that of his class identity, and, while his exact status and class may be elusive in historical terms, one can explore his socio-economic ingroup and outgroup as he portrays them in De cultu feminarum 1 and 2. Tertullian's ethnic identity is discussed in a chapter that interprets his works De uirginibus uelandis and De pallio, in which it is suggested that Tertullian establishes boundaries between his own ethnic group and that of Roman colonizers. The last form of identity discussed, religious identity, involves a reinterpretation of TertuIIian's use of the New Prophecy. Therein, Tertullian's religious "Other" is understood to be constructed with not only "psychic" rhetoric, but also with Roman imagery. The overall study finds Tertullian's identities to be manifold, complex and discursive.
Additionally, his writings are understood to reflect antagonism towards Romans, including Christian Romans, and Romanized Africans. While TertuIIian accommodates much from (Graeco-)Roman literature, laws and customs, he nevertheless retains a strongly stated non-Roman-ness and an African-ity which have been almost entirely neglected in past studies, and it is this aspect, therefore, which is highlighted in the present thesis.Sicily and the imperialism of Mid-Republican Rome : (289-191BC)
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/11102
This thesis will use Sicily as a microcosm to illustrate the imperialism of mid-Republican Rome, in particular in the western Mediterranean. Here, Rome received tangible benefits from occupying the places they conquered, as opposed to the east, where subjugation brought with it few short term benefits other than movable plunder. In Sicily, the revenue of occupation was grain, specifically grain for the Roman army. The second. aim of the thesis is to demonstrate the process of Roman administrative imperialism in Sicily; that Roman control and administration expanded as the island became more important as a source of military provisions. That Sicily
became not just the granary of Italy, but also of the Roman legions, was not a result of the Roman conquest or of the later administration that was put into place. Instead, the reverse is true; Roman government on Sicily was a byproduct of the fact that the island provided Rome with the means to make war.
2001-01-01T00:00:00ZSerrati, JohnThis thesis will use Sicily as a microcosm to illustrate the imperialism of mid-Republican Rome, in particular in the western Mediterranean. Here, Rome received tangible benefits from occupying the places they conquered, as opposed to the east, where subjugation brought with it few short term benefits other than movable plunder. In Sicily, the revenue of occupation was grain, specifically grain for the Roman army. The second. aim of the thesis is to demonstrate the process of Roman administrative imperialism in Sicily; that Roman control and administration expanded as the island became more important as a source of military provisions. That Sicily
became not just the granary of Italy, but also of the Roman legions, was not a result of the Roman conquest or of the later administration that was put into place. Instead, the reverse is true; Roman government on Sicily was a byproduct of the fact that the island provided Rome with the means to make war.Firmicus Maternus’ Mathesis and the intellectual culture of the fourth century AD
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/11039
The focus of this thesis is Firmicus Maternus, his text the Mathesis, and their place in the intellectual culture of the fourth century AD. There are two sections to this thesis. The first part considers the two questions which have dominated the scholarship on the Mathesis and relate to the context of the work: the date of composition and Firmicus’ faith at the time. Chapter 1 separates these questions and reconsiders them individually through an analysis of the three characters which appear throughout the text: Firmicus, the emperor, and the addressee Mavortius. The second part of the thesis considers the Mathesis within the intellectual culture of the fourth century. It examines how Firmicus establishes his authority as a didactic astrologer, with an emphasis on Firmicus’ use of his sources. Chapter 2 examines which sources are credited. It considers the argument that Manilius is an uncredited source through an analysis of the astrological theory of the Mathesis and the Astronomica. In addition, the astrological theory of Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos is compared to the Mathesis to assess Firmicus’ use of his named sources. The methods that Firmicus uses to assert his authority, including his use of sources, are compared to other didactic authors, both astrological or Late Antique in Chapter 3. This chapter examines whether Firmicus’ suppression and falsifying of sources is found in other didactic literature. Chapter 4 considers possible reasons for the omission of Manilius’ name and also the effect that this has had on intellectual culture and the place of the Mathesis within it.
2017-06-22T00:00:00ZMace, Hannah ElizabethThe focus of this thesis is Firmicus Maternus, his text the Mathesis, and their place in the intellectual culture of the fourth century AD. There are two sections to this thesis. The first part considers the two questions which have dominated the scholarship on the Mathesis and relate to the context of the work: the date of composition and Firmicus’ faith at the time. Chapter 1 separates these questions and reconsiders them individually through an analysis of the three characters which appear throughout the text: Firmicus, the emperor, and the addressee Mavortius. The second part of the thesis considers the Mathesis within the intellectual culture of the fourth century. It examines how Firmicus establishes his authority as a didactic astrologer, with an emphasis on Firmicus’ use of his sources. Chapter 2 examines which sources are credited. It considers the argument that Manilius is an uncredited source through an analysis of the astrological theory of the Mathesis and the Astronomica. In addition, the astrological theory of Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos is compared to the Mathesis to assess Firmicus’ use of his named sources. The methods that Firmicus uses to assert his authority, including his use of sources, are compared to other didactic authors, both astrological or Late Antique in Chapter 3. This chapter examines whether Firmicus’ suppression and falsifying of sources is found in other didactic literature. Chapter 4 considers possible reasons for the omission of Manilius’ name and also the effect that this has had on intellectual culture and the place of the Mathesis within it.Virtue and honour : the gender division ; Aeschylus' Oresteia
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/9722
Clytemnestra is first associated with Agamemnon's murder in Homer's
‘Odyssey’, though her participation in the deed is ambiguous, until Agamemnon
reveals that she was an active agent. He compares his faithless wife to
Odysseus' Penelope, who represents the 'perfect' wife in her behaviour. A brief
examination of Penelope and of her fidelity to her absent husband reveals a series
of duties that comprise wifely virtues in a woman.
It has long been recognized that Aeschylus' ‘Oresteia’ is written through
and against paradigms derived from the ‘Odyssey’. I argue that Clytemnestra can
only be properly understood with reference to the virtues attributed to Penelope.
An important but often neglected motivation for her revenge against
Agamemnon lies in his failure to acknowledge his wife's virtue, by killing
Iphigeneia and bringing Cassandra into the oikos as a concubine.
Aeschylus uses society's expectations of the virtues of a wife and creates
the terrifying character of a woman who throws away virtue to possess honour. I
examine the ‘Agamemnon’ to highlight Clytemnestra's attempts to redefine herself
as worthy of masculine honour, through her `manly' behaviour, both in word and
action, in reaction to Agamemnon's disregard for Clytemnestra's wifely virtue.
The consequences of Clytemnestra's rejection of virtue is at the heart of the
‘Choephoroi’; her children suffer from her disavowal of the duties of wife and
mother. Orestes returns to avenge his father; to punish the mother who was no
mother to him, and her lover; to set his disordered oikos to rights. The ‘Eumenides’ completes the marginalization of Clytemnestra, as she is replaced by
the Erinyes and Athena, and her desire for honour and vengeance is replaced by
the larger issue of the place of vengeance in society, and returning the oikos to its
original order.
2004-01-01T00:00:00ZBauman, Lynn M. A.Clytemnestra is first associated with Agamemnon's murder in Homer's
‘Odyssey’, though her participation in the deed is ambiguous, until Agamemnon
reveals that she was an active agent. He compares his faithless wife to
Odysseus' Penelope, who represents the 'perfect' wife in her behaviour. A brief
examination of Penelope and of her fidelity to her absent husband reveals a series
of duties that comprise wifely virtues in a woman.
It has long been recognized that Aeschylus' ‘Oresteia’ is written through
and against paradigms derived from the ‘Odyssey’. I argue that Clytemnestra can
only be properly understood with reference to the virtues attributed to Penelope.
An important but often neglected motivation for her revenge against
Agamemnon lies in his failure to acknowledge his wife's virtue, by killing
Iphigeneia and bringing Cassandra into the oikos as a concubine.
Aeschylus uses society's expectations of the virtues of a wife and creates
the terrifying character of a woman who throws away virtue to possess honour. I
examine the ‘Agamemnon’ to highlight Clytemnestra's attempts to redefine herself
as worthy of masculine honour, through her `manly' behaviour, both in word and
action, in reaction to Agamemnon's disregard for Clytemnestra's wifely virtue.
The consequences of Clytemnestra's rejection of virtue is at the heart of the
‘Choephoroi’; her children suffer from her disavowal of the duties of wife and
mother. Orestes returns to avenge his father; to punish the mother who was no
mother to him, and her lover; to set his disordered oikos to rights. The ‘Eumenides’ completes the marginalization of Clytemnestra, as she is replaced by
the Erinyes and Athena, and her desire for honour and vengeance is replaced by
the larger issue of the place of vengeance in society, and returning the oikos to its
original order.An imperial image : the Bath Gorgon in context
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/9527
This paper attempts to put the Gorgon from the pediment of the Temple of Sulis Minerva at Bath into a wider provincial context, by arguing for links between the Gorgon and first- and early second-century imitations in Gaul and Spain of the iconography of the Forum of Augustus in Rome. These imitations, part of what might be called a ‘visual language of empire’, served to connect the urban spaces of the provinces to Rome; by linking the Gorgon to this trend and setting aside interpretations of the Gorgon which have focused on his perceived status as a ‘Romano-Celtic’ masterpiece, we can justify more satisfactorily his position as the centrepiece of a pediment dominated by imperial imagery.
2016-01-01T00:00:00ZCousins, Eleri HopkinsThis paper attempts to put the Gorgon from the pediment of the Temple of Sulis Minerva at Bath into a wider provincial context, by arguing for links between the Gorgon and first- and early second-century imitations in Gaul and Spain of the iconography of the Forum of Augustus in Rome. These imitations, part of what might be called a ‘visual language of empire’, served to connect the urban spaces of the provinces to Rome; by linking the Gorgon to this trend and setting aside interpretations of the Gorgon which have focused on his perceived status as a ‘Romano-Celtic’ masterpiece, we can justify more satisfactorily his position as the centrepiece of a pediment dominated by imperial imagery.Contextualising Classics teaching in Malawi : a comparative study
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/9427
The thesis of this study is that Classical studies at the University of Malawi, Chancellor College, has been taught with almost no reference to its African context, yet the Classical world, as Ogilvie (1979:2) observed ‘is far removed in time, geography, and philosophy from the world of Africa’. Classics in Malawi is currently taught as in the West, with which it has immediate ties, but if there are to be meaningful gains on the part of students learning Classics in Malawi, we need to contextualise its teaching. The purpose of this study was to identify ways in which Classics teaching at undergraduate level in Malawi might be strengthened in order to make the learning of Classics more meaningful and relevant to the Malawian context, by bridging the gaps between Classical Antiquity and African cultures. The comparative approaches explored will facilitate revision of the University of Malawi Classical Studies curriculum to fulfil the needs and interests of Malawians with the main purpose of contextualising Classical Studies in Malawi. The thesis consists of five chapters which deal with issues relating to Classics teaching in Malawi, namely: the evolution of Classical Studies in Malawi and its challenges; the need to change with the times; views of Latin/Classics teachers about Latin teaching at secondary level; attitudes and perceptions of undergraduate Classics students at Chancellor College to Classics, their perceptions about skills and Classics teaching in general; and views from Classicists from other universities on Classics teaching in general. The main comparative element in the thesis draws on analysis of similar issues in a wide variety of other institutions, including in the UK, the USA, Asia and Africa. Literature relating to Classics pedagogy and Comparative Education approaches, specifically Bereday’s Model, has been reviewed. In addition, Classical Reception theory and Social Constructivism theory, particularly with regard to pedagogy, have been surveyed. The study used purposive sampling. Five types of samples and their corresponding data capturing instruments were used, broken down in the following categories: two types of interviews (one involving Malawian Latin or Classics teachers at secondary level, and the other universities’ Classics lecturers); review of various documents of international universities’ Classics programmes; lecture observations for Classics; and student questionnaire interviews administered to University of Malawi Classics students. The research was a mixed-method design, combining both quantitative and qualitative data analysis, but overall, the study was more qualitative than quantitative. Quantitative data were analysed using descriptive statistics and qualitative data were analysed using the thematic analysis method. These analyses were followed by discussions of the findings of both quantitative and qualitative data. The major conclusions and implications of the study point to the need for a curriculum review of all Classics courses to ensure that Classics becomes more relevant in the Malawian context.
2016-05-18T00:00:00ZNyamilandu, Steve Evans McRester TrintaThe thesis of this study is that Classical studies at the University of Malawi, Chancellor College, has been taught with almost no reference to its African context, yet the Classical world, as Ogilvie (1979:2) observed ‘is far removed in time, geography, and philosophy from the world of Africa’. Classics in Malawi is currently taught as in the West, with which it has immediate ties, but if there are to be meaningful gains on the part of students learning Classics in Malawi, we need to contextualise its teaching. The purpose of this study was to identify ways in which Classics teaching at undergraduate level in Malawi might be strengthened in order to make the learning of Classics more meaningful and relevant to the Malawian context, by bridging the gaps between Classical Antiquity and African cultures. The comparative approaches explored will facilitate revision of the University of Malawi Classical Studies curriculum to fulfil the needs and interests of Malawians with the main purpose of contextualising Classical Studies in Malawi. The thesis consists of five chapters which deal with issues relating to Classics teaching in Malawi, namely: the evolution of Classical Studies in Malawi and its challenges; the need to change with the times; views of Latin/Classics teachers about Latin teaching at secondary level; attitudes and perceptions of undergraduate Classics students at Chancellor College to Classics, their perceptions about skills and Classics teaching in general; and views from Classicists from other universities on Classics teaching in general. The main comparative element in the thesis draws on analysis of similar issues in a wide variety of other institutions, including in the UK, the USA, Asia and Africa. Literature relating to Classics pedagogy and Comparative Education approaches, specifically Bereday’s Model, has been reviewed. In addition, Classical Reception theory and Social Constructivism theory, particularly with regard to pedagogy, have been surveyed. The study used purposive sampling. Five types of samples and their corresponding data capturing instruments were used, broken down in the following categories: two types of interviews (one involving Malawian Latin or Classics teachers at secondary level, and the other universities’ Classics lecturers); review of various documents of international universities’ Classics programmes; lecture observations for Classics; and student questionnaire interviews administered to University of Malawi Classics students. The research was a mixed-method design, combining both quantitative and qualitative data analysis, but overall, the study was more qualitative than quantitative. Quantitative data were analysed using descriptive statistics and qualitative data were analysed using the thematic analysis method. These analyses were followed by discussions of the findings of both quantitative and qualitative data. The major conclusions and implications of the study point to the need for a curriculum review of all Classics courses to ensure that Classics becomes more relevant in the Malawian context.'The flower of suffering' : a study of Aeschylus' Oresteia in the light of Presocratic ideas
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/9314
My PhD thesis, The Flower of Suffering, offers a philosophical evaluation of Aeschylus’
Oresteia in light of Presocratic ideas. By examining several aspects of the tragic trilogy in
relation to some of Aeschylus’ near-contemporary thinkers, it aims to unravel the
overarching theological ideas and the metaphysical and epistemological assumptions
underpinning the Oresteia’s dramatic narrative. My aim is to bring to relief those aspects of
the Oresteia which I believe will benefit from a comparison with some ideas, or modes of
thought, which circulated among the Presocratic philosophers. I will explore how reading
some of this tragedy’s themes in relation to Presocratic debates about theology and cosmic
justice may affect and enhance our understanding of the theological ‘tension’ and
metaphysical assumptions in Aeschylus’ work. In particular, it is my contention that
Aeschylus’ explicit theology, which has been often misinterpreted as a form of theodicy
where the justice of heaven is praised and a faith in the rule of the gods is encouraged, is
presented in these terms only to create a stronger collision with the painful reality dramatized
from a human perspective.
By setting these premises, it is my intention to confer on Greek tragedy a prominent position
in the history of early Greek philosophical thought. If the exclusion of Presocratic material
from debates about tragedy runs the risk of obscuring a thorough understanding of the
broader cultural backdrop against which tragedy was born, the opposite is also true. Greek
tragedy represents, in its own dramatic language, a fundamental contribution to early
philosophical speculation about the divine, human attitudes towards it, indeed, the human
place in relation to the cosmic forces which govern the universe.
2016-06-01T00:00:00ZScapin, NuriaMy PhD thesis, The Flower of Suffering, offers a philosophical evaluation of Aeschylus’
Oresteia in light of Presocratic ideas. By examining several aspects of the tragic trilogy in
relation to some of Aeschylus’ near-contemporary thinkers, it aims to unravel the
overarching theological ideas and the metaphysical and epistemological assumptions
underpinning the Oresteia’s dramatic narrative. My aim is to bring to relief those aspects of
the Oresteia which I believe will benefit from a comparison with some ideas, or modes of
thought, which circulated among the Presocratic philosophers. I will explore how reading
some of this tragedy’s themes in relation to Presocratic debates about theology and cosmic
justice may affect and enhance our understanding of the theological ‘tension’ and
metaphysical assumptions in Aeschylus’ work. In particular, it is my contention that
Aeschylus’ explicit theology, which has been often misinterpreted as a form of theodicy
where the justice of heaven is praised and a faith in the rule of the gods is encouraged, is
presented in these terms only to create a stronger collision with the painful reality dramatized
from a human perspective.
By setting these premises, it is my intention to confer on Greek tragedy a prominent position
in the history of early Greek philosophical thought. If the exclusion of Presocratic material
from debates about tragedy runs the risk of obscuring a thorough understanding of the
broader cultural backdrop against which tragedy was born, the opposite is also true. Greek
tragedy represents, in its own dramatic language, a fundamental contribution to early
philosophical speculation about the divine, human attitudes towards it, indeed, the human
place in relation to the cosmic forces which govern the universe.Aristotle's concept of lexis : a theory of language and style
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/7754
Aristotle’s concept of lexis has been discussed by numerous scholars, yet no comprehensive account of lexis has been produced so far. To fill this gap in scholarship, this thesis offers a systematic analysis of Aristotle’s concept of lexis by dividing it into three levels, which allow a step-by-step approach to understanding this multi-layered concept. By considering Plato’s and Isocrates’ thoughts on lexis, Chapter 1 outlines the intellectual context in which Aristotle’s ideas on the concept of lexis developed. Chapters 2-5 focus on the three levels of lexis and Chapter 6 brings a concluding discussion of metaphor. In Chapter 2 the linguistic elements treated under the notion of lexis and Aristotle’s theory of language are delineated. These not only present Aristotle’s thoughts on language as an abstract system, but they also form the most fundamental level upon which the remainder of Aristotle’s thoughts on the concept of lexis are based. Chapter 3 explores Aristotle’s remarks regarding individuals’ use of linguistic elements as determined by sociolinguistic factors. Aristotle’s occasional statements about language usage within the concept of lexis provide valuable pieces of evidence for studies in sociolinguistics and for his ideas on lexis on its third level as discussed in Chapters 4 and 5. In Chapter 4 the intra-textual aspect of Aristotle’s remarks on lexis as a means for the creation of different kinds of poetry and rhetoric, i.e. lexis as technē, is examined. In Chapter 5 extra-textual factors are considered and are followed by a discussion of the purpose and function of lexis on its third level. Chapter 6 concludes the discussion of lexis by focusing on metaphor, the linguistic and stylistic element par excellence treated under the notion of lexis, which further highlights the benefits of a three-level approach to Aristotle’s concept of lexis.
2015-11-30T00:00:00ZKotarcic, AnaAristotle’s concept of lexis has been discussed by numerous scholars, yet no comprehensive account of lexis has been produced so far. To fill this gap in scholarship, this thesis offers a systematic analysis of Aristotle’s concept of lexis by dividing it into three levels, which allow a step-by-step approach to understanding this multi-layered concept. By considering Plato’s and Isocrates’ thoughts on lexis, Chapter 1 outlines the intellectual context in which Aristotle’s ideas on the concept of lexis developed. Chapters 2-5 focus on the three levels of lexis and Chapter 6 brings a concluding discussion of metaphor. In Chapter 2 the linguistic elements treated under the notion of lexis and Aristotle’s theory of language are delineated. These not only present Aristotle’s thoughts on language as an abstract system, but they also form the most fundamental level upon which the remainder of Aristotle’s thoughts on the concept of lexis are based. Chapter 3 explores Aristotle’s remarks regarding individuals’ use of linguistic elements as determined by sociolinguistic factors. Aristotle’s occasional statements about language usage within the concept of lexis provide valuable pieces of evidence for studies in sociolinguistics and for his ideas on lexis on its third level as discussed in Chapters 4 and 5. In Chapter 4 the intra-textual aspect of Aristotle’s remarks on lexis as a means for the creation of different kinds of poetry and rhetoric, i.e. lexis as technē, is examined. In Chapter 5 extra-textual factors are considered and are followed by a discussion of the purpose and function of lexis on its third level. Chapter 6 concludes the discussion of lexis by focusing on metaphor, the linguistic and stylistic element par excellence treated under the notion of lexis, which further highlights the benefits of a three-level approach to Aristotle’s concept of lexis.Using and reusing the monumental past in the late antique Mediterranean West, 300-600
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/7323
Scholarship on late antique cities has largely conceptualized them as singular entities, either decaying or transitioning as Roman imperial power and economic structures shifted. Improved archaeological data from urban sites, accompanied by a number of broad synthetic studies, now allow for fresh exploration of the details of urbanism in this transformative era. This study examines the ways that a select group of public buildings were used and reused in the Mediterranean West between 300 and 600 CE. This examination is primarily carried out through the collection of a broad catalogue of archaeological evidence (supplemented with epigraphic and literary testimony) for the constructions, work projects, abandonments and reuses of key public monuments across the Western Mediterranean region—principally Italy, southern Gaul, Spain, and North Africa west of Cyrenaica. This broad survey is augmented with case studies on select cities. Such an analysis of the late antique histories of baths, aqueducts, and spectacle buildings (theaters, amphitheaters, and circuses) shows that each of the building types had a distinct history and that public monuments were not a unitary group. It also reveals unexpectedly few regional trends, suggesting that these histories were broadly common across the West. Further, this study shows that each building type was reused differently, both in terms of purposes and chronology. Finally, by considering economic, technological, cultural and legal factors affecting patterns of use, abandonment and reuse, this study establishes that the primary cause for the transformations to public building was largely a change in euergetistic practices in late antiquity. Cities with access to imperial or other governmental patronage used and maintained their public monuments longer than those without. Together these observations demonstrate the complexities of urban change in this period and prove that the idea of a single pattern of decline in late antique cities is no longer tenable.
2015-06-15T00:00:00ZUnderwood, Douglas R.Scholarship on late antique cities has largely conceptualized them as singular entities, either decaying or transitioning as Roman imperial power and economic structures shifted. Improved archaeological data from urban sites, accompanied by a number of broad synthetic studies, now allow for fresh exploration of the details of urbanism in this transformative era. This study examines the ways that a select group of public buildings were used and reused in the Mediterranean West between 300 and 600 CE. This examination is primarily carried out through the collection of a broad catalogue of archaeological evidence (supplemented with epigraphic and literary testimony) for the constructions, work projects, abandonments and reuses of key public monuments across the Western Mediterranean region—principally Italy, southern Gaul, Spain, and North Africa west of Cyrenaica. This broad survey is augmented with case studies on select cities. Such an analysis of the late antique histories of baths, aqueducts, and spectacle buildings (theaters, amphitheaters, and circuses) shows that each of the building types had a distinct history and that public monuments were not a unitary group. It also reveals unexpectedly few regional trends, suggesting that these histories were broadly common across the West. Further, this study shows that each building type was reused differently, both in terms of purposes and chronology. Finally, by considering economic, technological, cultural and legal factors affecting patterns of use, abandonment and reuse, this study establishes that the primary cause for the transformations to public building was largely a change in euergetistic practices in late antiquity. Cities with access to imperial or other governmental patronage used and maintained their public monuments longer than those without. Together these observations demonstrate the complexities of urban change in this period and prove that the idea of a single pattern of decline in late antique cities is no longer tenable.Plautus' 'Mercator': a commentary
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/7089
This thesis comprises an introduction, a lemmatic commentary, and indices. The introductory
chapter, apart from a brief discussion of a more general nature, investigates the play and the
relation it bears to Philemon's Emporos, its lost Greek model, especially with regard to the actdivisions
of the Greek play and the pacing of the action in Plautus' adaptation. The commentary is
provided to address problems posed by the Latin text, notably those of exegesis, textual criticism,
metre, grammar, humour, imagery, staging, and the relationship to the Graeco-Roman comic
tradition. An attempt is also made to distinguish between elements which may reflect the Greek
comic tradition and those which suggest Plautine origin. In recent work about Plautus and
Philemon it has been argued that the plot of the Emporos underwent far-reaching changes at the
hands of Plautus, but the author of this thesis argues for the essential unity of the Mercator and
for Plautus' conservative treatment of the plot of the Greek original, at the same time allowing for
the fact that Plautus may have Romanised, exaggerated, and extended Philemon's play at certain
points. By its structure, metrical arrangement, pacing, juxtaposition of contrasting types, parallel
arrangement of core scenes, and the recurrence of key imagery, themes and motifs, the Mercator
proves to be a carefully conceived, effectively balanced, and well-composed play.
2001-01-01T00:00:00ZDunsch, BorisThis thesis comprises an introduction, a lemmatic commentary, and indices. The introductory
chapter, apart from a brief discussion of a more general nature, investigates the play and the
relation it bears to Philemon's Emporos, its lost Greek model, especially with regard to the actdivisions
of the Greek play and the pacing of the action in Plautus' adaptation. The commentary is
provided to address problems posed by the Latin text, notably those of exegesis, textual criticism,
metre, grammar, humour, imagery, staging, and the relationship to the Graeco-Roman comic
tradition. An attempt is also made to distinguish between elements which may reflect the Greek
comic tradition and those which suggest Plautine origin. In recent work about Plautus and
Philemon it has been argued that the plot of the Emporos underwent far-reaching changes at the
hands of Plautus, but the author of this thesis argues for the essential unity of the Mercator and
for Plautus' conservative treatment of the plot of the Greek original, at the same time allowing for
the fact that Plautus may have Romanised, exaggerated, and extended Philemon's play at certain
points. By its structure, metrical arrangement, pacing, juxtaposition of contrasting types, parallel
arrangement of core scenes, and the recurrence of key imagery, themes and motifs, the Mercator
proves to be a carefully conceived, effectively balanced, and well-composed play.Chrysippus on the beautiful : studies in a Stoic conception of aesthetic properties
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/7040
This thesis is dedicated to exploring the ways in which Chrysippus, the third head of
the Stoic philosophical school, employed beauty terms (especially to kalon) in his
arguments, and what conceptualisation of aesthetic properties these usages underpin.
It consists of an introduction, five chapters and an epilogue. I start my enquiry by
presenting some general philosophical issues pertinent to theories of the beautiful and
discussing methodological issues, including the problematic nature of fragmentary
Stoic sources. Then the consecutive five chapters are dedicated to analysing and
discussing the following Chrysippean ideas and arguments: the Stoic definition of
beauty as summetria, the role that beauty plays in the process of acquiring
philosophical knowledge, the argument that only the beautiful is the good, the Stoic
theological and theodicean arguments that use the presence of beauty to establish the
rational generation/maintenance of the world and, finally, Stoic ideas on human
beauty, particularly concentrating on their paradoxical claim that only the wise man is
beautiful. In the epilogue, I briefly summarise my arguments and discuss how Stoic
ideas could be of interest even today. All my examinations of Chrysippus’ ideas in this
work result in the reconstruction of his theorisation of aesthetic properties in more
generally as well as the evaluation of not only the significance of his ideas in their
historical context but also their contribution to the aesthetic tradition in general.
2014-01-01T00:00:00ZCelkyte, AisteThis thesis is dedicated to exploring the ways in which Chrysippus, the third head of
the Stoic philosophical school, employed beauty terms (especially to kalon) in his
arguments, and what conceptualisation of aesthetic properties these usages underpin.
It consists of an introduction, five chapters and an epilogue. I start my enquiry by
presenting some general philosophical issues pertinent to theories of the beautiful and
discussing methodological issues, including the problematic nature of fragmentary
Stoic sources. Then the consecutive five chapters are dedicated to analysing and
discussing the following Chrysippean ideas and arguments: the Stoic definition of
beauty as summetria, the role that beauty plays in the process of acquiring
philosophical knowledge, the argument that only the beautiful is the good, the Stoic
theological and theodicean arguments that use the presence of beauty to establish the
rational generation/maintenance of the world and, finally, Stoic ideas on human
beauty, particularly concentrating on their paradoxical claim that only the wise man is
beautiful. In the epilogue, I briefly summarise my arguments and discuss how Stoic
ideas could be of interest even today. All my examinations of Chrysippus’ ideas in this
work result in the reconstruction of his theorisation of aesthetic properties in more
generally as well as the evaluation of not only the significance of his ideas in their
historical context but also their contribution to the aesthetic tradition in general.Romanization 2.0 and its alternatives
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/6716
This essay argues that Romanization revolves around understanding objects in motion and that Roman archaeologists should therefore focus on (1) globalization theory and (2) material-culture studies as important theoretical directions for the (near) future. The present state and scope of the Romanization debate, however, seem to prevent a fruitful development in that direction. The first part of this paper therefore briefly analyses the Romanization debate and argues that large parts of ‘Anglo-Saxon Roman archaeology’ have never been really post-colonial, but in fact from the mid1990s onwards developed a theoretical position that should be characterized as anticolonial. This ideologically motivated development has resulted in several unhealthy divides within the field, as well as in an uncomfortable ending of the Romanization debate. The present consensus within English-speaking Roman archaeology ‘to do away with Romanization’ does not seem to get us at all ‘beyond Romans and Natives’, and, moreover, has effectively halted most of the discussion about how to understand and conceptualize ‘Rome’. The second part of the article presents two propositions outlining how to move forward: globalization theory and material-culture studies. Through this focus we will be able to better understand ‘Rome’ as (indicating) objects in motion and the human–thing entanglements resulting from a remarkable punctuation of connectivity. This focus is important as an alternative perspective to all existing narratives about Romanization because these remain fundamentally historical, in the sense that they reduce objects to expressions (of identity) alone. It is time for our discussions about ‘Rome’ to move ‘beyond representation’ and to become genuinely archaeological at last, by making material culture, with its agency and materiality, central to the analyses.
2014-06-01T00:00:00ZWoolf, GregThis essay argues that Romanization revolves around understanding objects in motion and that Roman archaeologists should therefore focus on (1) globalization theory and (2) material-culture studies as important theoretical directions for the (near) future. The present state and scope of the Romanization debate, however, seem to prevent a fruitful development in that direction. The first part of this paper therefore briefly analyses the Romanization debate and argues that large parts of ‘Anglo-Saxon Roman archaeology’ have never been really post-colonial, but in fact from the mid1990s onwards developed a theoretical position that should be characterized as anticolonial. This ideologically motivated development has resulted in several unhealthy divides within the field, as well as in an uncomfortable ending of the Romanization debate. The present consensus within English-speaking Roman archaeology ‘to do away with Romanization’ does not seem to get us at all ‘beyond Romans and Natives’, and, moreover, has effectively halted most of the discussion about how to understand and conceptualize ‘Rome’. The second part of the article presents two propositions outlining how to move forward: globalization theory and material-culture studies. Through this focus we will be able to better understand ‘Rome’ as (indicating) objects in motion and the human–thing entanglements resulting from a remarkable punctuation of connectivity. This focus is important as an alternative perspective to all existing narratives about Romanization because these remain fundamentally historical, in the sense that they reduce objects to expressions (of identity) alone. It is time for our discussions about ‘Rome’ to move ‘beyond representation’ and to become genuinely archaeological at last, by making material culture, with its agency and materiality, central to the analyses.The sons of Homer/ the sons of Rāma : understanding the rhapsode in comparative context
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/6377
What was a rhapsode? How can we, given the scant nature of the evidence that survives, hope to examine in any detail the rhapsode’s role or position in Greek society? This PhD utilizes a Comparative philological approach to posit a solution to a longstanding problem of Classical philology. Using, as its grounds for comparison, the parallels provided via the performers of the Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa, my research aims to provide a better understanding of the role and status (both ‘self’ and ‘societal’) of the rhapsode in the Classical Greek world, by means of the backdrop offered by the performers of the Sanskrit epics. Through close examination of the similarities, which are many and striking, we shall be able to construct a far more detailed picture of the rhapsode than we could through scrutiny of the Greek material alone. But it is not only from similarities that insights can be gleaned – the culturally-specific differences too are important precisely because they illustrate the salience and specialness of what was taking place in Greece.
Beginning with questions of societal function and identity, and what the rhapsode, like his Indian counterparts, believed and was believed to be doing, the thesis will then move on to issues of the rhapsode’s place and perception in the larger society in which he existed. This will allow for certain features about the rhapsode to be seen more clearly than ever before, and ultimately a more complete picture of the rhapsode to be presented.
2014-06-24T00:00:00ZStevens, Emerson M.What was a rhapsode? How can we, given the scant nature of the evidence that survives, hope to examine in any detail the rhapsode’s role or position in Greek society? This PhD utilizes a Comparative philological approach to posit a solution to a longstanding problem of Classical philology. Using, as its grounds for comparison, the parallels provided via the performers of the Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa, my research aims to provide a better understanding of the role and status (both ‘self’ and ‘societal’) of the rhapsode in the Classical Greek world, by means of the backdrop offered by the performers of the Sanskrit epics. Through close examination of the similarities, which are many and striking, we shall be able to construct a far more detailed picture of the rhapsode than we could through scrutiny of the Greek material alone. But it is not only from similarities that insights can be gleaned – the culturally-specific differences too are important precisely because they illustrate the salience and specialness of what was taking place in Greece.
Beginning with questions of societal function and identity, and what the rhapsode, like his Indian counterparts, believed and was believed to be doing, the thesis will then move on to issues of the rhapsode’s place and perception in the larger society in which he existed. This will allow for certain features about the rhapsode to be seen more clearly than ever before, and ultimately a more complete picture of the rhapsode to be presented.Interpretandi scientia : an intellectual history of Roman jurisprudence in the early Empire
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/6368
This thesis proposes a new model of situating Roman jurisprudence in the intellectual world of the Early Empire. Moving away from the traditional question as to the relationship between law and philosophy, I take a wider view by approaching the jurists as (in their own words) engaging in legal interpretation, and I compare and contrast them with other ancient scholars involved in interpretation: philosophers, medical readers of Hippocrates, grammarians, etc. Chapter 1 studies ancient intellectuals’ claiming and constructing expert authority for their learning. Jurists are well-versed in the topoi developed in Hellenistic scholarship/science; they are thus fully embedded in (rather than: isolated from) the wider intellectual landscape. Situating Pomponius’ history of jurisprudence in its literary as well as socio-political contexts, I argue in chapter 2 that the text constructs a history of jurisprudence that suggests that jurists were crucial to the rise of Rome. Chapter 3 studies Gaius’ interpretative practices through his engagement with older legal texts within the exegetical culture of the second century. Gaius shares with philosophers and medical doctors an interest in mining wisdom from old texts, but he also emphasises the progress made within the legal tradition ever since. Chapter 4 focuses on collecting legal knowledge. I argue that the spread of a common structure of law books signals that law was a well-integrated “discipline”. Chapter 5 studies juristic engagement with expert knowledge from outside the legal tradition. I argue that jurists’ explicit engagement with philosophical concepts does not entail commitments to larger pieces of philosophical doctrine. Chapter 6 analyses the development of legal doctrine about causation and liability in the context of the lex Aquilia. I argue that juristic debates and interpretations are largely shaped and constrained by the legal (Aquilian) tradition, although jurists are to some extent open to intellectual debates and social values.
2014-06-24T00:00:00ZWibier, Matthijs H.This thesis proposes a new model of situating Roman jurisprudence in the intellectual world of the Early Empire. Moving away from the traditional question as to the relationship between law and philosophy, I take a wider view by approaching the jurists as (in their own words) engaging in legal interpretation, and I compare and contrast them with other ancient scholars involved in interpretation: philosophers, medical readers of Hippocrates, grammarians, etc. Chapter 1 studies ancient intellectuals’ claiming and constructing expert authority for their learning. Jurists are well-versed in the topoi developed in Hellenistic scholarship/science; they are thus fully embedded in (rather than: isolated from) the wider intellectual landscape. Situating Pomponius’ history of jurisprudence in its literary as well as socio-political contexts, I argue in chapter 2 that the text constructs a history of jurisprudence that suggests that jurists were crucial to the rise of Rome. Chapter 3 studies Gaius’ interpretative practices through his engagement with older legal texts within the exegetical culture of the second century. Gaius shares with philosophers and medical doctors an interest in mining wisdom from old texts, but he also emphasises the progress made within the legal tradition ever since. Chapter 4 focuses on collecting legal knowledge. I argue that the spread of a common structure of law books signals that law was a well-integrated “discipline”. Chapter 5 studies juristic engagement with expert knowledge from outside the legal tradition. I argue that jurists’ explicit engagement with philosophical concepts does not entail commitments to larger pieces of philosophical doctrine. Chapter 6 analyses the development of legal doctrine about causation and liability in the context of the lex Aquilia. I argue that juristic debates and interpretations are largely shaped and constrained by the legal (Aquilian) tradition, although jurists are to some extent open to intellectual debates and social values.Studies in the career of Pliny the Elder and the composition of his 'Naturalis Historia'
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4605
This thesis reviews Pliny's career and the composition of his last
work, the Naturalis Historia. In the first chapter, the hypotheses of
Münzer and Syme relating to Pliny's career are examined and an
alternative suggested, according to which Pliny's military career may be
dated a decade later than is usually envisaged. Chapter two dates the
composition of the NH to either 72-78 or 76-78. Chapter three examines
Pliny's working time-table and offers comparison with Cicero's time-table
in 45 B.C. Chapter four reviews the various resources available to Pliny
for research. Chapter five examines his working-methods and suggests a
possible format for his commentarii. There are thirteen appendices,
seventeen figures, and eight maps.
1995-01-01T00:00:00ZMaxwell-Stuart, Peter G.This thesis reviews Pliny's career and the composition of his last
work, the Naturalis Historia. In the first chapter, the hypotheses of
Münzer and Syme relating to Pliny's career are examined and an
alternative suggested, according to which Pliny's military career may be
dated a decade later than is usually envisaged. Chapter two dates the
composition of the NH to either 72-78 or 76-78. Chapter three examines
Pliny's working time-table and offers comparison with Cicero's time-table
in 45 B.C. Chapter four reviews the various resources available to Pliny
for research. Chapter five examines his working-methods and suggests a
possible format for his commentarii. There are thirteen appendices,
seventeen figures, and eight maps.The Cyclades in the middle and late Bronze Age
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4592
The study comprises an investigation of the history and culture of the Cyclades in the second millennium B. C., based on a comprehensive analysis of the sites and finds. Particular attention is paid to the question of the cultural unity of the islands and their relationships with other areas of the Aegean. In the introduction in Volume I (Chapter 1), previous work in the field is surveyed, problems are outlined and possible areas of progress suggested. In Chapter 2, the stratigraphical basis for the definition of the Middle and Late Cycladic periods is set out. There follow detailed descriptions and discussions of the sites (Chapter 3), the local pottery (Chapter 4), the non-ceramic finds (Chapter 5 A-J), the architecture (Chapter 6) and the burials (Chapter 7). Imports and exports, mainly of pottery, are considered in Chapter 8 and their significance is assessed, both for the establishment of a relative chronology and for the elucidation of the external relations of the Cyclades in the period under review. The concluding Chapter (9) summarises the evidence already presented in terms of the history of the Cyclades and the way of life of their inhabitants. Solutions are offered to some of the questions posed in the introduction and suitable avenues for future research indicated. The companion volume contains appendices, listing published finds of the Middle and Late Cycladic periods, in format to that used for their discussion in Volume I. Appendix I (corresponding to Chapter 4) lists the pottery, excluding imports, and Appendix II A - J the non-ceramic finds. Appendix III (Chapter 7) records known burials and notes the associated finds. Appendix IV (Chapter 8) lists imported pottery found in the Cyclades, Cycladic exports found abroad and objects exchanged between one island and another. Volume II also contains the illustrations, which consist of fifty two figures and thirty three plates.
1978-01-01T00:00:00ZBarber, R. L. N.The study comprises an investigation of the history and culture of the Cyclades in the second millennium B. C., based on a comprehensive analysis of the sites and finds. Particular attention is paid to the question of the cultural unity of the islands and their relationships with other areas of the Aegean. In the introduction in Volume I (Chapter 1), previous work in the field is surveyed, problems are outlined and possible areas of progress suggested. In Chapter 2, the stratigraphical basis for the definition of the Middle and Late Cycladic periods is set out. There follow detailed descriptions and discussions of the sites (Chapter 3), the local pottery (Chapter 4), the non-ceramic finds (Chapter 5 A-J), the architecture (Chapter 6) and the burials (Chapter 7). Imports and exports, mainly of pottery, are considered in Chapter 8 and their significance is assessed, both for the establishment of a relative chronology and for the elucidation of the external relations of the Cyclades in the period under review. The concluding Chapter (9) summarises the evidence already presented in terms of the history of the Cyclades and the way of life of their inhabitants. Solutions are offered to some of the questions posed in the introduction and suitable avenues for future research indicated. The companion volume contains appendices, listing published finds of the Middle and Late Cycladic periods, in format to that used for their discussion in Volume I. Appendix I (corresponding to Chapter 4) lists the pottery, excluding imports, and Appendix II A - J the non-ceramic finds. Appendix III (Chapter 7) records known burials and notes the associated finds. Appendix IV (Chapter 8) lists imported pottery found in the Cyclades, Cycladic exports found abroad and objects exchanged between one island and another. Volume II also contains the illustrations, which consist of fifty two figures and thirty three plates.'Si Adam et Eva peccaverunt, quid nos miseri fecimus?' : the reception of Augustine's ontological discourse on the soul in late antiquity and the early Middle Ages.
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4513
Thesis analyses the reception of Augustine of Hippo's (354-430) ontological discourse on the soul in late antiquity and the early middle ages, more specifically in the sixth and the ninth centuries. Since Augustine never wrote a 'De anima', nor always presented his readers with definite answers to questions, there was room for later authors to interpret and improvise. This thesis focuses on 4 texts: Cassiodorus Senator's 'De anima', Eugippius of Lucculanum's massive florilegium the 'Excerpta ex operibus Sancti Augustini', both from the sixth century, Gottschalk of Orbais' letter 'Quaestiones de anima', and John Scottus Eriugena's apologetic 'De divina praedestinatione liber', both from the ninth century. This thesis establishes that, apart from Cassiodorus, the author's main interest in Augustine's ideas on the ontology of the soul rests on the way it impinges on their contemporary predestination debates. Cassiodorus consciously wanted to produce a Christian De anima in a classical vein. Especially the question of the origin of the soul takes the interest of Eugippius and Gottschalk. This is an important question for predestination debates, since it is supposed to explain technically how original sin came to be universal. Augustine never found a satisfactory answer to this thorny question. Eriugena's genius lies in building an original ontology of the soul on Augustine's own foundations which sidesteps this problem of the origin of the soul entirely.
2013-11-29T00:00:00ZHaverkamp, Simon L. H.Thesis analyses the reception of Augustine of Hippo's (354-430) ontological discourse on the soul in late antiquity and the early middle ages, more specifically in the sixth and the ninth centuries. Since Augustine never wrote a 'De anima', nor always presented his readers with definite answers to questions, there was room for later authors to interpret and improvise. This thesis focuses on 4 texts: Cassiodorus Senator's 'De anima', Eugippius of Lucculanum's massive florilegium the 'Excerpta ex operibus Sancti Augustini', both from the sixth century, Gottschalk of Orbais' letter 'Quaestiones de anima', and John Scottus Eriugena's apologetic 'De divina praedestinatione liber', both from the ninth century. This thesis establishes that, apart from Cassiodorus, the author's main interest in Augustine's ideas on the ontology of the soul rests on the way it impinges on their contemporary predestination debates. Cassiodorus consciously wanted to produce a Christian De anima in a classical vein. Especially the question of the origin of the soul takes the interest of Eugippius and Gottschalk. This is an important question for predestination debates, since it is supposed to explain technically how original sin came to be universal. Augustine never found a satisfactory answer to this thorny question. Eriugena's genius lies in building an original ontology of the soul on Augustine's own foundations which sidesteps this problem of the origin of the soul entirely.Romans overseas : Roman and Italian migrant communities in the Mediterranean world
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4508
In this thesis, I characterise the Roman republican diaspora in the western
Mediterranean, on the basis of the various activities which prompted the migration of
individuals from Italy. The intention of my discussion is to examine the connection
between republican imperialism and the generally obscure individuals who were the
actual participants in empire. This is partly a response to Brunt’s Italian Manpower, in
so far as Brunt’s minimalist calculation of the population of the diaspora discouraged
subsequent research on the subject. To accomplish this, I have relied principally on the
available literary references as the foundation of a thematic analysis of the diaspora,
considering migration of those in the military or associated with it, as well as those
involved in various categories of commercial activity. The settlement of former soldiers
was frequently connected with the re-organisation of overseas communities by Roman
generals. Commercial activity was examined with reference to a general model for trade
in the late republic, which emphasises the role of agents acting on behalf of wealthier
individuals in Italy. I also considered more general characteristics of the diaspora.
Firstly, I have proposed a maximum population for the diaspora at the end of the
republic of 170,000. Secondly, I have proposed that communities of the diaspora were
organising themselves into conventus by the 70s BC. Finally, I have suggested that the
social and economic networks of the diaspora can be modelled in terms of a network of
bilateral connections between communities, though with particularly strong connections
to Rome.
2014-01-01T00:00:00ZPhillipo, Mark WilliamIn this thesis, I characterise the Roman republican diaspora in the western
Mediterranean, on the basis of the various activities which prompted the migration of
individuals from Italy. The intention of my discussion is to examine the connection
between republican imperialism and the generally obscure individuals who were the
actual participants in empire. This is partly a response to Brunt’s Italian Manpower, in
so far as Brunt’s minimalist calculation of the population of the diaspora discouraged
subsequent research on the subject. To accomplish this, I have relied principally on the
available literary references as the foundation of a thematic analysis of the diaspora,
considering migration of those in the military or associated with it, as well as those
involved in various categories of commercial activity. The settlement of former soldiers
was frequently connected with the re-organisation of overseas communities by Roman
generals. Commercial activity was examined with reference to a general model for trade
in the late republic, which emphasises the role of agents acting on behalf of wealthier
individuals in Italy. I also considered more general characteristics of the diaspora.
Firstly, I have proposed a maximum population for the diaspora at the end of the
republic of 170,000. Secondly, I have proposed that communities of the diaspora were
organising themselves into conventus by the 70s BC. Finally, I have suggested that the
social and economic networks of the diaspora can be modelled in terms of a network of
bilateral connections between communities, though with particularly strong connections
to Rome.«Training the soul in excellence»: musical theory and practice in Plato's dialogues, between ethics and aesthetics
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4290
This thesis offers a technically informed examination of Plato’s pervasive, though not innocent, use of musical theory, practice and musical concepts more generally within the ambitious ethical project outlined in many of his dialogues: fostering the ‘excellence’ of the soul.
Starting from Republic 3, Chapter 1 will focus specifically on music stricto sensu in order to assess Plato’s interpretation of the basic ‘building blocks’ of musical performances, creating a core repertoire of musical concepts that will prepare the way to analyse Plato’s use of musical terms or categories in areas that, at first sight, do not appear to be immediately connected to this art, such as politics, ethics and psychology. Chapter 2 examines a selection of passages from Laws 2 concerning the concept of musical beauty and its role in ethical education, demonstrating how Plato’s definition is far from being moralistic and, instead, pays close attention to the technical performative aspects of dramatic musical representations. Chapter 3 looks first at the harmonic characterisation of the two central virtues of the ideal city, sophrosyne and dikaiosyne, showing how their musical depictions are not purely metaphoric: on the contrary, Plato exploited their cultural implications to emphasise the characteristics and the functions of these virtues in the ideal constitution. The second half of Chapter 3 analyses the Platonic portrayal of musical παρανομία, studying both its educational and psychological repercussions in the dialogue and in relations to contemporary Athenian musical practices. Chapter 4 looks at how different types of music may be used to create an inner harmonic order of passions in the soul in different contexts: the musical-mimetic education outlined in the Republic, the musical enhancement of the psychological energies in the members of the Chorus of Dionysus in the Laws, and finally the role of the aulos in the Symposium.
2013-11-18T00:00:00ZLynch, ToscaThis thesis offers a technically informed examination of Plato’s pervasive, though not innocent, use of musical theory, practice and musical concepts more generally within the ambitious ethical project outlined in many of his dialogues: fostering the ‘excellence’ of the soul.
Starting from Republic 3, Chapter 1 will focus specifically on music stricto sensu in order to assess Plato’s interpretation of the basic ‘building blocks’ of musical performances, creating a core repertoire of musical concepts that will prepare the way to analyse Plato’s use of musical terms or categories in areas that, at first sight, do not appear to be immediately connected to this art, such as politics, ethics and psychology. Chapter 2 examines a selection of passages from Laws 2 concerning the concept of musical beauty and its role in ethical education, demonstrating how Plato’s definition is far from being moralistic and, instead, pays close attention to the technical performative aspects of dramatic musical representations. Chapter 3 looks first at the harmonic characterisation of the two central virtues of the ideal city, sophrosyne and dikaiosyne, showing how their musical depictions are not purely metaphoric: on the contrary, Plato exploited their cultural implications to emphasise the characteristics and the functions of these virtues in the ideal constitution. The second half of Chapter 3 analyses the Platonic portrayal of musical παρανομία, studying both its educational and psychological repercussions in the dialogue and in relations to contemporary Athenian musical practices. Chapter 4 looks at how different types of music may be used to create an inner harmonic order of passions in the soul in different contexts: the musical-mimetic education outlined in the Republic, the musical enhancement of the psychological energies in the members of the Chorus of Dionysus in the Laws, and finally the role of the aulos in the Symposium.Ancient weather signs : texts, science and tradition
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4103
This thesis offers a new contextualisation of weather signs, naturally occurring terrestrial indicators of weather change (from, for example, animals, plants and atmospheric phenomena), in antiquity. It asks how the utility of this method of prediction was perceived and presented in ancient sources and studies the range of answers given across almost eight hundred years of Greek and Roman civilisation. The presentation of weather signs is compared throughout to that of another predictive method, astrometeorology, which uses the movement of the stars as markers of approaching weather. The first chapter deals with the presentation and discussion of weather signs in a range of Greek texts. It sees hesitant trust being placed in weather signs, lists of which were constructed so as to be underpinned by astronomical knowledge. The second chapter assesses how these Greek lists were received and assimilated into Roman intellectual discourse by looking to the strikingly similar practice of divining by portents. This lays the foundations for the final chapter, which describes and explains the Roman treatment of weather signs. Here, the perceived utility of weather signs can be seen to reduce rapidly as the cultural significance of astronomy reaches new heights. This thesis provides new readings and interpretations of a range of weather-based passages and texts, from the Pseudo-Theophrastan De Signis, to Lucan’s Pharsalia, to Pliny’s Natural History, many of which have previously been greatly understudied or oversimplified. It allows us to understand the social and scientific place of weather prediction in the ancient world and therefore how abstract and elaborate ideas and theories filtered in to the seemingly commonplace and everyday. I argue that between the 7th century BC and the end of the 1st century AD, the treatment of weather signs changes from being framed in fundamentally practical terms to one in which practical considerations were negligible or absent. As this occurred, astrometeorology comes to be seen as the only predictive method worthy of detailed attention. These two processes, I suggest, were linked.
2013-01-01T00:00:00ZBeardmore, Michael IanThis thesis offers a new contextualisation of weather signs, naturally occurring terrestrial indicators of weather change (from, for example, animals, plants and atmospheric phenomena), in antiquity. It asks how the utility of this method of prediction was perceived and presented in ancient sources and studies the range of answers given across almost eight hundred years of Greek and Roman civilisation. The presentation of weather signs is compared throughout to that of another predictive method, astrometeorology, which uses the movement of the stars as markers of approaching weather. The first chapter deals with the presentation and discussion of weather signs in a range of Greek texts. It sees hesitant trust being placed in weather signs, lists of which were constructed so as to be underpinned by astronomical knowledge. The second chapter assesses how these Greek lists were received and assimilated into Roman intellectual discourse by looking to the strikingly similar practice of divining by portents. This lays the foundations for the final chapter, which describes and explains the Roman treatment of weather signs. Here, the perceived utility of weather signs can be seen to reduce rapidly as the cultural significance of astronomy reaches new heights. This thesis provides new readings and interpretations of a range of weather-based passages and texts, from the Pseudo-Theophrastan De Signis, to Lucan’s Pharsalia, to Pliny’s Natural History, many of which have previously been greatly understudied or oversimplified. It allows us to understand the social and scientific place of weather prediction in the ancient world and therefore how abstract and elaborate ideas and theories filtered in to the seemingly commonplace and everyday. I argue that between the 7th century BC and the end of the 1st century AD, the treatment of weather signs changes from being framed in fundamentally practical terms to one in which practical considerations were negligible or absent. As this occurred, astrometeorology comes to be seen as the only predictive method worthy of detailed attention. These two processes, I suggest, were linked.Leadership and individuality in the Athenian funeral orations
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3853
Athenian funeral orations did not simply celebrate Athenian military achievements or renew and augment a specifically anonymous collective identity and hoplite ideology. Rather, the speeches also model the role and importance of sub-groups within the democratic polis and celebrate some individual generals for their attributes and achievements as leaders. Furthermore, internal and contextual evidence shows that the prominent leaders who were chosen to deliver these speeches were often promoting or defending their own particular involvement and advocacy of the military campaign in question. This stress on the importance of the individual ‘voice’ of the orator and the speeches' inscription of exemplary individuals (probably, but by no means certainly, much more common from the 380s downwards) offers a significant contribution to literary and historical understanding of this genre and its cultural and ideological functioning.
2013-06-01T00:00:00ZHesk, JonAthenian funeral orations did not simply celebrate Athenian military achievements or renew and augment a specifically anonymous collective identity and hoplite ideology. Rather, the speeches also model the role and importance of sub-groups within the democratic polis and celebrate some individual generals for their attributes and achievements as leaders. Furthermore, internal and contextual evidence shows that the prominent leaders who were chosen to deliver these speeches were often promoting or defending their own particular involvement and advocacy of the military campaign in question. This stress on the importance of the individual ‘voice’ of the orator and the speeches' inscription of exemplary individuals (probably, but by no means certainly, much more common from the 380s downwards) offers a significant contribution to literary and historical understanding of this genre and its cultural and ideological functioning.Re-constructing the slave: an examination of slave representation in the Greek polis
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3843
This thesis examines the ways in which slaves are represented in classical Greek
sources. The aim of this study is to examine the ideology which informed Greek
depictions of slaves. Through such an analysis, we can learn a great deal not only
about important issues such as Greek perceptions of barbarians and manual labour,
but also wider issues, such as the nature of our sources and the ways in which
Greeks defined themselves through their use of the antithetical image of the slave -
the quintessential "Other" to the Greek ideal. Since slaves are depicted in a range
of material, this thesis draws upon representations of slaves from sources as varied
as art, drama, oratory, and philosophy. In short, this study examines
representations of slaves in their own right. It highlights the cross-generic
pervasiveness of slave representation and examines how representation functioned
to naturalise and perpetuate the institution of slavery in ancient Greece.
2006-01-01T00:00:00ZJoss, KellyThis thesis examines the ways in which slaves are represented in classical Greek
sources. The aim of this study is to examine the ideology which informed Greek
depictions of slaves. Through such an analysis, we can learn a great deal not only
about important issues such as Greek perceptions of barbarians and manual labour,
but also wider issues, such as the nature of our sources and the ways in which
Greeks defined themselves through their use of the antithetical image of the slave -
the quintessential "Other" to the Greek ideal. Since slaves are depicted in a range
of material, this thesis draws upon representations of slaves from sources as varied
as art, drama, oratory, and philosophy. In short, this study examines
representations of slaves in their own right. It highlights the cross-generic
pervasiveness of slave representation and examines how representation functioned
to naturalise and perpetuate the institution of slavery in ancient Greece.Visuality, art and ecphrasis in the Monobiblos of Propertius
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3738
In this thesis I argue that the conflation of puella, art and godhead in Propertius 2.31
and the succeeding 2.32 strongly impacts upon the opening book, the Monobiblos, of
the same author. The dynamic of vision, the poet’s pictorial imagination, and the
feminised, subservient stance of the elegiac lover are all well documented strains of
Propertian elegy, but have generally been treated as independent areas of study. By
emphasising vision as the key factor that inextricably binds lover and beloved,
confusing their roles within the text, I argue that the poems of the Monobiblos respond
both to contemporary effects in visual art within the changing fashions in wall painting,
and a literary tradition of visuality. In the second half of this thesis I show how
Propertius draws on stylistic effects in late Second and early Third Style wall painting
and so provides a poetic response to viewing contemporary art. Yet not only does his
poetry, like wall painting, aim to involve the reader visually but also requires the
reader’s participation in the dynamic verbal artefact he creates. Just as the emerging
imperial ideology was being increasingly impressed upon the Roman citizenry through
the power of imagery, so this text creates a multifaceted narrative that enables a
constantly shifting accessibility of viewpoint across traditional gender lines. As a consequence, the imbrication of erotic and poetic concerns highlights the tension
between art and literature in this text.
2013-01-01T00:00:00ZFreeman, RodIn this thesis I argue that the conflation of puella, art and godhead in Propertius 2.31
and the succeeding 2.32 strongly impacts upon the opening book, the Monobiblos, of
the same author. The dynamic of vision, the poet’s pictorial imagination, and the
feminised, subservient stance of the elegiac lover are all well documented strains of
Propertian elegy, but have generally been treated as independent areas of study. By
emphasising vision as the key factor that inextricably binds lover and beloved,
confusing their roles within the text, I argue that the poems of the Monobiblos respond
both to contemporary effects in visual art within the changing fashions in wall painting,
and a literary tradition of visuality. In the second half of this thesis I show how
Propertius draws on stylistic effects in late Second and early Third Style wall painting
and so provides a poetic response to viewing contemporary art. Yet not only does his
poetry, like wall painting, aim to involve the reader visually but also requires the
reader’s participation in the dynamic verbal artefact he creates. Just as the emerging
imperial ideology was being increasingly impressed upon the Roman citizenry through
the power of imagery, so this text creates a multifaceted narrative that enables a
constantly shifting accessibility of viewpoint across traditional gender lines. As a consequence, the imbrication of erotic and poetic concerns highlights the tension
between art and literature in this text.Cult associations in the post-classical polis
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3654
This thesis investigates the emergence, spread and characteristics of voluntary associations in the Greek cities of the Aegean world in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. It is based on archaeological and epigraphic evidence and contains two case studies on Athens and Delos and three thematic chapters.
The first chapter provides an introduction and definition of the subject matter, material, methods and state of research and the leading questions. The second chapter is a case study in which the evidence referring to voluntary associations in post-classical Athens is analysed. Chapter three comprises another case-study, investigating the evidence from Delos. Chapter four investigates the people involved in voluntary associations from founders to benefactors and ordinary members. I compare the evidence from various places and cults, focusing on the origins of people and their choice of deity. The fifth chapter discusses the location of buildings within cities, the kinds of building and facilities used by voluntary associations, and possible patterns in the structure of buildings. In chapter six I analyse the relationship between voluntary associations and civic institutions in the cities of Athens, Delos and Rhodes. Chapter seven provides a conclusion of the thesis.
The concept of the voluntary association offered worshippers in Greek poleis an opportunity to establish a religious identity that was characterised by new social spaces, new rituals and new approaches to older rituals that had previously not been provided by the polis religion. The successful establishment of a voluntary association was secured by various factors, yet one main concept seems pre-eminent: by using the pre-existing terminology and categories of civic institutions of each polis for their own purposes, voluntary associations of worshippers paved a way of communicating with both the civic authorities and individual inhabitants. In doing so, they also signalled openness to their environment, an aspect of particular importance to those worshippers who had immigrated to a new city.
2013-01-01T00:00:00ZSteinhauer, JuliettaThis thesis investigates the emergence, spread and characteristics of voluntary associations in the Greek cities of the Aegean world in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. It is based on archaeological and epigraphic evidence and contains two case studies on Athens and Delos and three thematic chapters.
The first chapter provides an introduction and definition of the subject matter, material, methods and state of research and the leading questions. The second chapter is a case study in which the evidence referring to voluntary associations in post-classical Athens is analysed. Chapter three comprises another case-study, investigating the evidence from Delos. Chapter four investigates the people involved in voluntary associations from founders to benefactors and ordinary members. I compare the evidence from various places and cults, focusing on the origins of people and their choice of deity. The fifth chapter discusses the location of buildings within cities, the kinds of building and facilities used by voluntary associations, and possible patterns in the structure of buildings. In chapter six I analyse the relationship between voluntary associations and civic institutions in the cities of Athens, Delos and Rhodes. Chapter seven provides a conclusion of the thesis.
The concept of the voluntary association offered worshippers in Greek poleis an opportunity to establish a religious identity that was characterised by new social spaces, new rituals and new approaches to older rituals that had previously not been provided by the polis religion. The successful establishment of a voluntary association was secured by various factors, yet one main concept seems pre-eminent: by using the pre-existing terminology and categories of civic institutions of each polis for their own purposes, voluntary associations of worshippers paved a way of communicating with both the civic authorities and individual inhabitants. In doing so, they also signalled openness to their environment, an aspect of particular importance to those worshippers who had immigrated to a new city.Footsteps of the dead : iconography of beliefs about the afterlife and evidence for funerary practices in Etruscan Tarquinia
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3649
This thesis is a study of Etruscan attitudes to the afterlife, based on analysis of
the funerary archaeology, architecture, and iconography of death from the ancient city
of Tarquinia. The focus on one settlement allowed for a more precise reconstruction of
funerary attitudes; it also avoided the pitfalls of approaching Etruscan civilisation as uniform and homogeneous across its varied city-states; and it made clear when particular beliefs about the afterlife changed or developed. After a general discussion of approaches to the subject in the published literature and of the specific conditions at the site of Tarquinia, it proceeds through a series of case studies chosen from each of the
major periods of Etruscan civilisation from the Villanovan to the Hellenistic period. The
analysis is based on published excavations and studies, supplemented by fieldwork
conducted in Rome and at Tarquinia. The case studies were chosen based on the type of
information that they can give about the way the underworld was imagined. No one tomb can be used to illustrate the entire set of beliefs and traditions that occurred at one
time. Throughout the course of this study, I focus on the changes and developments of
funerary traditions over the nine centuries of Etruscan civilisation at Tarquinia.
The main finding to emerge from these studies relates to the long term stability
of funerary practices at Tarquinia. As elsewhere in Etruria, there are changes in the scale and design of tombs and in the subjects and manner of their decoration. Yet it is difficult to identify any sudden discontinuities of practice. In a number of cases, it is argued that motifs that are well attested only in later periods can already be seen in the earlier material, while few themes introduced into the repertoire are ever completely lost. Rather, the same motifs are occasionally represented in different form from period to period. Whether the explanation is to be sought in the conservative influence of a small number of ruling families, or in the absence of social revolutions of the kind that
characterised some Greek poleis, or in a conscious desire to preserve local, i.e.
Tarquinian, traditions and styles, it seems that the history of Etruscan death is –in this case at least –not to be written in terms of dramatic changes so much as of gradual evolution and development. On this basis, a tentative account of the (local) Etruscan underworld is offered as it emerges from material drawn from all the periods studied.
2013-01-01T00:00:00ZWeir, Allison JeanThis thesis is a study of Etruscan attitudes to the afterlife, based on analysis of
the funerary archaeology, architecture, and iconography of death from the ancient city
of Tarquinia. The focus on one settlement allowed for a more precise reconstruction of
funerary attitudes; it also avoided the pitfalls of approaching Etruscan civilisation as uniform and homogeneous across its varied city-states; and it made clear when particular beliefs about the afterlife changed or developed. After a general discussion of approaches to the subject in the published literature and of the specific conditions at the site of Tarquinia, it proceeds through a series of case studies chosen from each of the
major periods of Etruscan civilisation from the Villanovan to the Hellenistic period. The
analysis is based on published excavations and studies, supplemented by fieldwork
conducted in Rome and at Tarquinia. The case studies were chosen based on the type of
information that they can give about the way the underworld was imagined. No one tomb can be used to illustrate the entire set of beliefs and traditions that occurred at one
time. Throughout the course of this study, I focus on the changes and developments of
funerary traditions over the nine centuries of Etruscan civilisation at Tarquinia.
The main finding to emerge from these studies relates to the long term stability
of funerary practices at Tarquinia. As elsewhere in Etruria, there are changes in the scale and design of tombs and in the subjects and manner of their decoration. Yet it is difficult to identify any sudden discontinuities of practice. In a number of cases, it is argued that motifs that are well attested only in later periods can already be seen in the earlier material, while few themes introduced into the repertoire are ever completely lost. Rather, the same motifs are occasionally represented in different form from period to period. Whether the explanation is to be sought in the conservative influence of a small number of ruling families, or in the absence of social revolutions of the kind that
characterised some Greek poleis, or in a conscious desire to preserve local, i.e.
Tarquinian, traditions and styles, it seems that the history of Etruscan death is –in this case at least –not to be written in terms of dramatic changes so much as of gradual evolution and development. On this basis, a tentative account of the (local) Etruscan underworld is offered as it emerges from material drawn from all the periods studied.Intellectual narratives and elite Roman learning in the 'Noctes Atticae' of Aulus Gellius
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3146
This thesis offers a new interpretation of the literary techniques of the Noctes Atticae,
a second-century Latin miscellaneous work by Aulus Gellius, with new readings
of various passages. It takes as its main subject the various ways in which Gellius narrates
and otherwise represents mental and intellectual activity. It proposes a typology
for these representations in Chapter One, the Introduction. Chapter Two examines
the “dialogic” scenes, which relate the conversations of characters, in the context of
the history of dialogic writing. It argues that Gellius's unique approach to relating
conversation, besides revealing specific concerns about each stage of ancient education,
encourages readers to develop strategies for imagining and reconstructing the intellectual
character and lifestyle that lie behind an individual's speech - in short, to see
every instance of conversation as a glimpse at others' mental quality. Chapter Three
of the thesis examines Gellius's narrative accounts of his own reading experiences, a
body of ancient evidence unparalleled in both substance and detail. Focusing on his depictions of reading Pliny the Elder, it shows the way Gellius, in the traditionally public
contexts of ancient reading, seeks to invent a performative space in the privacy of the
reader's mind. Chapter Four explores Gellius's essays and notes which, despite lacking
clear narrative frameworks, nonetheless share common themes with the rest of the
Noctes, and can be understood as representations of the mental activity and standards
that Gellius associates with his contemporaries' relationship to the past. The Conclusion
points the way for further applications of the thesis's conclusions in Imperial
intellectual culture and beyond. This thesis suggests a new approach for examining
depictions of the acquisition, evaluation and use of knowledge in the Imperial period,
and contributes to the ongoing scholarly discussion about the reading of miscellaneous
literature.
2011-01-01T00:00:00ZHowley, Joseph A.This thesis offers a new interpretation of the literary techniques of the Noctes Atticae,
a second-century Latin miscellaneous work by Aulus Gellius, with new readings
of various passages. It takes as its main subject the various ways in which Gellius narrates
and otherwise represents mental and intellectual activity. It proposes a typology
for these representations in Chapter One, the Introduction. Chapter Two examines
the “dialogic” scenes, which relate the conversations of characters, in the context of
the history of dialogic writing. It argues that Gellius's unique approach to relating
conversation, besides revealing specific concerns about each stage of ancient education,
encourages readers to develop strategies for imagining and reconstructing the intellectual
character and lifestyle that lie behind an individual's speech - in short, to see
every instance of conversation as a glimpse at others' mental quality. Chapter Three
of the thesis examines Gellius's narrative accounts of his own reading experiences, a
body of ancient evidence unparalleled in both substance and detail. Focusing on his depictions of reading Pliny the Elder, it shows the way Gellius, in the traditionally public
contexts of ancient reading, seeks to invent a performative space in the privacy of the
reader's mind. Chapter Four explores Gellius's essays and notes which, despite lacking
clear narrative frameworks, nonetheless share common themes with the rest of the
Noctes, and can be understood as representations of the mental activity and standards
that Gellius associates with his contemporaries' relationship to the past. The Conclusion
points the way for further applications of the thesis's conclusions in Imperial
intellectual culture and beyond. This thesis suggests a new approach for examining
depictions of the acquisition, evaluation and use of knowledge in the Imperial period,
and contributes to the ongoing scholarly discussion about the reading of miscellaneous
literature.Servire and servare : the ideological tradition of dominance, subservience and tyrannicide in Lucan's Pharsalia
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3145
The image of dominance, subservience and tyrannicide is prevalent in Lucan's
Pharsalia. For him, Caesar's descendents will dominate the universe and enslave the
people. Murder is the only political solution. This ideological belief has a Republican
and Augustan tradition. Lucan's presentation of dominance and subservience
exemplifies the evolution of a specific political ideology in the early Empire.
2012-01-01T00:00:00ZChiu, Yi-ChiehThe image of dominance, subservience and tyrannicide is prevalent in Lucan's
Pharsalia. For him, Caesar's descendents will dominate the universe and enslave the
people. Murder is the only political solution. This ideological belief has a Republican
and Augustan tradition. Lucan's presentation of dominance and subservience
exemplifies the evolution of a specific political ideology in the early Empire.A commentary on Q. Curtius Rufus 'Historiae Alexandri' Book X
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/2968
This thesis consists of a text and commentary on Book Ten of Quintus Curtius Rufus'
His toriae Alexandri Magni Macedonis; the work was probably written in the middle of the
first century A.D. The main body of the commentary deals with linguistic, stylistic and
historical matters; each episode is preceded by a more general introduction to the issues
involved. In addition, there is an introduction, dealing with the manuscript tradition, the
date of composition, the identity of the writer, the popularity of Alexander as an exemplum
in Rome and contemporary historical and biographical practices. There are three appendices:
the first deals with Curtius' sources and includes detailed tables in which the five main
Alexander sources are compared throughout Book Ten; the second brings together elements of
contemporary political allusion in Book Ten and attempts to draw a conclusion concerning the
undoubted similarities between the accessions of Arrhidaeus, Alexander's brother, and the
emperor Claudius; the third compares Curtius' preferences for certain clausulae with that of
other writers. At the end, there is an index nominum and an index rerum.
1992-01-01T00:00:00ZDempsie, William Alan RobertThis thesis consists of a text and commentary on Book Ten of Quintus Curtius Rufus'
His toriae Alexandri Magni Macedonis; the work was probably written in the middle of the
first century A.D. The main body of the commentary deals with linguistic, stylistic and
historical matters; each episode is preceded by a more general introduction to the issues
involved. In addition, there is an introduction, dealing with the manuscript tradition, the
date of composition, the identity of the writer, the popularity of Alexander as an exemplum
in Rome and contemporary historical and biographical practices. There are three appendices:
the first deals with Curtius' sources and includes detailed tables in which the five main
Alexander sources are compared throughout Book Ten; the second brings together elements of
contemporary political allusion in Book Ten and attempts to draw a conclusion concerning the
undoubted similarities between the accessions of Arrhidaeus, Alexander's brother, and the
emperor Claudius; the third compares Curtius' preferences for certain clausulae with that of
other writers. At the end, there is an index nominum and an index rerum.The role of the 'strategoi' in Athens in the 4th century B.C.
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/2961
The role of the Athenian generals in the Fourth Century B.C. has
remained one viewed in simplistic dismissal as mercenaries and lawless
condottieri. Such ideas, based upon the political rhetoric of the Athenian
ecclesia, led historians to remove the generals to the periphery of Athenian
history in the Fourth Century. Though misguided, there has been neither a
basic reinterpretation nor an in-depth re-examination of this idea.
This thesis examines the role of the Athenian strategoi from several
different angles but with one central argument, that the specialist Athenian
generals demonstrated throughout the C4th. a remarkably strong sense of
loyalty and patriotism towards their polis. Through such an argument the
generals may be brought back from the cloudy edges of legality and action
they have been seen as occupying, and given a central role in the affairs of
Athens in the Fourth Century.
This role will be reinforced on the military front by an examination
of the Athenian command network and the evolution of warfare. I hope to
show that the developments in the art of war that were occurring in this
period merely exacerbated the sociopolitical tensions that were present in
Athens and offered the generals further opportunity for the development of
their office. By concentrating upon the relatively few specialist strategoi
that emerged in the Fourth Century I hope to demonstrate that this
development of the strategia was one of gradual evolution, continuing
from Conon at the dawn of the century till the emergence of Leosthenes as
virtually a popular dictator by the time of the Lamian War.
Loyalty to "state" did not bring direct political power to the
specialist strategoi. Through the influence of public support, reliant upon a
continued distancing from the squabblings of the rhetors, the strategoi
might not have dominated Athenian political life but by 323 they were
certainly in a position to threaten the complete sovereignty of the ecclesia
itself.
1991-01-01T00:00:00ZPeake, ScottThe role of the Athenian generals in the Fourth Century B.C. has
remained one viewed in simplistic dismissal as mercenaries and lawless
condottieri. Such ideas, based upon the political rhetoric of the Athenian
ecclesia, led historians to remove the generals to the periphery of Athenian
history in the Fourth Century. Though misguided, there has been neither a
basic reinterpretation nor an in-depth re-examination of this idea.
This thesis examines the role of the Athenian strategoi from several
different angles but with one central argument, that the specialist Athenian
generals demonstrated throughout the C4th. a remarkably strong sense of
loyalty and patriotism towards their polis. Through such an argument the
generals may be brought back from the cloudy edges of legality and action
they have been seen as occupying, and given a central role in the affairs of
Athens in the Fourth Century.
This role will be reinforced on the military front by an examination
of the Athenian command network and the evolution of warfare. I hope to
show that the developments in the art of war that were occurring in this
period merely exacerbated the sociopolitical tensions that were present in
Athens and offered the generals further opportunity for the development of
their office. By concentrating upon the relatively few specialist strategoi
that emerged in the Fourth Century I hope to demonstrate that this
development of the strategia was one of gradual evolution, continuing
from Conon at the dawn of the century till the emergence of Leosthenes as
virtually a popular dictator by the time of the Lamian War.
Loyalty to "state" did not bring direct political power to the
specialist strategoi. Through the influence of public support, reliant upon a
continued distancing from the squabblings of the rhetors, the strategoi
might not have dominated Athenian political life but by 323 they were
certainly in a position to threaten the complete sovereignty of the ecclesia
itself.The language of popular politics from the Gracchi to Sulla
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/2790
This thesis will add to the debate on the nature of popular politics at Rome from
the time of the Gracchi to Sulla. It examines contemporary evidence in order to
reconstruct the terms in which political discourse was conducted. The period marks a
time of political dynamism in the Republic, prior the fateful precedents set by Sulla, and
falls before the period dominated the Ciceronian corpus. The first aim of the thesis will
be to evaluate and utilize the fragmentary evidence of contemporary oratory in order to
consider the terms in which politicians described themselves and their opponents. This
will allow for a critique of the model of Roman politics derived from Cicero's works
which has been often ascribed to the period. Rather than substantiating the traditional
picture of politics, conducted in terms of the opposition between popularis and optimas,
it reveals that this period is characterized by competition to appropriate the same
rhetorical concepts and identification with the traditional role of the Senate in the res
publica. The second aim is to contribute to the question of the role of ideology in Roman
politics by further demonstrating the existence of a versatile and varied vocabulary
capable of articulating a discourse between different ideological standpoints.
2005-01-01T00:00:00ZGalbraith, CraigThis thesis will add to the debate on the nature of popular politics at Rome from
the time of the Gracchi to Sulla. It examines contemporary evidence in order to
reconstruct the terms in which political discourse was conducted. The period marks a
time of political dynamism in the Republic, prior the fateful precedents set by Sulla, and
falls before the period dominated the Ciceronian corpus. The first aim of the thesis will
be to evaluate and utilize the fragmentary evidence of contemporary oratory in order to
consider the terms in which politicians described themselves and their opponents. This
will allow for a critique of the model of Roman politics derived from Cicero's works
which has been often ascribed to the period. Rather than substantiating the traditional
picture of politics, conducted in terms of the opposition between popularis and optimas,
it reveals that this period is characterized by competition to appropriate the same
rhetorical concepts and identification with the traditional role of the Senate in the res
publica. The second aim is to contribute to the question of the role of ideology in Roman
politics by further demonstrating the existence of a versatile and varied vocabulary
capable of articulating a discourse between different ideological standpoints.The transmission of classical and patristic texts in late Anglo-Saxon and early Norman England
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/2785
This thesis consists of a general introduction to the
historical and palaeographical background to the subject of
the transmission of Classical and Patristic texts in late
Anglo-Saxon and early Norman England, followed by five
chapters each dealing with a classical or patristic author.
Each chapter lists the information we have available on
manuscripts containing the author's work, and conclusions
are drawn as to the transmission of that work. In the case
of five texts, Persius, Satirae; Augustine, Enchiridion;
Gregory, Cura pastoralis and Moralia and Isidore, Synonymar
portions of each MS are taken and compared in detail with
each other and with the modern printed edition, and a stemma
is constructed on the basis of evidence thus obtained. A
conclusion draws together the information on the
transmission of such manuscripts throughout the eighth to
twelfth centuries. There are two appendices: the first
contains brief notes on texts by Classical and Patristic
authors of which there are not enough copies to form
stemmata, while the second takes the form of a short
analysis of the use of the letter k in the margins of some
insular MSS studied. There are also indices nominum et
manuscriptorum. The work is divided into two volumes after
Chapter Three.
1993-01-01T00:00:00ZCastles, Nicola JaneThis thesis consists of a general introduction to the
historical and palaeographical background to the subject of
the transmission of Classical and Patristic texts in late
Anglo-Saxon and early Norman England, followed by five
chapters each dealing with a classical or patristic author.
Each chapter lists the information we have available on
manuscripts containing the author's work, and conclusions
are drawn as to the transmission of that work. In the case
of five texts, Persius, Satirae; Augustine, Enchiridion;
Gregory, Cura pastoralis and Moralia and Isidore, Synonymar
portions of each MS are taken and compared in detail with
each other and with the modern printed edition, and a stemma
is constructed on the basis of evidence thus obtained. A
conclusion draws together the information on the
transmission of such manuscripts throughout the eighth to
twelfth centuries. There are two appendices: the first
contains brief notes on texts by Classical and Patristic
authors of which there are not enough copies to form
stemmata, while the second takes the form of a short
analysis of the use of the letter k in the margins of some
insular MSS studied. There are also indices nominum et
manuscriptorum. The work is divided into two volumes after
Chapter Three.Animal similes and creativity in the 'Posthomerica' of Quintus of Smyrna
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/2780
This thesis examines the similes of wild animals in the third century epic poem Posthomerica, of
Quintus
of
Smyrna. The
similes are studied
in
both inter-textual
and textual levels. The former
approach discusses the debt
of
Quintus'
similes to preceding poets in terms of
language and
imagery. Quintus
proves to be
a creative and imaginative poet who
knows
well the tradition he has
inherited. The latter
approach deals with the similes in the Posthomerica only and
reveals how they are thoughtfully inter-related and form
sequences which ensure
the unity and coherence of the poem, and enhance its
overall melancholy tonality.
It is
also shown that by describing individual
cases of
doom, the sequences of
animal-similes mirror the main theme of the poem, the fall
of
Troy. Nevertheless
Quintus does not concentrate exclusively on the individual
victorious
hero but
gives an important
position to the victim, to the mass, as well as to characters who
are distant from the battlefield,
as women are. This
multi-sided presentation of the
human being
who
is directly
or
indirectly involved in the destructive war
brings
Quintus
close to the Hellenistic
attitude of the heroic
as well as to psychological
portraits of women
from that period.
The
similes
in the first
chapter
describe
exclusively male characters and show the heroic
valour
being
undermined.
Women have
an
increasing
presence in the similes of the second chapter;
vulnerable as they are, they add to the melancholy of the Posthomerica. The third
chapter studies the pure wild animal, the beast. The
chapter contains an analysis
of the beast in
epic similes preceding those of
Quintus and shows that the beast-
simile
is
mainly psychological and reflects the incomprehensible power of
Nature.
2008-01-01T00:00:00ZSpinoula, BarbaraThis thesis examines the similes of wild animals in the third century epic poem Posthomerica, of
Quintus
of
Smyrna. The
similes are studied
in
both inter-textual
and textual levels. The former
approach discusses the debt
of
Quintus'
similes to preceding poets in terms of
language and
imagery. Quintus
proves to be
a creative and imaginative poet who
knows
well the tradition he has
inherited. The latter
approach deals with the similes in the Posthomerica only and
reveals how they are thoughtfully inter-related and form
sequences which ensure
the unity and coherence of the poem, and enhance its
overall melancholy tonality.
It is
also shown that by describing individual
cases of
doom, the sequences of
animal-similes mirror the main theme of the poem, the fall
of
Troy. Nevertheless
Quintus does not concentrate exclusively on the individual
victorious
hero but
gives an important
position to the victim, to the mass, as well as to characters who
are distant from the battlefield,
as women are. This
multi-sided presentation of the
human being
who
is directly
or
indirectly involved in the destructive war
brings
Quintus
close to the Hellenistic
attitude of the heroic
as well as to psychological
portraits of women
from that period.
The
similes
in the first
chapter
describe
exclusively male characters and show the heroic
valour
being
undermined.
Women have
an
increasing
presence in the similes of the second chapter;
vulnerable as they are, they add to the melancholy of the Posthomerica. The third
chapter studies the pure wild animal, the beast. The
chapter contains an analysis
of the beast in
epic similes preceding those of
Quintus and shows that the beast-
simile
is
mainly psychological and reflects the incomprehensible power of
Nature.Byzantine perceptions of the outsider in the eleventh and twelfth centuries : a method
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/2779
This thesis examines the portrayal of outsiders in Michael Psellos's Chronographia, Anna Komnene's Alexiad, and
Niketas Choniates's Narrative - using sociological theories of deviancy. The
twofold aim is to "treat texts seriously", localized in Jakobson's speech-event
nexus of addresser, context, content, contact, code and addressee; and
secondly to understand the texts as statements of the ideology of the
dominant elite.
Outsiders are defined (using the labelling orientation) as people
successfully defined as deviants; deviant behaviour is whatever they do. The
dominant elite creates cultural boundaries, and places individuals in outsider
roles on the other side of those boundaries. Outsiders can be understood only
in terms of who defines them as deviant; there is no material reality to
deviancy. Stereotypes, which identify social categories of people by evaluative
trait-characteristics, are necessary elements of human cognition; they become
prejudice only when they are over-generalized, based on too limited data,
applied too widely and maintained in the face of contrary empirical evidence.
The analysis of the three texts in depth allows the identification of those
groups labelled as outsiders by these expositors of the dominant ideology. My
conclusion is that these authors portray a picture of the Byzantine outsider,
which is coherent between this limited sample group, allowing for individual
variation. These authors used stereotypes to conceptualize and encode in the
linguistic and lexicographical complexities of their texts the outsiders they
identified in their societies. Their presentation uses stereotypes, but does not
descend to prejudice.
1992-01-01T00:00:00ZSmythe, Dion CliveThis thesis examines the portrayal of outsiders in Michael Psellos's Chronographia, Anna Komnene's Alexiad, and
Niketas Choniates's Narrative - using sociological theories of deviancy. The
twofold aim is to "treat texts seriously", localized in Jakobson's speech-event
nexus of addresser, context, content, contact, code and addressee; and
secondly to understand the texts as statements of the ideology of the
dominant elite.
Outsiders are defined (using the labelling orientation) as people
successfully defined as deviants; deviant behaviour is whatever they do. The
dominant elite creates cultural boundaries, and places individuals in outsider
roles on the other side of those boundaries. Outsiders can be understood only
in terms of who defines them as deviant; there is no material reality to
deviancy. Stereotypes, which identify social categories of people by evaluative
trait-characteristics, are necessary elements of human cognition; they become
prejudice only when they are over-generalized, based on too limited data,
applied too widely and maintained in the face of contrary empirical evidence.
The analysis of the three texts in depth allows the identification of those
groups labelled as outsiders by these expositors of the dominant ideology. My
conclusion is that these authors portray a picture of the Byzantine outsider,
which is coherent between this limited sample group, allowing for individual
variation. These authors used stereotypes to conceptualize and encode in the
linguistic and lexicographical complexities of their texts the outsiders they
identified in their societies. Their presentation uses stereotypes, but does not
descend to prejudice.Aristotle's essences as subject and actuality
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/2755
The question which seeks the essence of something,
(ti ēn einai), according to the argument of this thesis,
was fashioned by Aristotle because of ambiguity or
'homonymy' inherent in the nature of universal predicates.
However successful the conceptual analysis of universals
may be as such, their meaning or significance cannot be
fully fixed or determined except as a function of the
subjects to which they are applied. The distinction
between understanding a universal predicate as such and
understanding its application to a particular subject
may be roughly expressed as that between the ability to
recognize the presence of an attribute in a subject and
the knowledge of what the predicate says about the subject.
It is in order to transform knowledge of the first kind
into knowledge of the second that the 'essence-question'
is asked.
It is shown that the Aristotelian notion of an
essence (to ti ēn einai) is explained through the notions
of a subject (ypokeimenon) and of an actuality (energeia).
Aristotelian 'essences' express the actuality or activity
of a substance conceived from the 'categorical' point of
view as the subject of qualities and universal predicates
in general. An 'essence', insofar as the term applies
to sensible substances, is the being of something as the
subject of qualities and material predicates, i.e.
universal predicates in general. Entailed is the denial
that an essence in Aristotle's sense is constituted by
attributes, characteristics, or universal predicates of
any sort whatsoever. The argument exploits the distinction
drawn by Aristotle on a number of occasions in the
Metaphysics between material substrata of a substance and
the subjects of qualities. The development of the
position hinges on an analysis of matter and form in
terms of the relations of potentiality and actuality
conceived as contemporaneous modes of existence.
1984-01-01T00:00:00ZMannick, Paul DavidThe question which seeks the essence of something,
(ti ēn einai), according to the argument of this thesis,
was fashioned by Aristotle because of ambiguity or
'homonymy' inherent in the nature of universal predicates.
However successful the conceptual analysis of universals
may be as such, their meaning or significance cannot be
fully fixed or determined except as a function of the
subjects to which they are applied. The distinction
between understanding a universal predicate as such and
understanding its application to a particular subject
may be roughly expressed as that between the ability to
recognize the presence of an attribute in a subject and
the knowledge of what the predicate says about the subject.
It is in order to transform knowledge of the first kind
into knowledge of the second that the 'essence-question'
is asked.
It is shown that the Aristotelian notion of an
essence (to ti ēn einai) is explained through the notions
of a subject (ypokeimenon) and of an actuality (energeia).
Aristotelian 'essences' express the actuality or activity
of a substance conceived from the 'categorical' point of
view as the subject of qualities and universal predicates
in general. An 'essence', insofar as the term applies
to sensible substances, is the being of something as the
subject of qualities and material predicates, i.e.
universal predicates in general. Entailed is the denial
that an essence in Aristotle's sense is constituted by
attributes, characteristics, or universal predicates of
any sort whatsoever. The argument exploits the distinction
drawn by Aristotle on a number of occasions in the
Metaphysics between material substrata of a substance and
the subjects of qualities. The development of the
position hinges on an analysis of matter and form in
terms of the relations of potentiality and actuality
conceived as contemporaneous modes of existence.Studies in Scottish Latin
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/2734
This thesis examines certain aspects of Scottish Latin,
particularly in the period 1580-1637.
The first chapter chronicles the endeavours of John Scot of
Scotstarvet to compile an anthology of Scottish Latin poetry, based on
the unpublished letters to Scot in the NLS. Both the letters and contemporary
verse indicate that the project was under way twenty years
before the Delitiae was printed and that John Leech was an important
influence. Leech's letters to Scot highlight Scot's editorial reticence,
confirmed by the alterations in Scotstarvet's own verse. The final
product was more a reflection of the taste and ethos of the early 1620s,
after which Scot apparently ceased to collect material.
The second chapter documents the attempts to impose a national
grammar upon the schools, akin to the Lily-Colet grammar in England.
Attempts to provide a radical alternative to Despauter, firstly by a
committee and later by Alexander Hume, were inhibited by the inherent
conservatism of teaching establishments. The most successful of the
new grammars, those by Wedderburn and the Dunbar Rudiments, remained
as general introductions to Despauter.
Evidence for the composition of Latin verse in schools and
universities, both statutory and manuscript, is assessed in the third
chapter. Active involvement in the practice by local authorities
influenced the range and extent of verse being written after 1600.
The poetry of David Wedderburn of Aberdeen, promoted by the town
council, reflects that influence.
The importance of teaching methods upon a poet's future
development is most clearly seen in the verse of David Hume, discussed
in the fourth chapter. Hume continually re-works and re-evaluates the
themes of his adolescent verse, measuring them against the achievements
of James VI, whose birth he had earlier celebrated.
The thesis concludes with a check-list of Scots whose Latin
verse was printed before 1640.
1986-01-01T00:00:00ZUpton, Christopher A.This thesis examines certain aspects of Scottish Latin,
particularly in the period 1580-1637.
The first chapter chronicles the endeavours of John Scot of
Scotstarvet to compile an anthology of Scottish Latin poetry, based on
the unpublished letters to Scot in the NLS. Both the letters and contemporary
verse indicate that the project was under way twenty years
before the Delitiae was printed and that John Leech was an important
influence. Leech's letters to Scot highlight Scot's editorial reticence,
confirmed by the alterations in Scotstarvet's own verse. The final
product was more a reflection of the taste and ethos of the early 1620s,
after which Scot apparently ceased to collect material.
The second chapter documents the attempts to impose a national
grammar upon the schools, akin to the Lily-Colet grammar in England.
Attempts to provide a radical alternative to Despauter, firstly by a
committee and later by Alexander Hume, were inhibited by the inherent
conservatism of teaching establishments. The most successful of the
new grammars, those by Wedderburn and the Dunbar Rudiments, remained
as general introductions to Despauter.
Evidence for the composition of Latin verse in schools and
universities, both statutory and manuscript, is assessed in the third
chapter. Active involvement in the practice by local authorities
influenced the range and extent of verse being written after 1600.
The poetry of David Wedderburn of Aberdeen, promoted by the town
council, reflects that influence.
The importance of teaching methods upon a poet's future
development is most clearly seen in the verse of David Hume, discussed
in the fourth chapter. Hume continually re-works and re-evaluates the
themes of his adolescent verse, measuring them against the achievements
of James VI, whose birth he had earlier celebrated.
The thesis concludes with a check-list of Scots whose Latin
verse was printed before 1640.Commentary, with introduction, text and translation, on selected poems of Theordulf of Orleans (Sirmond III. 1-6)
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/2661
The first introductory chapter addresses the facts of
Theodulf's life and career and the primary and secondary source
material that supports these facts and attempts to establish a firm
outline of his life and career.
The second chapter looks at Theodulf's position and work in the
court, and his relations with the court, in particular his
relations with Alcuin. The chapter also discusses the importance of
panegyric and patronage for Theodulf.
The third and last introductory chapter is a detailed analysis of
the poetry of Theodulf as a whole. This chapter looks at the
subject, language and prosody of the poems and the influence on
them from other poets.
The six poems then follow. Each is first prefaced by a
short introduction, then the text is given with a translation on
the following page, the text and translation for each poem is then
followed by a line by line commentary, noting literary and
historical points of interest.
1991-01-01T00:00:00ZBlakeman, Christorpher JohnThe first introductory chapter addresses the facts of
Theodulf's life and career and the primary and secondary source
material that supports these facts and attempts to establish a firm
outline of his life and career.
The second chapter looks at Theodulf's position and work in the
court, and his relations with the court, in particular his
relations with Alcuin. The chapter also discusses the importance of
panegyric and patronage for Theodulf.
The third and last introductory chapter is a detailed analysis of
the poetry of Theodulf as a whole. This chapter looks at the
subject, language and prosody of the poems and the influence on
them from other poets.
The six poems then follow. Each is first prefaced by a
short introduction, then the text is given with a translation on
the following page, the text and translation for each poem is then
followed by a line by line commentary, noting literary and
historical points of interest.The Emperor Heraclius: investigations into the image of an emperor
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/2658
This thesis is an investigation into the image of the emperor
Heraclius as depicted by the ancient sources who cover his reign
(610-641 A. D.). In order to establish the relevant criteria for the
portrayal of an emperor it was first necessary to provide the reader
with a synopsis of writings on the role of the emperor from the time
of Eusebius onwards. The reign of Heraclius was then treated in
roughly chronological fashion, there follow four chapters concerning
the sources' description of his military exploits, his coup, and the
warfare with the Avars and the Persians, including the siege of
Constantinople. Here the discussion concerns the personal role of
Heraclius in events and his culpability for their outcome. Heraclius'
triumph in these wars led him to seek a compromise with the
Monophysite Church that was defeated by opposition from the
Chalcedonian Church in the recently liberated provinces. His failure
to achieve any lasting settlement is then discussed as a reason for the
success of the Arab invasions that followed. Heraclius' reputation as
a reformer, amongst ancient and modern authors alike, is then
considered with special reference to the controversy surrounding the
introduction of the themes. The last chapter is a review of the
interrelationship of all the sources that describe Heraclius' reign, in
an attempt to define their various influences.
1993-01-01T00:00:00ZPritchard, David M.This thesis is an investigation into the image of the emperor
Heraclius as depicted by the ancient sources who cover his reign
(610-641 A. D.). In order to establish the relevant criteria for the
portrayal of an emperor it was first necessary to provide the reader
with a synopsis of writings on the role of the emperor from the time
of Eusebius onwards. The reign of Heraclius was then treated in
roughly chronological fashion, there follow four chapters concerning
the sources' description of his military exploits, his coup, and the
warfare with the Avars and the Persians, including the siege of
Constantinople. Here the discussion concerns the personal role of
Heraclius in events and his culpability for their outcome. Heraclius'
triumph in these wars led him to seek a compromise with the
Monophysite Church that was defeated by opposition from the
Chalcedonian Church in the recently liberated provinces. His failure
to achieve any lasting settlement is then discussed as a reason for the
success of the Arab invasions that followed. Heraclius' reputation as
a reformer, amongst ancient and modern authors alike, is then
considered with special reference to the controversy surrounding the
introduction of the themes. The last chapter is a review of the
interrelationship of all the sources that describe Heraclius' reign, in
an attempt to define their various influences.Food and diet in late antiquity: a translation of Books 1 and 4 of Oribasius' 'Medical compilations', with an introduction and commentary
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/2648
The opinion of W. H. S. Jones that Oribasius is 'an author
that nobody wishes to read through' is probably coincident
with the view of most Classicists who have ever read the
Medical Compilations to judge from the almost total neglect
Oribasius has suffered. Translations of the whole work
have appeared only in Latin and French.
This thesis is an attempt to redress this injustice,
and the commentary is designed to indicate Oribasius'
source for each quotation or paraphrase, assess the accuracy
and comprehensibility of the contents, and discover the
reasons behind the recommendations and rejections of certain
cakes, breads, fruits, and vegetables, the emphasis
being on ancient food and diet rather than medicine and
philosophy. Books 1 and 4 are linked by their common
themes of grains and breads, and thus have been chosen for
examination. With the absence of any modern work on ancient
Greek cuisine, and with the fullest accounts of Roman cooking
often lacking in detail or accuracy, particular care
has been taken to supply as full a set of references as
possible which will perhaps prove useful for further study.
The text on which the commentary is based is that prepared
with great thoroughness and accuracy in 1928 by J. Raeder with
some small changes. The translation, the first into
English, offers no claims at elegance, but is there merely
to assist with the reading of the Greek text. The thesis
ends with both an index listing according to the forms
in which they appear all the words in Books 1 and 4,
with the exception of some common particles, and also
a general index.
1988-01-01T00:00:00ZGrant, Mark D.The opinion of W. H. S. Jones that Oribasius is 'an author
that nobody wishes to read through' is probably coincident
with the view of most Classicists who have ever read the
Medical Compilations to judge from the almost total neglect
Oribasius has suffered. Translations of the whole work
have appeared only in Latin and French.
This thesis is an attempt to redress this injustice,
and the commentary is designed to indicate Oribasius'
source for each quotation or paraphrase, assess the accuracy
and comprehensibility of the contents, and discover the
reasons behind the recommendations and rejections of certain
cakes, breads, fruits, and vegetables, the emphasis
being on ancient food and diet rather than medicine and
philosophy. Books 1 and 4 are linked by their common
themes of grains and breads, and thus have been chosen for
examination. With the absence of any modern work on ancient
Greek cuisine, and with the fullest accounts of Roman cooking
often lacking in detail or accuracy, particular care
has been taken to supply as full a set of references as
possible which will perhaps prove useful for further study.
The text on which the commentary is based is that prepared
with great thoroughness and accuracy in 1928 by J. Raeder with
some small changes. The translation, the first into
English, offers no claims at elegance, but is there merely
to assist with the reading of the Greek text. The thesis
ends with both an index listing according to the forms
in which they appear all the words in Books 1 and 4,
with the exception of some common particles, and also
a general index.A literary study of Pindar's fourth and fifth Pythian odes
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/2644
Pythian 4 is Pindar's grandest ode. It was commissioned along
with Pythian 5 to celebrate the chariot victory at Delphi of Arcesilas IV of
Cyrene. The lengthy myth of Pythian 4 narrates the tale of Jason and the
Argonauts, long established in the Greek mythic tradition. Pindar's
treatment of this tradition to create his myth is examined. It reveals much
about his aims in writing the ode, in particular in the characterisation of
his hero, Jason, and his opponent, Pelias. The poem's structure and the
narrative technique employed in the myth are also examined. A
remarkable feature of Pythian 4 is its epic flavour. Analysis of Pindar's
production of this effect reveals many different devices which would
remind his audience of epic, not least a singular concentration of epic
language in the ode. The epilogue of Pythian 4 refers to the contemporary
political situation in Cyrene. The poet's presentation and use of this
material is assessed in the light of his treatment of contemporary
allusions elsewhere in the odes.
The complex relationship between the two odes for Arcesilas is
considered in the light of other double commissions. Pythian 4 contains an
unusual plea for an exile, Damophilus. He may have paid for the ode. The
unusual features of Pythian 5 are examined: an extraordinary tribute to
Arcesilas' charioteer, Carrhotus; vivid and numerous details of the
topography of Cyrene and details of religious cult practice there. Pythian 5
also raises the question of the identity of the first person in Pindar. The
poet's treatment of Cyrenean history, especially the figure of Battus, the
victor's ancestor, who features in the myths of both odes, is also
considered.
1989-01-01T00:00:00ZLongley-Cook, Isobel A.Pythian 4 is Pindar's grandest ode. It was commissioned along
with Pythian 5 to celebrate the chariot victory at Delphi of Arcesilas IV of
Cyrene. The lengthy myth of Pythian 4 narrates the tale of Jason and the
Argonauts, long established in the Greek mythic tradition. Pindar's
treatment of this tradition to create his myth is examined. It reveals much
about his aims in writing the ode, in particular in the characterisation of
his hero, Jason, and his opponent, Pelias. The poem's structure and the
narrative technique employed in the myth are also examined. A
remarkable feature of Pythian 4 is its epic flavour. Analysis of Pindar's
production of this effect reveals many different devices which would
remind his audience of epic, not least a singular concentration of epic
language in the ode. The epilogue of Pythian 4 refers to the contemporary
political situation in Cyrene. The poet's presentation and use of this
material is assessed in the light of his treatment of contemporary
allusions elsewhere in the odes.
The complex relationship between the two odes for Arcesilas is
considered in the light of other double commissions. Pythian 4 contains an
unusual plea for an exile, Damophilus. He may have paid for the ode. The
unusual features of Pythian 5 are examined: an extraordinary tribute to
Arcesilas' charioteer, Carrhotus; vivid and numerous details of the
topography of Cyrene and details of religious cult practice there. Pythian 5
also raises the question of the identity of the first person in Pindar. The
poet's treatment of Cyrenean history, especially the figure of Battus, the
victor's ancestor, who features in the myths of both odes, is also
considered.Communities of the blessed : the origins and development of regional churches in Northern Italy, c.250 - 381 C.E.
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/2633
This thesis argues that the origins and evolution of Christian communities in
Northern Italy between c. 250 and 381 are comprehensible only within the region's
social environment. Whereas previous studies of early Christianity in Italy have
sought to explain its origins in terms of modern diocesan structures, this thesis
shows that the evidence for this view is untrustworthy and that a new methodology
is needed to explain the rise of the church. To this end, the thesis describes the
'north Italian human environment', which consists not just of the physical
landscape, but of the social networks within it. This environment allows an
understanding of why Christian communities had developed in some places and not
in others by c. 300.
The development of the church continued to be influenced by this human
environment in the fourth century. Christian diffusion remained a partial and
variable phenomenon. In the cities Christians found themselves confronted by the
adherents of other religions, notably Judaism. Thus, in the fourth century,
Christians did not yet dominate the communities in which they lived. Moreover,
the active participation in ecclesiastical affairs of emperors after Constantine - particularly
the intervention of Constantius II in Italy during the 350s - added a new
dimension to the human environment. Such interventions defined how north Italian
Christianity came into contact with ecclesiastical and theological affairs throughout
the empire. In sum, the history of early Christianity in northern Italy is
circumscribed by the social environment within which it developed. This thesis
argues that for northern Italy - indeed for the rest of the Mediterranean - a proper
understanding of Christian growth can only come from an appreciation of the
particular social context of the region within which it occurred.
1997-01-01T00:00:00ZHumphries, MarkThis thesis argues that the origins and evolution of Christian communities in
Northern Italy between c. 250 and 381 are comprehensible only within the region's
social environment. Whereas previous studies of early Christianity in Italy have
sought to explain its origins in terms of modern diocesan structures, this thesis
shows that the evidence for this view is untrustworthy and that a new methodology
is needed to explain the rise of the church. To this end, the thesis describes the
'north Italian human environment', which consists not just of the physical
landscape, but of the social networks within it. This environment allows an
understanding of why Christian communities had developed in some places and not
in others by c. 300.
The development of the church continued to be influenced by this human
environment in the fourth century. Christian diffusion remained a partial and
variable phenomenon. In the cities Christians found themselves confronted by the
adherents of other religions, notably Judaism. Thus, in the fourth century,
Christians did not yet dominate the communities in which they lived. Moreover,
the active participation in ecclesiastical affairs of emperors after Constantine - particularly
the intervention of Constantius II in Italy during the 350s - added a new
dimension to the human environment. Such interventions defined how north Italian
Christianity came into contact with ecclesiastical and theological affairs throughout
the empire. In sum, the history of early Christianity in northern Italy is
circumscribed by the social environment within which it developed. This thesis
argues that for northern Italy - indeed for the rest of the Mediterranean - a proper
understanding of Christian growth can only come from an appreciation of the
particular social context of the region within which it occurred.The harmonious organ of Sedulius Scottus : an introduction and translation of selections of his 'Collectaneum in Apostolum'
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/1996
Most of the limited scholarship on Sedulius Scottus focuses on his poems and treatise, De Rectoribus Christianis. As the product of a central ecclesiastical figure in Liège, the intellectual capital of Louis the German’s kingdom, Sedulius’ biblical exegesis also deserves study. The Carolingians revered classical society and culture and at the same time sought to become a wholly Christian empire, thus, it is not surprising that the content of Sedulius’ Collectaneum in Apostolum contains both classical and Christian elements. In 1997, J. Frede published a critical edition of Sedulius’ Collectaneum in Apostolum, but there remains today neither a translation nor specific study of this work in any modern language. My thesis seeks to provide an introduction and translation for the Prologue and commentaries on Galatians and Ephesians as contained in Frede’s critical edition of Sedulius Scottus’ Collectaneum in Apostolum.
After situating Sedulius in his historical context and highlighting the tradition of biblical collectanea, I present external evidence – which demonstrates Sedulius’ familiarity with Donatus’ Vita and Servius’ commentary on the Aeneid – as well as intertextual links to the latter works to argue that Servius’ pedagogical commentary served as a literary model for Sedulius’ Collectaneum. I also introduce and explain Sedulius’ organizing template for the Prologue, which is his employment of the classical rhetorical schema, “the seven types of circumstance”. This schema is an important rhetorical tool of many classical and medieval authors that has heretofore been misrepresented as originating from Hermagoras.
Sedulius’ literary style and format are examined as matters of introduction, which further reveals the influence of Servius. The commentaries within the Collectaneum in Apostolum are essentially based on older, formative religious writers such as Jerome, Augustine, and Pelagius. Not only do I survey Sedulius’ doctrinal stances on important theological and ecclesiastical issues of his time, but I discuss Sedulius’ reception of the above three authors in particular and demonstrate how his Collectaneum in Apostolum attempts to harmonize their sometimes discordant voices.
2011-01-01T00:00:00ZSloan, Michael CollierMost of the limited scholarship on Sedulius Scottus focuses on his poems and treatise, De Rectoribus Christianis. As the product of a central ecclesiastical figure in Liège, the intellectual capital of Louis the German’s kingdom, Sedulius’ biblical exegesis also deserves study. The Carolingians revered classical society and culture and at the same time sought to become a wholly Christian empire, thus, it is not surprising that the content of Sedulius’ Collectaneum in Apostolum contains both classical and Christian elements. In 1997, J. Frede published a critical edition of Sedulius’ Collectaneum in Apostolum, but there remains today neither a translation nor specific study of this work in any modern language. My thesis seeks to provide an introduction and translation for the Prologue and commentaries on Galatians and Ephesians as contained in Frede’s critical edition of Sedulius Scottus’ Collectaneum in Apostolum.
After situating Sedulius in his historical context and highlighting the tradition of biblical collectanea, I present external evidence – which demonstrates Sedulius’ familiarity with Donatus’ Vita and Servius’ commentary on the Aeneid – as well as intertextual links to the latter works to argue that Servius’ pedagogical commentary served as a literary model for Sedulius’ Collectaneum. I also introduce and explain Sedulius’ organizing template for the Prologue, which is his employment of the classical rhetorical schema, “the seven types of circumstance”. This schema is an important rhetorical tool of many classical and medieval authors that has heretofore been misrepresented as originating from Hermagoras.
Sedulius’ literary style and format are examined as matters of introduction, which further reveals the influence of Servius. The commentaries within the Collectaneum in Apostolum are essentially based on older, formative religious writers such as Jerome, Augustine, and Pelagius. Not only do I survey Sedulius’ doctrinal stances on important theological and ecclesiastical issues of his time, but I discuss Sedulius’ reception of the above three authors in particular and demonstrate how his Collectaneum in Apostolum attempts to harmonize their sometimes discordant voices.The sources of royal power : a study on the migration of power structures from the kingdom of Argead Makedonia to early Ptolemaic Egypt
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/1966
This thesis discusses the sources of royal power in the kingdoms of Argead Makedonia
and early Ptolemaic Egypt. The overarching aim is to assess the degree of change and
continuity between the structures and networks that framed Argead and Ptolemaic
royal power.
Viewing power not as an abstraction but as the outcome of the real and observable
interrelations between individuals and groups, this thesis builds upon the historical
sociology of Michael Mann in order to identify four main sources of royal power:
dynastic, courtly, military and economic. In their capacity to enhance or limit royal
power, the social networks that are formed between the king and representatives of
these groups in each context, as well as the structures that produce and reproduce
their behaviour, form the focal points of this research. As such, this thesis distances
itself from that segment of socio-historical tradition, which grants ultimate primacy to
human agency.
The Introduction presents the main scholarly debates surrounding the nature of
Ptolemaic and Argead kingship and highlights the fact that although both have
received considerable attention separately, they have not yet been the focus of a
systematic, comparative analysis. At the same time, this chapter brings in the
theoretical and methodological framework employed in the thesis. Chapter One
discusses the structural organisation of the dynasty, focusing on patterns of marriage
and succession, and the manipulation of dynastic connections, real or constructed, as
instruments of legitimation. It is argued that the colonial circumstances in early
Ptolemaic Egypt led to an amplification of the importance of the dynasty as a source
of power. Chapter Two examines the interrelations of the ruler with his extended
circle of friends and associates, i.e. the courtiers. A discussion of the physical and
social structure of the courts in Aigai, Pella and Alexandria in the early Ptolemaic
period confirms that administration at the highest level continued to be organised
around personal relations. Chapter Three identifies the enabling mechanisms, which
sustained the military power of the Makedonian king. It is argued that royal military
leadership and the integration of facets of military organisation (e.g. the institution of
klerouchia) and values (through education) in society remained integral to the social organisation of early Ptolemaic Egypt. Finally, Chapter Four examines the economic
power of the ruler, as revealed by the organisation of property rights. The absence of
the Makedones and the prominence of temples as economically significant groups in
early Ptolemaic Egypt underline the structural discontinuities that arise from the
necessary adaptation to different local conditions.
This thesis concludes that the structures that framed Argead royal power were in their
majority remembered and instantiated in the organisational practices of the early
Ptolemaic rulers. Deviations from the Argead paradigm occurred when pragmatism
led to the introduction of corrective practices, such as the co-regency principle aimed
at eradicating the dynastic instability that had plagued the Argead monarchy, and
when ecological and political considerations, such as the needs of their non-Hellenic,
non-Makedonian audience, dictated a greater degree of accommodation to local
conditions, especially in the field of economic organisation. Even there, however, one
can discern the influence of the flexible, all-inclusive model of Argead administration
of its New Lands as an organisational template.
2010-01-01T00:00:00ZLianou, MargaritaThis thesis discusses the sources of royal power in the kingdoms of Argead Makedonia
and early Ptolemaic Egypt. The overarching aim is to assess the degree of change and
continuity between the structures and networks that framed Argead and Ptolemaic
royal power.
Viewing power not as an abstraction but as the outcome of the real and observable
interrelations between individuals and groups, this thesis builds upon the historical
sociology of Michael Mann in order to identify four main sources of royal power:
dynastic, courtly, military and economic. In their capacity to enhance or limit royal
power, the social networks that are formed between the king and representatives of
these groups in each context, as well as the structures that produce and reproduce
their behaviour, form the focal points of this research. As such, this thesis distances
itself from that segment of socio-historical tradition, which grants ultimate primacy to
human agency.
The Introduction presents the main scholarly debates surrounding the nature of
Ptolemaic and Argead kingship and highlights the fact that although both have
received considerable attention separately, they have not yet been the focus of a
systematic, comparative analysis. At the same time, this chapter brings in the
theoretical and methodological framework employed in the thesis. Chapter One
discusses the structural organisation of the dynasty, focusing on patterns of marriage
and succession, and the manipulation of dynastic connections, real or constructed, as
instruments of legitimation. It is argued that the colonial circumstances in early
Ptolemaic Egypt led to an amplification of the importance of the dynasty as a source
of power. Chapter Two examines the interrelations of the ruler with his extended
circle of friends and associates, i.e. the courtiers. A discussion of the physical and
social structure of the courts in Aigai, Pella and Alexandria in the early Ptolemaic
period confirms that administration at the highest level continued to be organised
around personal relations. Chapter Three identifies the enabling mechanisms, which
sustained the military power of the Makedonian king. It is argued that royal military
leadership and the integration of facets of military organisation (e.g. the institution of
klerouchia) and values (through education) in society remained integral to the social organisation of early Ptolemaic Egypt. Finally, Chapter Four examines the economic
power of the ruler, as revealed by the organisation of property rights. The absence of
the Makedones and the prominence of temples as economically significant groups in
early Ptolemaic Egypt underline the structural discontinuities that arise from the
necessary adaptation to different local conditions.
This thesis concludes that the structures that framed Argead royal power were in their
majority remembered and instantiated in the organisational practices of the early
Ptolemaic rulers. Deviations from the Argead paradigm occurred when pragmatism
led to the introduction of corrective practices, such as the co-regency principle aimed
at eradicating the dynastic instability that had plagued the Argead monarchy, and
when ecological and political considerations, such as the needs of their non-Hellenic,
non-Makedonian audience, dictated a greater degree of accommodation to local
conditions, especially in the field of economic organisation. Even there, however, one
can discern the influence of the flexible, all-inclusive model of Argead administration
of its New Lands as an organisational template.Seeking the Face of God : a study on Augustine's reception in the mystical thought of Bernard of Clairvaux and William of St. Thierry
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/1213
The present thesis examines the way in which two twelfth century authors, the Cistercian monks, Bernard of Clairvaux (1091-1153) and William of St. Thierry (c. 1080-1148), used Augustine (354-430) in the articulation of their mystical thought. The approach to this subject takes into account the fact that in the works of all these medieval authors the “mystical” element is inescapably entangled with their theological discourse and that an accurate understanding of their views on the soul’s direct encounter with God cannot be achieved without a discussion of their theology.
This thesis posits that the cohesion of Bernard’s and William’s mystical thought lies in their appropriation of the guiding principle of Augustine’s mystical theology: “You made us for yourself and our heart is restless until it rests in you” (conf. 1.1.1), reflected in the subtle interplay of three main themes, namely (1) the creation of humanity in the image and likeness of God, which provides the grounds for the understanding of the soul’s search for direct contact with God; (2) love as a longing innate in every human being, which explores the means to attain immediacy with God; and (3) the soul’s direct encounter with God, which discusses the nature of the soul’s immediate experience of the divine presence that can only be achieved in lasting fullness at the end of time. This examination of Bernard’s and William’s use of Augustine is structured on the basis of these three core themes which form the scaffolding of their mystical thought.
Investigating the specific methods of their reception of Augustine will highlight the originality and uniqueness of each of the two Cistercian authors, who while drawing on the same patristic source use it nevertheless in various ways, by focussing on different aspects of Augustine’s immense oeuvre and by arriving at distinct mystical programmes.
2010-11-30T00:00:00ZCvetković, Carmen AngelaThe present thesis examines the way in which two twelfth century authors, the Cistercian monks, Bernard of Clairvaux (1091-1153) and William of St. Thierry (c. 1080-1148), used Augustine (354-430) in the articulation of their mystical thought. The approach to this subject takes into account the fact that in the works of all these medieval authors the “mystical” element is inescapably entangled with their theological discourse and that an accurate understanding of their views on the soul’s direct encounter with God cannot be achieved without a discussion of their theology.
This thesis posits that the cohesion of Bernard’s and William’s mystical thought lies in their appropriation of the guiding principle of Augustine’s mystical theology: “You made us for yourself and our heart is restless until it rests in you” (conf. 1.1.1), reflected in the subtle interplay of three main themes, namely (1) the creation of humanity in the image and likeness of God, which provides the grounds for the understanding of the soul’s search for direct contact with God; (2) love as a longing innate in every human being, which explores the means to attain immediacy with God; and (3) the soul’s direct encounter with God, which discusses the nature of the soul’s immediate experience of the divine presence that can only be achieved in lasting fullness at the end of time. This examination of Bernard’s and William’s use of Augustine is structured on the basis of these three core themes which form the scaffolding of their mystical thought.
Investigating the specific methods of their reception of Augustine will highlight the originality and uniqueness of each of the two Cistercian authors, who while drawing on the same patristic source use it nevertheless in various ways, by focussing on different aspects of Augustine’s immense oeuvre and by arriving at distinct mystical programmes.Springtime for Caesar : Vergil's Georgics and the defence of Octavian
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/998
Vergil’s Georgics was published in 29 BCE, at a critical point in the political life of Octavian-Augustus. Although his position at the head of state had been confirmed by victory at Actium in 31, his longevity was threatened by his reputation for causing bloodshed during the civil wars.
This thesis argues that Vergil, in the Georgics, presents a defence of Octavian against criticism of his past, in order to safeguard his future, and the future of Rome. Through a complex of metaphor and allusion, Vergil engages with the weaknesses in Octavian’s public image in order to diminish their damaging impact. Chapter One examines the way in which the poet invokes and complements the literary tradition of portraying young men as destructive, amorous creatures, through his depiction of iuvenes in the Georgics, in order to emphasise the inevitability of youthful misbehaviour. Since Octavian is still explicitly a iuvenis, he cannot be held accountable for his actions up to this point, including his role in the civil wars.
The focus of Chapters Two and Three of this thesis is Vergil’s presentation of the spring season in the Georgics. Vergil’s preoccupation with spring is unorthodox in the context of agricultural didactic; under the influence of the Lucretian figure of Venus, Vergil moulds spring into a symbol of universal creation in nature, a metaphor for a projected revival of Roman affairs under Octavian’s leadership which would subsequently dominate the visual art of the Augustan period. Vergil’s spring is as concerned with the past as it is the future. Vergil stresses the fact that destructive activity can take place in spring, in the form of storms and animal violence; the farmer’s spring labor is characterised as a war against nature, which culminates in the horrific slaughter of oxen demanded by bugonia. In each case destruction is revealed as a necessary prerequisite for some form of creation: animal reproduction, increased crop yield, a renewed population of bees. Thus, the spring creation of a new Rome under Octavian will come as a direct result of the bloodshed of the civil wars, a cataclysm whose horrors are not denied, but whose outcome will ultimately be positive. Octavian is assimilated to Jupiter in his Stoic guise: a providential figure who sends fire and flood to Earth in order to improve mankind.
2010-06-22T00:00:00ZBunni, AdamVergil’s Georgics was published in 29 BCE, at a critical point in the political life of Octavian-Augustus. Although his position at the head of state had been confirmed by victory at Actium in 31, his longevity was threatened by his reputation for causing bloodshed during the civil wars.
This thesis argues that Vergil, in the Georgics, presents a defence of Octavian against criticism of his past, in order to safeguard his future, and the future of Rome. Through a complex of metaphor and allusion, Vergil engages with the weaknesses in Octavian’s public image in order to diminish their damaging impact. Chapter One examines the way in which the poet invokes and complements the literary tradition of portraying young men as destructive, amorous creatures, through his depiction of iuvenes in the Georgics, in order to emphasise the inevitability of youthful misbehaviour. Since Octavian is still explicitly a iuvenis, he cannot be held accountable for his actions up to this point, including his role in the civil wars.
The focus of Chapters Two and Three of this thesis is Vergil’s presentation of the spring season in the Georgics. Vergil’s preoccupation with spring is unorthodox in the context of agricultural didactic; under the influence of the Lucretian figure of Venus, Vergil moulds spring into a symbol of universal creation in nature, a metaphor for a projected revival of Roman affairs under Octavian’s leadership which would subsequently dominate the visual art of the Augustan period. Vergil’s spring is as concerned with the past as it is the future. Vergil stresses the fact that destructive activity can take place in spring, in the form of storms and animal violence; the farmer’s spring labor is characterised as a war against nature, which culminates in the horrific slaughter of oxen demanded by bugonia. In each case destruction is revealed as a necessary prerequisite for some form of creation: animal reproduction, increased crop yield, a renewed population of bees. Thus, the spring creation of a new Rome under Octavian will come as a direct result of the bloodshed of the civil wars, a cataclysm whose horrors are not denied, but whose outcome will ultimately be positive. Octavian is assimilated to Jupiter in his Stoic guise: a providential figure who sends fire and flood to Earth in order to improve mankind.After the daggers : politics and persuasion after the assassination of Caesar
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/928
In this thesis, I examine the nature and role of persuasion in Roman politics in the period immediately following the assassination of Caesar on the Ides of March 44 B.C. until the capture of the city of Rome by his heir Octavianus in August 43 B.C. The purpose of my thesis is to assess the extent to which persuasion played a critical role in political interactions and in the decision-making processes of those involved during this crucial period in Roman history. I do this by means of a careful discussion and analysis of a variety of different types of political interactions, both public and private. As regards the means of persuasion, I concentrate on the role and use of oratory in these political interactions. Consequently, my thesis owes much in terms of approach to the work of Millar (1998) and, more recently, Morstein-Marx (2004) on placing oratory at the centre of our understanding of how politics functioned in practice in the late Roman republic. Their studies, however, focus on the potential extent and significance of mass participation in the late Roman republican political system, and on the contio as the key locus of political interaction. In my thesis, I contribute to improving our new way of understanding late Roman republican politics by taking a broader approach that incorporates other types of political interactions in which oratory played a significant role. I also examine oratory as but one of a variety of means of persuasion in Roman political interactions. Finally, in analyzing politics and persuasion in the period immediately after Caesar’s assassination, I am examining not only a crucial period in Roman history, but one which is perhaps the best documented from the ancient world. The relative richness of contemporary evidence for this period calls out for the sort of close reading of sources and detailed analysis that I provide in my thesis that enables a better understanding of how politics actually played out in the late Roman republic.
2010-06-22T00:00:00ZMahy, Trevor BryanIn this thesis, I examine the nature and role of persuasion in Roman politics in the period immediately following the assassination of Caesar on the Ides of March 44 B.C. until the capture of the city of Rome by his heir Octavianus in August 43 B.C. The purpose of my thesis is to assess the extent to which persuasion played a critical role in political interactions and in the decision-making processes of those involved during this crucial period in Roman history. I do this by means of a careful discussion and analysis of a variety of different types of political interactions, both public and private. As regards the means of persuasion, I concentrate on the role and use of oratory in these political interactions. Consequently, my thesis owes much in terms of approach to the work of Millar (1998) and, more recently, Morstein-Marx (2004) on placing oratory at the centre of our understanding of how politics functioned in practice in the late Roman republic. Their studies, however, focus on the potential extent and significance of mass participation in the late Roman republican political system, and on the contio as the key locus of political interaction. In my thesis, I contribute to improving our new way of understanding late Roman republican politics by taking a broader approach that incorporates other types of political interactions in which oratory played a significant role. I also examine oratory as but one of a variety of means of persuasion in Roman political interactions. Finally, in analyzing politics and persuasion in the period immediately after Caesar’s assassination, I am examining not only a crucial period in Roman history, but one which is perhaps the best documented from the ancient world. The relative richness of contemporary evidence for this period calls out for the sort of close reading of sources and detailed analysis that I provide in my thesis that enables a better understanding of how politics actually played out in the late Roman republic.From the Republic of Letters to the Olympus: The Rise and Fall of Medical Humanism in 67 Portraits
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/917
In this article the first portrait book of physicians and philosophers, Joannes Sambucus' Veterum aliquot ac recentium medicorum philosophorumque Icones [...] (Antwerp: Christopher Plantin, 1574) is examined as a prism of the history of science and the culture of scholarship in the sixteenth century. It shows how the book was produced and what sort of information it presents, with particular attention to its antiquarian interest. Many of the portraits turn out to be based on the famous Dioscorides manuscript (Codex Vindobonensis) which had recently been brought to the imperial court in Vienna. In the appendix all portraits are listed with specific reference to those based on the Dioscorides manuscript. Furthermore, the social functions of the portrait collection are considered. It is shown how the book has to be set in the context of Sambucus' ambition to replace the successful Dioscorides editions by Pier Andrea Mattioli. For this project Sambucus needed support from his colleagues and patrons. The portrait book was a useful instrument for this strategy. In the end, however, bad timing thwarted the plans: by 1570 medical humanism was becoming more and more of an antiquarian enterprise itself.
2004-01-01T00:00:00ZVisser, Arnoud Silvester QuartusIn this article the first portrait book of physicians and philosophers, Joannes Sambucus' Veterum aliquot ac recentium medicorum philosophorumque Icones [...] (Antwerp: Christopher Plantin, 1574) is examined as a prism of the history of science and the culture of scholarship in the sixteenth century. It shows how the book was produced and what sort of information it presents, with particular attention to its antiquarian interest. Many of the portraits turn out to be based on the famous Dioscorides manuscript (Codex Vindobonensis) which had recently been brought to the imperial court in Vienna. In the appendix all portraits are listed with specific reference to those based on the Dioscorides manuscript. Furthermore, the social functions of the portrait collection are considered. It is shown how the book has to be set in the context of Sambucus' ambition to replace the successful Dioscorides editions by Pier Andrea Mattioli. For this project Sambucus needed support from his colleagues and patrons. The portrait book was a useful instrument for this strategy. In the end, however, bad timing thwarted the plans: by 1570 medical humanism was becoming more and more of an antiquarian enterprise itself.A family of gods : a diachronic study of the cult of the divi/divae in the Latin West
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/914
This thesis examines the establishment and development of the worship of the emperor and his family members in the Latin West, tracing specifically the cult of those who were officially deified at Rome and received the title of divus or diva. It seeks to answer three questions:
1. Does uniformity of cult practices and priestly titles increase or decrease over time
2. What prompted change in cult practice (reflected in priestly titles) and how was this change managed?
3. What factors influenced the choices made by communities throughout the Latin West concerning these cults?
It addresses these questions through a number of specific case studies. It begins with a study of how the practice of deification (consecratio) was established and how it developed within the city of Rome. It then examines priestly titles associated with the cult of the divi/divae in three groups of provinces: the Gauls, the Spains, and the provinces of North Africa. Finally, it discusses the spread of the worship of the divi/divae throughout the empire by examining the Augustales (and other variations on this title) and the priests responsible for overseeing cult to individual divi/divae. The evidence discussed is primarily epigraphical but is supplemented with numismatic, archaeological and literary evidence where it is available.
This thesis addresses a number of hypotheses concerning Rome’s role in the development of cult in the Latin West, principally, that cult was imposed on communities in the provinces by the centre, that the establishment of cult was based on a series of models and adopted in similar ways throughout the provinces, and that the coloniae were responsible for bringing Roman culture and religion to the peregrine communities. It argues that even though some provincial cults were established through direct intervention from members of the imperial family, it was still up to the communities themselves to oversee cult practice and finance the cult. In the case of civic cult, there is little to no evidence of involvement from the centre. Civic cult was established by local initiative and did not originate in the coloniae and spread to other communities. Instead, it tended to arise in peregrine communities (and municipia) from the earliest development of this cult (as well as some coloniae) as individual communities sought to forge a connection with the imperial family and find their place within, and in connection to, the Roman Empire.
2010-06-22T00:00:00ZMcIntyre, GwynaethThis thesis examines the establishment and development of the worship of the emperor and his family members in the Latin West, tracing specifically the cult of those who were officially deified at Rome and received the title of divus or diva. It seeks to answer three questions:
1. Does uniformity of cult practices and priestly titles increase or decrease over time
2. What prompted change in cult practice (reflected in priestly titles) and how was this change managed?
3. What factors influenced the choices made by communities throughout the Latin West concerning these cults?
It addresses these questions through a number of specific case studies. It begins with a study of how the practice of deification (consecratio) was established and how it developed within the city of Rome. It then examines priestly titles associated with the cult of the divi/divae in three groups of provinces: the Gauls, the Spains, and the provinces of North Africa. Finally, it discusses the spread of the worship of the divi/divae throughout the empire by examining the Augustales (and other variations on this title) and the priests responsible for overseeing cult to individual divi/divae. The evidence discussed is primarily epigraphical but is supplemented with numismatic, archaeological and literary evidence where it is available.
This thesis addresses a number of hypotheses concerning Rome’s role in the development of cult in the Latin West, principally, that cult was imposed on communities in the provinces by the centre, that the establishment of cult was based on a series of models and adopted in similar ways throughout the provinces, and that the coloniae were responsible for bringing Roman culture and religion to the peregrine communities. It argues that even though some provincial cults were established through direct intervention from members of the imperial family, it was still up to the communities themselves to oversee cult practice and finance the cult. In the case of civic cult, there is little to no evidence of involvement from the centre. Civic cult was established by local initiative and did not originate in the coloniae and spread to other communities. Instead, it tended to arise in peregrine communities (and municipia) from the earliest development of this cult (as well as some coloniae) as individual communities sought to forge a connection with the imperial family and find their place within, and in connection to, the Roman Empire.From the Roman Republic to the American Revolution: readings of Cicero in the political thought of James Wilson
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/911
As a classical scholar and prominent founding father, James Wilson was at once statesman, judge, and political thinker, who read Cicero as an example worthy of emulation and as a philosopher whose theory could be applied to his own age. Classical reception studies have focused on questions of liberty, civic virtue, and constitutionalism in the American founding, and historians have also noted Wilson’s importance in American history and thought. Wilson’s direct engagement with Cicero’s works, however, and their significance in the formulation of his own philosophy has been long overlooked. My thesis argues that Wilson’s viewpoint was largely based on his readings of Cicero and can only be properly understood within this context. In the first two chapters of my thesis I demonstrate that Wilson not only possessed a wide-ranging knowledge of the classics in general, but also that he borrowed from Cicero’s writings and directly engaged with the texts themselves. Building upon this foundation, chapters three and four examine Cicero’s perspective on popular sovereignty and civic virtue, situate Wilson’s interpretations within contemporary discussions of Roman politics, and analyse the main ways in which he adapts Cicero’s arguments to his own era. Wilson retains a broader faith in the common people than seen in Cicero’s opinions, and he abstracts from Cicero a doctrine of sovereignty as an indivisible principle that is absent in the text; nevertheless, Cicero’s conception of a legitimate state and his insistence on the role of the people provided the foundation for Wilson’s thought and ultimately for his legitimization of the American Revolution. At the same time, like Cicero, Wilson views the stability of the state as resting in the personal virtue of the individual. While his enlightenment philosophy imparts optimism to his conception of the good citizen, his definition of virtue closely follows that of Cicero. As the final chapter of my thesis concludes, their individual interpretations of these theories of popular consent and virtue were instrumental in forming Cicero’s and Wilson’s justifications of civil disobedience.
2010-06-01T00:00:00ZWilson, Laurie AnnAs a classical scholar and prominent founding father, James Wilson was at once statesman, judge, and political thinker, who read Cicero as an example worthy of emulation and as a philosopher whose theory could be applied to his own age. Classical reception studies have focused on questions of liberty, civic virtue, and constitutionalism in the American founding, and historians have also noted Wilson’s importance in American history and thought. Wilson’s direct engagement with Cicero’s works, however, and their significance in the formulation of his own philosophy has been long overlooked. My thesis argues that Wilson’s viewpoint was largely based on his readings of Cicero and can only be properly understood within this context. In the first two chapters of my thesis I demonstrate that Wilson not only possessed a wide-ranging knowledge of the classics in general, but also that he borrowed from Cicero’s writings and directly engaged with the texts themselves. Building upon this foundation, chapters three and four examine Cicero’s perspective on popular sovereignty and civic virtue, situate Wilson’s interpretations within contemporary discussions of Roman politics, and analyse the main ways in which he adapts Cicero’s arguments to his own era. Wilson retains a broader faith in the common people than seen in Cicero’s opinions, and he abstracts from Cicero a doctrine of sovereignty as an indivisible principle that is absent in the text; nevertheless, Cicero’s conception of a legitimate state and his insistence on the role of the people provided the foundation for Wilson’s thought and ultimately for his legitimization of the American Revolution. At the same time, like Cicero, Wilson views the stability of the state as resting in the personal virtue of the individual. While his enlightenment philosophy imparts optimism to his conception of the good citizen, his definition of virtue closely follows that of Cicero. As the final chapter of my thesis concludes, their individual interpretations of these theories of popular consent and virtue were instrumental in forming Cicero’s and Wilson’s justifications of civil disobedience.Talking politics : constructing the res publica after Caesar’s assassination
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/910
The nature of the Republican constitution has been much contested by scholars studying the history of the Roman Republic. In considering the problems of the late Republic, the nature of the constitution is an important question, for if we do not understand what the constitution was, how can we explain Rome’s transition from ‘Republic’ to ‘Empire’? Such a question is particularly pertinent when looking at events at Rome following the assassination of Caesar, as we try to understand why it was that the Republic, as we understand it as a polity without a sole ruler, was not restored.
This thesis examines the Roman understanding of the constitution in the aftermath of Caesar’s death and argues that for the Romans the constitution was a contested entity, its proper nature debated and fought over, and that this contest led to conflict on the political stage, becoming a key factor in the failure to restore the Republic and the establishment of the Second Triumvirate. The thesis proposes a new methodology for the examination of the constitution, employing modern critical theories of discourse and the formation of knowledge to establish and analyse the Roman constitution as a discursive entity: interpreted, contested and established through discourse. I argue that the Roman knowledge of the proper nature of the constitution of the res publica had fractured by the time of Caesar’s death and that this fracturing led to multiple understandings of the constitution. In this thesis I describe the state of Rome in 44-43 B.C. to reveal these multiple understandings of the constitution, and undertake an analysis of the discourse of Cicero and Sallust after 44 B.C. in order to describe the way in which different understandings of the constitution were formulated and expressed. Through this examination this thesis shows that the expression and interrelation of these multiple understandings in Roman political discourse made arrival at a unified agreement on a common course of action all but impossible and that this combined with the volatile atmosphere at Rome after Caesar’s death played a major role in Rome’s slide towards civil war and the eventual establishment of a different political system.
2010-06-01T00:00:00ZSwithinbank, Hannah J.The nature of the Republican constitution has been much contested by scholars studying the history of the Roman Republic. In considering the problems of the late Republic, the nature of the constitution is an important question, for if we do not understand what the constitution was, how can we explain Rome’s transition from ‘Republic’ to ‘Empire’? Such a question is particularly pertinent when looking at events at Rome following the assassination of Caesar, as we try to understand why it was that the Republic, as we understand it as a polity without a sole ruler, was not restored.
This thesis examines the Roman understanding of the constitution in the aftermath of Caesar’s death and argues that for the Romans the constitution was a contested entity, its proper nature debated and fought over, and that this contest led to conflict on the political stage, becoming a key factor in the failure to restore the Republic and the establishment of the Second Triumvirate. The thesis proposes a new methodology for the examination of the constitution, employing modern critical theories of discourse and the formation of knowledge to establish and analyse the Roman constitution as a discursive entity: interpreted, contested and established through discourse. I argue that the Roman knowledge of the proper nature of the constitution of the res publica had fractured by the time of Caesar’s death and that this fracturing led to multiple understandings of the constitution. In this thesis I describe the state of Rome in 44-43 B.C. to reveal these multiple understandings of the constitution, and undertake an analysis of the discourse of Cicero and Sallust after 44 B.C. in order to describe the way in which different understandings of the constitution were formulated and expressed. Through this examination this thesis shows that the expression and interrelation of these multiple understandings in Roman political discourse made arrival at a unified agreement on a common course of action all but impossible and that this combined with the volatile atmosphere at Rome after Caesar’s death played a major role in Rome’s slide towards civil war and the eventual establishment of a different political system.The language of the gods : oblique communication and divine persuasion in Homer's Odyssey
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/862
Often praised for its sophistication in the narrator- and character-text, the Odyssey is regarded as the ultimate epic of a warrior’s much-troubled nostos. As a corollary of both its theme and the polytropia of the main hero, the poem explores extensively the motifs of secrecy and disguise. Apart from the lying tales of Odysseus, one important, albeit less obvious, example of the tendency to secrecy and disguise is the exchanges between the gods, which constitute a distinct group of speeches that have significant implications for the action of the poem.
The aim of this dissertation is to study the divine dialogues of the Odyssey from the angle of communication and persuasion. Employing findings from narratology, discourse analysis, and oral poetics, and through close readings of the Homeric text, I argue that the overwhelming majority of these related passages have certain characteristics, whose common denominator is obliqueness. Apart from Helius’ appeal to Zeus (Chapter 2), distinctive in its own narratorial rendition, the rest of the dialogues, namely Hermes’ message-delivery to Calypso (Prologue), the two divine assemblies (Chapter 1), plus the exchanges of Zeus with Poseidon (Chapter 2) and Athena (Epilogue) conform to set patterns of communication. Within this framework, interlocutors strongly tend towards concealment and partiality. They make extensive use of conversational implicatures, shed light only on certain sides of the story while suppressing others, and present feigned or even exaggerated arguments in order to persuade their addressee. Direct confrontation is in principle avoided, and even when it does occur, it takes a rather oblique form. In this communicative scheme, the procedure of decision-making is not clear-cut, and the concept of persuasion is fluid and hidden behind the indirect and subtle dialogic process.
2010-06-01T00:00:00ZZekas, ChristodoulosOften praised for its sophistication in the narrator- and character-text, the Odyssey is regarded as the ultimate epic of a warrior’s much-troubled nostos. As a corollary of both its theme and the polytropia of the main hero, the poem explores extensively the motifs of secrecy and disguise. Apart from the lying tales of Odysseus, one important, albeit less obvious, example of the tendency to secrecy and disguise is the exchanges between the gods, which constitute a distinct group of speeches that have significant implications for the action of the poem.
The aim of this dissertation is to study the divine dialogues of the Odyssey from the angle of communication and persuasion. Employing findings from narratology, discourse analysis, and oral poetics, and through close readings of the Homeric text, I argue that the overwhelming majority of these related passages have certain characteristics, whose common denominator is obliqueness. Apart from Helius’ appeal to Zeus (Chapter 2), distinctive in its own narratorial rendition, the rest of the dialogues, namely Hermes’ message-delivery to Calypso (Prologue), the two divine assemblies (Chapter 1), plus the exchanges of Zeus with Poseidon (Chapter 2) and Athena (Epilogue) conform to set patterns of communication. Within this framework, interlocutors strongly tend towards concealment and partiality. They make extensive use of conversational implicatures, shed light only on certain sides of the story while suppressing others, and present feigned or even exaggerated arguments in order to persuade their addressee. Direct confrontation is in principle avoided, and even when it does occur, it takes a rather oblique form. In this communicative scheme, the procedure of decision-making is not clear-cut, and the concept of persuasion is fluid and hidden behind the indirect and subtle dialogic process.Warlords and generals : war and society in early Rome
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/605
This thesis will argue that the development of early Rome can be described using a sequence of large, socio-political dichotomies based on Rome's activity in the sphere of warfare. The use of dichotomies in early Roman history is not new,and indeed the confrontation between two opposing groups, typically the patricians and plebeians, can be found at the heart of even the earliest extant histories of the period. The problem which plagued these early models, and indeed many subsequent models based on their premise, is that they assumed that the same prescriptive set of social and political divisions which existed in the late Republic and early Empire also existed in early Rome. This study will discard this highly anachronistic assumption and redefine the dichotomies present in early Rome using active characteristics (i.e. behavior), rather than the prescriptive labels assigned by late republican authors. In particular, this study will attempt to view early Rome through the lens of warfare, where the formation of distinct 'in-group' and 'out-group' biases is most evident, in an effort to redraw the divisions of early Roman society. The end result of this redefining process will be an entirely different, albeit related set of socio-political groupings; for example 'mobile' vs. 'sedentary' and 'Roman' vs. 'Latin', whose interaction is visible behind much of Rome's early development.
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2009-06-01T00:00:00ZArmstrong, Jeremy ScottThis thesis will argue that the development of early Rome can be described using a sequence of large, socio-political dichotomies based on Rome's activity in the sphere of warfare. The use of dichotomies in early Roman history is not new,and indeed the confrontation between two opposing groups, typically the patricians and plebeians, can be found at the heart of even the earliest extant histories of the period. The problem which plagued these early models, and indeed many subsequent models based on their premise, is that they assumed that the same prescriptive set of social and political divisions which existed in the late Republic and early Empire also existed in early Rome. This study will discard this highly anachronistic assumption and redefine the dichotomies present in early Rome using active characteristics (i.e. behavior), rather than the prescriptive labels assigned by late republican authors. In particular, this study will attempt to view early Rome through the lens of warfare, where the formation of distinct 'in-group' and 'out-group' biases is most evident, in an effort to redraw the divisions of early Roman society. The end result of this redefining process will be an entirely different, albeit related set of socio-political groupings; for example 'mobile' vs. 'sedentary' and 'Roman' vs. 'Latin', whose interaction is visible behind much of Rome's early development.Written into the landscape : Latin epic and the landmarks of literary reception
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/543
Landscape in Roman literature is manifest with symbolic potential: in particular, Vergil and Ovid respond to ideologically loaded representations of abundance in nature that signal the dawn of the Augustan golden age. Vergil's Eclogues foreground a locus amoenus landscape which articulates both the hopes of the new age as well as the political upheaval that accompanied the new political regime; Ovid uses the same topography in order to suggest the arbitrary and capricious use of power within a deceptively idyllic landscape. Moreover, for Latin poets, depictions of landscape are themselves sites for poetic reflection as evidenced by the discussion of landscape ecphrases in Horace's Ars Poetica.
My thesis focuses upon the depiction and refiguration of the locus amoenus landscape in the post-Augustan epics of the first century AD: Lucan's Bellum Civile, Valerius Flaccus' Argonautica, Statius' Thebaid and Silius Italicus' Punica. Landscape in these poems retains the moral, political and metapoetic force evident in the Augustan archetypes. However, I suggest that Lucan's Neronian Bellum Civile fundamentally refigures the landscapes of Latin epic poetry, inscribing the locus amoenus with the nefas of civil war in such a manner that it redefines the perception of landscape in the succeeding Flavian poets. Lucan perverts the landscape, making the locus horridus, a landscape of horror, fear and disgust, the predominant landscape of Latin epic; consequently, the poems of Valerius, Statius and Silius engage with Lucan's refiguration of landscape as a means of expressing the horror of civil war. In the first part of my thesis I examine archetypal landscapes, including those of the Augustan poets and Lucan's Bellum Civile. Taking an approach which engages with literary reception theory and the concept of the â horizon of expectationâ as a framework within which literary topographies can be understood as articulating a response to the thematics of civil war, in the second part of my thesis I demonstrate the manner in which landscapes represent a coherent and paradigmatic response to Lucan's imposition of his civil war narrative within the literary landscape of Roman literature.
2009-06-01T00:00:00ZMcIntyre, James StuartLandscape in Roman literature is manifest with symbolic potential: in particular, Vergil and Ovid respond to ideologically loaded representations of abundance in nature that signal the dawn of the Augustan golden age. Vergil's Eclogues foreground a locus amoenus landscape which articulates both the hopes of the new age as well as the political upheaval that accompanied the new political regime; Ovid uses the same topography in order to suggest the arbitrary and capricious use of power within a deceptively idyllic landscape. Moreover, for Latin poets, depictions of landscape are themselves sites for poetic reflection as evidenced by the discussion of landscape ecphrases in Horace's Ars Poetica.
My thesis focuses upon the depiction and refiguration of the locus amoenus landscape in the post-Augustan epics of the first century AD: Lucan's Bellum Civile, Valerius Flaccus' Argonautica, Statius' Thebaid and Silius Italicus' Punica. Landscape in these poems retains the moral, political and metapoetic force evident in the Augustan archetypes. However, I suggest that Lucan's Neronian Bellum Civile fundamentally refigures the landscapes of Latin epic poetry, inscribing the locus amoenus with the nefas of civil war in such a manner that it redefines the perception of landscape in the succeeding Flavian poets. Lucan perverts the landscape, making the locus horridus, a landscape of horror, fear and disgust, the predominant landscape of Latin epic; consequently, the poems of Valerius, Statius and Silius engage with Lucan's refiguration of landscape as a means of expressing the horror of civil war. In the first part of my thesis I examine archetypal landscapes, including those of the Augustan poets and Lucan's Bellum Civile. Taking an approach which engages with literary reception theory and the concept of the â horizon of expectationâ as a framework within which literary topographies can be understood as articulating a response to the thematics of civil war, in the second part of my thesis I demonstrate the manner in which landscapes represent a coherent and paradigmatic response to Lucan's imposition of his civil war narrative within the literary landscape of Roman literature.Approaching death in the classical tradition
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/495
The thesis consists of five chapters: the first functions as an overture; the second, third and fourth deal with Plato, Cicero and Montaigne respectively; and the fifth raises some questions.
The overture explores the ways in which Odysseus, Lucretius and Seneca approached death, and in the process introduces some obvious distinctions - between death viewed as the act of dying and death viewed as the state of being dead, between the death which comes to everyone and the death which comes to me, between our own death and the death of others - and anticipates certain recurring themes.
The second chapter, on Plato, is concerned chiefly with the Phaedo and the question of what is involved in "the practice of death". This entails an examination of related concepts and terminology in the Gorgias and the Republic, and of the whole subject of Platonic myth.
The third chapter discusses Cicero's views on death and immortality - both the considered reflections of the philosopher and the spontaneous reactions of the bereaved father - principally as these emerge from the Tusculan Disputations and the letters to Atticus.
The fourth chapter approaches Montaigne - his own experiences of death, the relationship between his earlier and later approaches, the tension between his professed Catholicism and his pagan inclinations, the difficulty and perhaps undesirability of extracting a 'message' from the Essais on this or any other subject.
The conclusion asks to what extent these various approaches succeed in what they set out to do, and whether any generalised, objective approach to death can ever successfully address the individual predicament, either in relation to one's own death or in facing bereavement.
2008-06-26T00:00:00ZCameron, PeterThe thesis consists of five chapters: the first functions as an overture; the second, third and fourth deal with Plato, Cicero and Montaigne respectively; and the fifth raises some questions.
The overture explores the ways in which Odysseus, Lucretius and Seneca approached death, and in the process introduces some obvious distinctions - between death viewed as the act of dying and death viewed as the state of being dead, between the death which comes to everyone and the death which comes to me, between our own death and the death of others - and anticipates certain recurring themes.
The second chapter, on Plato, is concerned chiefly with the Phaedo and the question of what is involved in "the practice of death". This entails an examination of related concepts and terminology in the Gorgias and the Republic, and of the whole subject of Platonic myth.
The third chapter discusses Cicero's views on death and immortality - both the considered reflections of the philosopher and the spontaneous reactions of the bereaved father - principally as these emerge from the Tusculan Disputations and the letters to Atticus.
The fourth chapter approaches Montaigne - his own experiences of death, the relationship between his earlier and later approaches, the tension between his professed Catholicism and his pagan inclinations, the difficulty and perhaps undesirability of extracting a 'message' from the Essais on this or any other subject.
The conclusion asks to what extent these various approaches succeed in what they set out to do, and whether any generalised, objective approach to death can ever successfully address the individual predicament, either in relation to one's own death or in facing bereavement.The bare necessities? a comparative study of the material evidence for Roman medical practice in urban domestic and army spheres
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/400
The study of medicine in the Roman world is, in many areas, hampered by lack of evidence yet, despite this, valuable research has been done in the areas of urban domestic and army medicine. The aim of this thesis is not to reproduce that research but to examine the material evidence for medicine and medical practice used in it, in particular the instruments and buildings where medicine might have been practiced and, through comparison of the data, to see what similarities and differences there were between medicine in the domestic and army spheres. At the same time this data will be placed in context through an examination of the general levels of health in the ancient world and the status of doctors. In the domestic chapter we shall see that the evidence for the status of doctors is sketchy and confusing while the evidence for the health of people is drawn mainly from the skeletons found at Herculaneum. The examination of the instruments from the Naples museum and the provenance of those to which it could be assigned, will shed light on the types of medicine practiced and where doctors might have seen their patients. Throughout this chapter the argument looks forward to the comparison with army medicine in the following chapter. The evidence for health in the army comes mainly from literary sources and that for the status of doctors comes from inscriptions. It appears that doctors had ranks in the army with equivalent levels of pay as the soldiers. While there are fewer finds of instruments from forts, they raise some interesting points. The debate about valetudinaria is addressed and I argue that, while they existed, there is evidence to suggest that the buildings identified as valetudinaria were not in fact hospitals and that each case must be examined on its own merits. The conclusions are more numerous than might have been expected. There are obvious differences in levels of health between the army and the urban population but there are significant overlaps between doctors in the army and the domestic spheres. The instruments in the two spheres are the same in design with some surprising types turning up. The question of where medicine was practiced remains hazy with the conclusion that in the domestic sphere there is no definite evidence while in the army sphere the buildings identified as valetudinaria may not have been hospitals.
2007-11-30T00:00:00ZTaylor, Stephanie C.The study of medicine in the Roman world is, in many areas, hampered by lack of evidence yet, despite this, valuable research has been done in the areas of urban domestic and army medicine. The aim of this thesis is not to reproduce that research but to examine the material evidence for medicine and medical practice used in it, in particular the instruments and buildings where medicine might have been practiced and, through comparison of the data, to see what similarities and differences there were between medicine in the domestic and army spheres. At the same time this data will be placed in context through an examination of the general levels of health in the ancient world and the status of doctors. In the domestic chapter we shall see that the evidence for the status of doctors is sketchy and confusing while the evidence for the health of people is drawn mainly from the skeletons found at Herculaneum. The examination of the instruments from the Naples museum and the provenance of those to which it could be assigned, will shed light on the types of medicine practiced and where doctors might have seen their patients. Throughout this chapter the argument looks forward to the comparison with army medicine in the following chapter. The evidence for health in the army comes mainly from literary sources and that for the status of doctors comes from inscriptions. It appears that doctors had ranks in the army with equivalent levels of pay as the soldiers. While there are fewer finds of instruments from forts, they raise some interesting points. The debate about valetudinaria is addressed and I argue that, while they existed, there is evidence to suggest that the buildings identified as valetudinaria were not in fact hospitals and that each case must be examined on its own merits. The conclusions are more numerous than might have been expected. There are obvious differences in levels of health between the army and the urban population but there are significant overlaps between doctors in the army and the domestic spheres. The instruments in the two spheres are the same in design with some surprising types turning up. The question of where medicine was practiced remains hazy with the conclusion that in the domestic sphere there is no definite evidence while in the army sphere the buildings identified as valetudinaria may not have been hospitals.Gender and public image in imperial Rome
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/357
Roman gender was often defined and regulated visually – that is, if and under what conditions a woman or man appeared in public, through personal appearance, or through representations in art or literature. In this discourse on gender, the gaze (especially the public’s) was thus an important agent in helping not only to shape gender ideals, but also the direction and function of the discourse itself.
The emperor affected these precepts because of his appropriation of public space and his control of the gaze: as the most powerful and high-ranking member of society, no one could be more visible than him, and his own gaze was unlimited: he was all-seeing and all-visible. As befitting these attributes of imperial office, public space became his domain, and he placed limitations on the expression of public images in this space. This therefore affected gender by limiting the ways in which it could be expressed and proved.
Within the changed discourse, the emperor was the alpha male, the most masculine man in Roman society, and controlled public space and access to the gaze. Aristocratic males thus suffered a crisis in masculinity, and were forced to find alternate sources of masculinity from the traditional ones of gaining virtus through military service, public oratory and service, and public competition for gloria. In response, some still valued the traditions of military and service to the res publica, but no longer made public expression or competition of virtus as a precondition for its legitimacy or existence – in effect de-linking masculinity from the public sphere. Another response turned to the private sphere for inspiration, finding role models for virtus in ideal women and stressing a man’s behavior in the home as important in judgments on his masculinity. Femininity did not suffer such changes or crisis. Feminine ideals remained relatively stable, but with a few minor changes: imperial women were held to a stricter standard of traditional femininity to prevent their intrusion into imperial power, and their public activities were either low-profile or focused around the family. Aristocratic women had more scope for public activities, which enhanced their femininity but were not prerequisites for being a good woman: that is, it was not necessary for a woman to possess and maintain a public image for her to be feminine.
2007-11-01T00:00:00ZMcCullough, AnnaRoman gender was often defined and regulated visually – that is, if and under what conditions a woman or man appeared in public, through personal appearance, or through representations in art or literature. In this discourse on gender, the gaze (especially the public’s) was thus an important agent in helping not only to shape gender ideals, but also the direction and function of the discourse itself.
The emperor affected these precepts because of his appropriation of public space and his control of the gaze: as the most powerful and high-ranking member of society, no one could be more visible than him, and his own gaze was unlimited: he was all-seeing and all-visible. As befitting these attributes of imperial office, public space became his domain, and he placed limitations on the expression of public images in this space. This therefore affected gender by limiting the ways in which it could be expressed and proved.
Within the changed discourse, the emperor was the alpha male, the most masculine man in Roman society, and controlled public space and access to the gaze. Aristocratic males thus suffered a crisis in masculinity, and were forced to find alternate sources of masculinity from the traditional ones of gaining virtus through military service, public oratory and service, and public competition for gloria. In response, some still valued the traditions of military and service to the res publica, but no longer made public expression or competition of virtus as a precondition for its legitimacy or existence – in effect de-linking masculinity from the public sphere. Another response turned to the private sphere for inspiration, finding role models for virtus in ideal women and stressing a man’s behavior in the home as important in judgments on his masculinity. Femininity did not suffer such changes or crisis. Feminine ideals remained relatively stable, but with a few minor changes: imperial women were held to a stricter standard of traditional femininity to prevent their intrusion into imperial power, and their public activities were either low-profile or focused around the family. Aristocratic women had more scope for public activities, which enhanced their femininity but were not prerequisites for being a good woman: that is, it was not necessary for a woman to possess and maintain a public image for her to be feminine.Letters to the emperor : epistolarity and power relations from Cicero to Symmachus
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/316
Traditionally Latin prose letters have been classified in one of two ways: often they are seen as historical documents to be mined for political, historical and social information; otherwise they are viewed as literature, to be read with a consideration of the role of rhetoric and persuasion. These letters are only rarely approached as letters, and classical scholars have only just begun to discover the benefits of applying epistolary theory to these texts. My thesis examines epistolary exchange within the context of Roman power relations, offering a new interpretation of the correspondences between the most powerful political figure in a given period and one from among the senatorial class. Cicero, Pliny the Younger, Fronto and Symmachus each conducted an epistolary exchange with a powerful figure with whom he hoped to gain influence, and despite the significant differences between them in terms of political and social circumstances, each uses his letters in similar ways to that end. I approach these texts, never before treated together in a comparative study, with a consideration of epistolarity, ‘the use of the letter’s formal properties to create meaning’, a concept developed by J. G. Altman (1982). These properties are identified and examined by means of detailed stylistic analysis of the Latin text. The act of writing a letter is an act of self-definition; the sender constructs a self defined necessarily in relation to a particular addressee. Thus the letter also affords a sender the opportunity to define the You, to whom he addresses himself. In the context of power relations in Roman politics, the letter then becomes a flexible tool of self-fashioning, by which a senator may attempt to influence the emperor.
2007-06-01T00:00:00ZCreese, MaggiTraditionally Latin prose letters have been classified in one of two ways: often they are seen as historical documents to be mined for political, historical and social information; otherwise they are viewed as literature, to be read with a consideration of the role of rhetoric and persuasion. These letters are only rarely approached as letters, and classical scholars have only just begun to discover the benefits of applying epistolary theory to these texts. My thesis examines epistolary exchange within the context of Roman power relations, offering a new interpretation of the correspondences between the most powerful political figure in a given period and one from among the senatorial class. Cicero, Pliny the Younger, Fronto and Symmachus each conducted an epistolary exchange with a powerful figure with whom he hoped to gain influence, and despite the significant differences between them in terms of political and social circumstances, each uses his letters in similar ways to that end. I approach these texts, never before treated together in a comparative study, with a consideration of epistolarity, ‘the use of the letter’s formal properties to create meaning’, a concept developed by J. G. Altman (1982). These properties are identified and examined by means of detailed stylistic analysis of the Latin text. The act of writing a letter is an act of self-definition; the sender constructs a self defined necessarily in relation to a particular addressee. Thus the letter also affords a sender the opportunity to define the You, to whom he addresses himself. In the context of power relations in Roman politics, the letter then becomes a flexible tool of self-fashioning, by which a senator may attempt to influence the emperor.