Journal of Terrorism Research
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3886
2024-03-29T06:24:43ZSandra Walklate and Gabe Mythen, contradictions of terrorism: security, risk and resilience. London and New York: Routledge 2014.
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/7166
194 pp., US $ 44.95 [Paperback]; ISBN 978-0-415-62653-8.
Reviewed by Nick J. Sciullo
2015-05-25T00:00:00ZSciullo, Nick J.194 pp., US $ 44.95 [Paperback]; ISBN 978-0-415-62653-8.
Reviewed by Nick J. SciulloOff with their heads: the Islamic State and civilian beheadings
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/7165
This commentary evaluates the use of beheadings by the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq. We place beheadings in a broader historical context and draw from academic research in terrorism studies and the social sciences to explain why the Islamic State has adopted such brutal tactics. We outline the strategic logic of beheading and evaluate explanations related to symbolic politics, culture, and organizational dynamics. We conclude with a discussion about the future of Islamic State violence.
2015-05-25T00:00:00ZZech, Steven T.Kelly, Zane M.This commentary evaluates the use of beheadings by the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq. We place beheadings in a broader historical context and draw from academic research in terrorism studies and the social sciences to explain why the Islamic State has adopted such brutal tactics. We outline the strategic logic of beheading and evaluate explanations related to symbolic politics, culture, and organizational dynamics. We conclude with a discussion about the future of Islamic State violence.Al Qaida’s persuasive devices in the digital world
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/7162
The study examines the application of the post-World War II U.S. Armed Forces propaganda analysis methods as a valid framework for the analysis of modern extremist social media. Using Jihadist and Islamic extremist, Al Qaida core, affiliate and associate (AQAA), digital media products, the framework examines persuasive devices used to attempt to appeal to potential recruits and ultimately incite them to violence. The findings of the content analysis extend previous examinations and provide a unique lens in which to view the appeals used in messaging to encourage potential violent actors in civil society. The examination categorizes tools of persuasion with the aim to validate the applicability of a historical framework in exploring modern messaging, informing future counter-narratives, and providing law enforcement cues in the analysis and determination of ongoing threats in their respective jurisdictions.
2015-05-25T00:00:00ZBachmann, MichaelWright, Julia E.The study examines the application of the post-World War II U.S. Armed Forces propaganda analysis methods as a valid framework for the analysis of modern extremist social media. Using Jihadist and Islamic extremist, Al Qaida core, affiliate and associate (AQAA), digital media products, the framework examines persuasive devices used to attempt to appeal to potential recruits and ultimately incite them to violence. The findings of the content analysis extend previous examinations and provide a unique lens in which to view the appeals used in messaging to encourage potential violent actors in civil society. The examination categorizes tools of persuasion with the aim to validate the applicability of a historical framework in exploring modern messaging, informing future counter-narratives, and providing law enforcement cues in the analysis and determination of ongoing threats in their respective jurisdictions.Confronting Islamic Jihadist movements
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/7161
This paper argues that in order to win the long-term fight against Islamic Jihadist movements, we must confront their ideological foundations and provide the majority of Muslims with an alternative narrative that satisfies their social identity needs for a positive esteem. By analysing social identity dynamics of Western-Muslim interactions, this paper presents some novel ideas that can lead to the creation of such a narrative.
2015-05-25T00:00:00ZUpal, M. AfzalThis paper argues that in order to win the long-term fight against Islamic Jihadist movements, we must confront their ideological foundations and provide the majority of Muslims with an alternative narrative that satisfies their social identity needs for a positive esteem. By analysing social identity dynamics of Western-Muslim interactions, this paper presents some novel ideas that can lead to the creation of such a narrative.Terrorism in Indonesia: a review on rehabilitation and deradicalization
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/7160
In the context where terrorism is viewed as an act of crime based on ideology, rehabilitating offenders are significantly critical. This journal aims to identify terror activists’ behavior transformation process, critical development areas needed in changing terrorism perpetrators’ behavior, key elements in rehabilitation, criterions for successful rehabilitation, and parameters of effective deradicalization according to those who have disengaged from violence and criminal activities. Data were collected from forty three former terrorism perpetrators and religious activists inside and outside prisons using unstructured interviews, focused group discussions, and a list of questions in a questionnaire. The result shows that behavior transformation is possible and there are six dimensions of critical areas of development needed in rehabilitating terror activists in Indonesia. The result also indicates some inputs for successful rehabilitation and effective deradicalization.
2015-05-25T00:00:00ZZora, A. SukabdiIn the context where terrorism is viewed as an act of crime based on ideology, rehabilitating offenders are significantly critical. This journal aims to identify terror activists’ behavior transformation process, critical development areas needed in changing terrorism perpetrators’ behavior, key elements in rehabilitation, criterions for successful rehabilitation, and parameters of effective deradicalization according to those who have disengaged from violence and criminal activities. Data were collected from forty three former terrorism perpetrators and religious activists inside and outside prisons using unstructured interviews, focused group discussions, and a list of questions in a questionnaire. The result shows that behavior transformation is possible and there are six dimensions of critical areas of development needed in rehabilitating terror activists in Indonesia. The result also indicates some inputs for successful rehabilitation and effective deradicalization.Fundamentalism and terrorism
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/7143
Citizens worldwide are becoming all too familiar with the accelerated frequency of terrorist attacks in the 21st century, particularly with those involving a religious underpinning. Why, though, have religiously-affiliated acts of terrorism become such a common occurrence? By examining how religious fundamentalism has accelerated and intensified terrorism within the modern world, scholars can focus on determining the “why”. By historically defining terrorism and fundamentalism and then placing them within the context of current religio-political and socio-political discourse, one can observe the shift from nationalism into terrorism and therefore understanding the innate interconnectedness of fundamentalism and terrorism as a whole.
2015-05-25T00:00:00ZRausch, Cassandra ChristinaCitizens worldwide are becoming all too familiar with the accelerated frequency of terrorist attacks in the 21st century, particularly with those involving a religious underpinning. Why, though, have religiously-affiliated acts of terrorism become such a common occurrence? By examining how religious fundamentalism has accelerated and intensified terrorism within the modern world, scholars can focus on determining the “why”. By historically defining terrorism and fundamentalism and then placing them within the context of current religio-political and socio-political discourse, one can observe the shift from nationalism into terrorism and therefore understanding the innate interconnectedness of fundamentalism and terrorism as a whole.The Arab Awakening and US counterterrorism in the Greater Middle East: a missed opportunity
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/7142
In 2011, the Arab Awakening offered an opportunity to the Obama administration to advance the US interest to counter terrorism in the Greater Middle East without compromising its commitment to the promotion of democracy. As of early 2015, however, with the exception of still-hopeful Tunisia, democracy has not made any significant progress in Middle Eastern countries. Additionally, old and new regional extremist groups have become increasingly active. How did the Obama administration miss the opportunity offered by the Arab Awakening? What actions could the United States take to reverse current unfavorable trends and advance US policies of counterterrorism and democratization in the region?
2015-05-25T00:00:00ZLilli, EugenioIn 2011, the Arab Awakening offered an opportunity to the Obama administration to advance the US interest to counter terrorism in the Greater Middle East without compromising its commitment to the promotion of democracy. As of early 2015, however, with the exception of still-hopeful Tunisia, democracy has not made any significant progress in Middle Eastern countries. Additionally, old and new regional extremist groups have become increasingly active. How did the Obama administration miss the opportunity offered by the Arab Awakening? What actions could the United States take to reverse current unfavorable trends and advance US policies of counterterrorism and democratization in the region?This is not your mother’s terrorism: social media, online radicalization and the practice of political jamming
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/7141
It is commonly recognized that social media presents vast new opportunities for terrorist groups seeking to radicalize audiences. However, few scholars have studied the actual mechanisms by which radicalizing messages are delivered to those audiences. Within this paper, the author explores one key aspect of the phenomenon of ‘jihadi cool’ – that is, the rendering of pro-Islamic terrorism into something hip and trendy among online audiences. Discussed is the use of political jamming: a subversive, satirical activity that draws on humor to reinforce ideological messages. The opportunity for countering these messages through the same technique is also considered.
2015-05-25T00:00:00ZHuey, LauraIt is commonly recognized that social media presents vast new opportunities for terrorist groups seeking to radicalize audiences. However, few scholars have studied the actual mechanisms by which radicalizing messages are delivered to those audiences. Within this paper, the author explores one key aspect of the phenomenon of ‘jihadi cool’ – that is, the rendering of pro-Islamic terrorism into something hip and trendy among online audiences. Discussed is the use of political jamming: a subversive, satirical activity that draws on humor to reinforce ideological messages. The opportunity for countering these messages through the same technique is also considered.Warren Chin. Britain and the war on terror: policy, strategy and operations
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/6662
Dorchester: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2013. pp.250. £65.00. ISBN: 978-0-7546-9528-8. Reviewed by Sarah V. Marsden.
2015-02-04T00:00:00ZMarsden, Sarah V.Dorchester: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2013. pp.250. £65.00. ISBN: 978-0-7546-9528-8. Reviewed by Sarah V. Marsden.The evaluation of the effectiveness of counterterrorism policies on the PKK-inflicted violence during the democratization process of Turkey
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/6661
This study tries to explore the relationship between soft-line governmental policy interventions of Turkey and the responses of the PKK (The Kurdistan Workers’ Party) by using time series data from 1995 to 2010. The negative binomial specifications for two models, the number of incidents and the number casualties are used. The aggregated impact of soft-line policies on the level of violence is found to be positive and significant. In one hand, Turkey’s EU accession process had a decreasing impact on PKK inflicted violence. On the other hand, the Active Repentance Law increased the violence in the short run. It was found that defiance based governmental policy interventions of Turkey had an increasing impact on the PKK-inflicted violence.
2015-02-04T00:00:00ZCiftci, IrfanKula, SedatThis study tries to explore the relationship between soft-line governmental policy interventions of Turkey and the responses of the PKK (The Kurdistan Workers’ Party) by using time series data from 1995 to 2010. The negative binomial specifications for two models, the number of incidents and the number casualties are used. The aggregated impact of soft-line policies on the level of violence is found to be positive and significant. In one hand, Turkey’s EU accession process had a decreasing impact on PKK inflicted violence. On the other hand, the Active Repentance Law increased the violence in the short run. It was found that defiance based governmental policy interventions of Turkey had an increasing impact on the PKK-inflicted violence.Changing the rules of war: the controversies surrounding the United States’ expanded use of drones
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/6660
The Obama administration has an opportunity, and some would say an obligation, to create a doctrine that sets guidelines for the development and deployment of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), also known as drones. There are a number of debates surrounding the use of drones, the most contentious of which have been as to whether governments have legal authorization to do so, and of how combatant status is defined under current international law. In Obama’s first term, his administration worked to rollback the world’s arsenal of nuclear weapons. His efforts and vision of a world without nuclear weapons was one of the reasons why President Obama was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize—inclusive, of course, of his effort to strengthen international diplomacy. Yet, during this same period, his administration has developed and utilized revolutionary military technologies that may well become signature weapons of the 21st century. Since 9/11, there has been an alarming increase in the use of drones.
2015-02-04T00:00:00ZBoussios, EmanuelThe Obama administration has an opportunity, and some would say an obligation, to create a doctrine that sets guidelines for the development and deployment of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), also known as drones. There are a number of debates surrounding the use of drones, the most contentious of which have been as to whether governments have legal authorization to do so, and of how combatant status is defined under current international law. In Obama’s first term, his administration worked to rollback the world’s arsenal of nuclear weapons. His efforts and vision of a world without nuclear weapons was one of the reasons why President Obama was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize—inclusive, of course, of his effort to strengthen international diplomacy. Yet, during this same period, his administration has developed and utilized revolutionary military technologies that may well become signature weapons of the 21st century. Since 9/11, there has been an alarming increase in the use of drones.Expanding the paradigm: countering violent extremism in Britain and the need for a youth centric community based approach
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/6659
In recent years, both academics and politicians alike have struggled to develop a coherent strategy on how to hone in the threat posed by Islamic extremists at home and abroad. This issue has taken center stage in recent months with the emergence of the Islamic State (IS). This article will explore the UK’s experience with trying to contain Islamic extremism, focusing particularly on the role youth development may play in future endeavors.
2015-02-04T00:00:00ZPowers, Samuel TylerIn recent years, both academics and politicians alike have struggled to develop a coherent strategy on how to hone in the threat posed by Islamic extremists at home and abroad. This issue has taken center stage in recent months with the emergence of the Islamic State (IS). This article will explore the UK’s experience with trying to contain Islamic extremism, focusing particularly on the role youth development may play in future endeavors.The use of structures in communication networks to track membership in terrorist groups
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/6658
This concept paper investigates possibilities to detect terrorist cells based on communications between individuals without the need for wiretapping. The advantages of such procedure are apparent: fewer (if any) legal requirements, and, most importantly, the possibility to automate the surveillance. After a brief review of the pertinent literature, we offer three approaches that are designed to aid in the detection of not only terrorist cells, but also the command structures within the cells. The techniques are demonstrated by using a small illustration. The paper concludes by outlining limitations of the procedures described here.
2015-02-04T00:00:00ZEiselt, H. A.Bhadbury, J.This concept paper investigates possibilities to detect terrorist cells based on communications between individuals without the need for wiretapping. The advantages of such procedure are apparent: fewer (if any) legal requirements, and, most importantly, the possibility to automate the surveillance. After a brief review of the pertinent literature, we offer three approaches that are designed to aid in the detection of not only terrorist cells, but also the command structures within the cells. The techniques are demonstrated by using a small illustration. The paper concludes by outlining limitations of the procedures described here.Justin Gest. Apart: alienated and engaged Muslims in the West. London, Hurst & Company, 2010
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5628
Cloth, 256 pages, ISBN: 978-0-231-70188-4, $35.00, Reviewed by Alison McConnell, Gulu Support the Children Organisation (GUSCO), Gulu, Uganda
2011-02-02T00:00:00ZMcConnell, AlisonCloth, 256 pages, ISBN: 978-0-231-70188-4, $35.00, Reviewed by Alison McConnell, Gulu Support the Children Organisation (GUSCO), Gulu, UgandaGilles Kepel. Beyond terror and martyrdom: the future of the Middle East. Cambridge, MA, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2008
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5627
Paperback $27.95, pp. 336. ISBN: 9780674031388, Reviewed by Scott Nicholas Romaniuk, University of Aberdeen, Aberdeen, United Kingdom
2011-02-02T00:00:00ZRomaniuk, Scott NicholasPaperback $27.95, pp. 336. ISBN: 9780674031388, Reviewed by Scott Nicholas Romaniuk, University of Aberdeen, Aberdeen, United KingdomJohn Calvert. Sayyid Qutb and the origins of radical Islamism. New York: Columbia University Press, 2010
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5626
pp. vii+377, (Hardback). ISBN978-0-231-70104-4, Reviewed by Mohamed Daadaoui, Oklahoma City University, Oklahoma City, O.K., US
2011-01-24T00:00:00ZDaadaoui, Mohamedpp. vii+377, (Hardback). ISBN978-0-231-70104-4, Reviewed by Mohamed Daadaoui, Oklahoma City University, Oklahoma City, O.K., USGraham Fuller. A world without Islam. London: Little, Brown and Company, 2010
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5625
Paperback £13.99; pp. 336. ISBN-13: 978-0316041195, Reviewed by Gilbert Ramsay, University of St Andrews, St Andrews, UK
2011-01-13T00:00:00ZRamsay, GilbertPaperback £13.99; pp. 336. ISBN-13: 978-0316041195, Reviewed by Gilbert Ramsay, University of St Andrews, St Andrews, UKDonald Liddick. Eco-terrorism: radical environmental and animal liberation movements. Westport, Connecticut, Praeger Publishers, 2006
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5624
Hardcover $39.95, pp. 300. ISBN-13: 978-0-27598-535-6 Reviewed by Michael Loadenthal, Georgetown University, Washington, D.C., US
2011-01-13T00:00:00ZLoadenthal, MichaelHardcover $39.95, pp. 300. ISBN-13: 978-0-27598-535-6 Reviewed by Michael Loadenthal, Georgetown University, Washington, D.C., USGangs and terrorist: dangerous classmates in Minnesota’s Somali community
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5623
Morning television programs are suddenly interrupted across the world as pictures of frightened people running panicked through downtown city streets fill the airwaves. In the background, smoke and flames billow from a towering icon of the cityscape. Panic grips the US as security goes on high alert across the nation, bringing a virtual standstill to transportation and commerce. The Commodities Exchange closes during the middle of the day sending shockwaves through the global financial establishment.
2011-04-26T00:00:00ZBrown, ChristopherMorning television programs are suddenly interrupted across the world as pictures of frightened people running panicked through downtown city streets fill the airwaves. In the background, smoke and flames billow from a towering icon of the cityscape. Panic grips the US as security goes on high alert across the nation, bringing a virtual standstill to transportation and commerce. The Commodities Exchange closes during the middle of the day sending shockwaves through the global financial establishment.Revolts in the Arab world: is it bad news for Islamic terrorists?
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5622
Everything started when a young man set himself on fire in the provincial town of Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia. Mohamed Bouazizi, this was his name, was selling fruit and vegetables on the street without a license. After a policewoman stopped him and confiscated his cart and produce, he felt so angry and desperate that he took that drastic decision. It was December 17th,2010. Since then a long series of demonstrations, riots and revolts have quickly and unabatedly spread from Tunisia throughout the Arab world. Tunisia, Algeria, Libya, Egypt, Jordan, Yemen, Oman and Bahrain, among others, were all affected in one way or another by these events. Tunisia’s President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was ousted and Egypt’s President Hosni Mubarak experienced the same fate.
2011-04-07T00:00:00ZLilli, EugenioEverything started when a young man set himself on fire in the provincial town of Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia. Mohamed Bouazizi, this was his name, was selling fruit and vegetables on the street without a license. After a policewoman stopped him and confiscated his cart and produce, he felt so angry and desperate that he took that drastic decision. It was December 17th,2010. Since then a long series of demonstrations, riots and revolts have quickly and unabatedly spread from Tunisia throughout the Arab world. Tunisia, Algeria, Libya, Egypt, Jordan, Yemen, Oman and Bahrain, among others, were all affected in one way or another by these events. Tunisia’s President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was ousted and Egypt’s President Hosni Mubarak experienced the same fate.What do ‘middle class’ terrorists tell us about the link between poverty and terrorism?
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5621
Introduced in 2006, the Prevent workstream of the UK’s counter-terrorism strategy (CONTEST) has provided a focus for often heated debates about what drives people to support or take part in violent extremism and terrorism in the UK. Six months after the new Conservative – Liberal Democrat coalition government announced an extensive review of Prevent, David Cameron used his speech to the Munich Security Conference 2011 [1]to set out his position in relation to these debates. He distanced himself from what he referred to as the ‘hard right’ and the ‘soft left’.
2011-04-07T00:00:00ZBusher, JoelIntroduced in 2006, the Prevent workstream of the UK’s counter-terrorism strategy (CONTEST) has provided a focus for often heated debates about what drives people to support or take part in violent extremism and terrorism in the UK. Six months after the new Conservative – Liberal Democrat coalition government announced an extensive review of Prevent, David Cameron used his speech to the Munich Security Conference 2011 [1]to set out his position in relation to these debates. He distanced himself from what he referred to as the ‘hard right’ and the ‘soft left’.Repairing the cracked lens: redefining British Muslim identity in Conservative Britain
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5620
The recent landmark election results in 2010 witnessed the end of an era for Labour under Gordon Brown and the herald of a new political landscape with the Coalition government of the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats. The challenges for the new coalition are no less daunting than they were under the former government. The need to examine aspects of British identity from political and cultural perspectives has never been more poignant, especially in the face of continuing threats from domestic and international extremism – both far right and religious. The defeat of the BNP in Dagenham last year, resulting in all of its twelve councilors failing to be reelected can be considered a positive outcome for British politics so far as right wing extremism is concerned. The increase in Muslim MPs is also considered by many as another positive for British politics. While these apparent achievements may reflect the more appealing façade of the political climate, a redefining of who and what represents Muslim identity in 21st century Britain is necessary in view of the increasing misunderstanding and rictus gap between wider non-Muslim society and Muslim communities.
2011-03-14T00:00:00ZBaker, Abdul HaqqThe recent landmark election results in 2010 witnessed the end of an era for Labour under Gordon Brown and the herald of a new political landscape with the Coalition government of the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats. The challenges for the new coalition are no less daunting than they were under the former government. The need to examine aspects of British identity from political and cultural perspectives has never been more poignant, especially in the face of continuing threats from domestic and international extremism – both far right and religious. The defeat of the BNP in Dagenham last year, resulting in all of its twelve councilors failing to be reelected can be considered a positive outcome for British politics so far as right wing extremism is concerned. The increase in Muslim MPs is also considered by many as another positive for British politics. While these apparent achievements may reflect the more appealing façade of the political climate, a redefining of who and what represents Muslim identity in 21st century Britain is necessary in view of the increasing misunderstanding and rictus gap between wider non-Muslim society and Muslim communities.The need for situational awareness in a CBRNE attack
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5619
Six years before the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, and eight years before the United States went to war with Saddam Hussein for his alleged concealment of chemical and biological weapons caches, Japan's Tokyo subway was struck by one of the most vicious terror attacks in modern history. The 1995 Sarin terrorist attack represents an important case study for post-9/11 emergency managers because it highlights the key issues first responders and public health officials face when confronted with a CBRNE (Chemical, Biological, Radiological, Nuclear, Explosive) mass-casualty attack.
2011-02-02T00:00:00ZNelms, JordanSix years before the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, and eight years before the United States went to war with Saddam Hussein for his alleged concealment of chemical and biological weapons caches, Japan's Tokyo subway was struck by one of the most vicious terror attacks in modern history. The 1995 Sarin terrorist attack represents an important case study for post-9/11 emergency managers because it highlights the key issues first responders and public health officials face when confronted with a CBRNE (Chemical, Biological, Radiological, Nuclear, Explosive) mass-casualty attack.The peril of hasty triumphalism and Osama bin Laden’s death
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5618
On May 1, 2011 the headlines of a large number of newspapers and TV channels around the world were saying “justice has been done”. Those were the words used by the US President Barack Obama to announce to the world the killing of Osama bin Laden, the number one terrorist on the US most-wanted list.
2011-05-13T00:00:00ZLilli, EugenioOn May 1, 2011 the headlines of a large number of newspapers and TV channels around the world were saying “justice has been done”. Those were the words used by the US President Barack Obama to announce to the world the killing of Osama bin Laden, the number one terrorist on the US most-wanted list.The Central Intelligence Agency’s armed Remotely Piloted Vehicle-supported counter-insurgency campaign in Pakistan – a mission undermined by unintended consequences?
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5614
This paper views America's 'drones-first' counter-insurgency effort in Pakistan through the lens of Merton's theory of the unintended consequences of purposive action. It also references Beck’s Risk Society thesis, America’s Revolution in Military Affairs doctrine, Toft’s theory of isomorphic learning, Langer’s theory of mindfulness, Highly Reliable Organisations theory and the social construction of technology (SCOT) argument. With reference to Merton’s theory, the CIA-directed armed Remotely Piloted Vehicle (RPV) campaign has manifest functions, latent functions and latent dysfunctions. Measured against numbers of suspected insurgents killed, the campaign can be judged a success. Measured against the level of collateral damage or the state of US-Pakistan relations, the campaign can be judged a failure. Values determine the choice of metrics. Because RPV operations eliminate risk to American service personnel, and because this is popular with both US citizens and politicians, collateral damage (the killing of civilians) is not considered a policy-changing dysfunction. However, the latent dysfunctions of America's drones-first policy may be so great as to undermine that policy's intended manifest function – to make a net contribution to the War on Terror. In Vietnam the latent dysfunctions of Westmoreland’s attritional war undermined America’s policy of containment. Vietnam holds a lesson for the Obama administration.
2014-09-01T00:00:00ZBennett, SimonThis paper views America's 'drones-first' counter-insurgency effort in Pakistan through the lens of Merton's theory of the unintended consequences of purposive action. It also references Beck’s Risk Society thesis, America’s Revolution in Military Affairs doctrine, Toft’s theory of isomorphic learning, Langer’s theory of mindfulness, Highly Reliable Organisations theory and the social construction of technology (SCOT) argument. With reference to Merton’s theory, the CIA-directed armed Remotely Piloted Vehicle (RPV) campaign has manifest functions, latent functions and latent dysfunctions. Measured against numbers of suspected insurgents killed, the campaign can be judged a success. Measured against the level of collateral damage or the state of US-Pakistan relations, the campaign can be judged a failure. Values determine the choice of metrics. Because RPV operations eliminate risk to American service personnel, and because this is popular with both US citizens and politicians, collateral damage (the killing of civilians) is not considered a policy-changing dysfunction. However, the latent dysfunctions of America's drones-first policy may be so great as to undermine that policy's intended manifest function – to make a net contribution to the War on Terror. In Vietnam the latent dysfunctions of Westmoreland’s attritional war undermined America’s policy of containment. Vietnam holds a lesson for the Obama administration.Human bombing - a religious act
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5613
The issue of human bombing, which is popularly known as suicide bombing has become important in the Western world since the 9/11 and 7/7 attacks. Since then the issue of human bombing has become important to academia, the media, and security experts. This interest has resulted in much literature attempting to explain why human bombings take place and what motivates the bombers; for instance, the works of Gambetta (2006); Pape (2006); Merari (2010); Hafez (2006, 2007); Wright (2007); Bloom (2005, 2010); Friedman (2005); and Khosrokhavar (2005).
2014-09-01T00:00:00ZIlyas, MohammedThe issue of human bombing, which is popularly known as suicide bombing has become important in the Western world since the 9/11 and 7/7 attacks. Since then the issue of human bombing has become important to academia, the media, and security experts. This interest has resulted in much literature attempting to explain why human bombings take place and what motivates the bombers; for instance, the works of Gambetta (2006); Pape (2006); Merari (2010); Hafez (2006, 2007); Wright (2007); Bloom (2005, 2010); Friedman (2005); and Khosrokhavar (2005).Entering the black hole: the Taliban, terrorism, and organised crime
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5612
Cooperation and imitation among crime and terror groups in recent years has given rise to a crime-terror nexus. A linear conceptualisation of a crime-terror spectrum, suggests that complete convergence of crime and terror in a failed state can give rise to a ‘black hole.’ Theoretical models of the crime-terror nexus, however, do not specify the means by which a crime-terror group enters this black hole state, yet others do not. Using the Taliban movement as a case study, this article presents a theoretical extension of black hole theory, using organisation-level characteristics to merge black hole theory with the crime-terror continuum.
2014-09-01T00:00:00ZPhillips, Matthew D.Kamen, Emily A.Cooperation and imitation among crime and terror groups in recent years has given rise to a crime-terror nexus. A linear conceptualisation of a crime-terror spectrum, suggests that complete convergence of crime and terror in a failed state can give rise to a ‘black hole.’ Theoretical models of the crime-terror nexus, however, do not specify the means by which a crime-terror group enters this black hole state, yet others do not. Using the Taliban movement as a case study, this article presents a theoretical extension of black hole theory, using organisation-level characteristics to merge black hole theory with the crime-terror continuum.The theatre of cruelty: dehumanization, objectification & Abu Ghraib
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5611
A clumsy pyramid of kneeling men, naked apart from the hoods over their heads, with a smiling, fair-headed woman and a grinning man with a moustache, wearing green cleaning gloves; a slight woman with a blank expression and a man on the floor, on a limp leash; a hooded, robed figure, standing on a box with his arms outstretched and a pose similar to the crucifixion, with sinister wires behind him, and otherwise blank surroundings. A row of more hooded, naked men, forced to do sexual acts as a female prison guard (Lynndie England), tanned and wearing various shades of khaki, grins and does a thumbs up sign, pointing at him, her cigarette tilted and her expression not altogether different from Bonnie in Bonnie and Clyde. A man in uniform and a black beanie hat, sitting on an Iraqi prisoner. Another pyramid of naked detainees, with a man and women behind them, smiling arm in arm, as if they are standing by a caught wild boar or large fish, or a well-organised barbeque. The moustached man (Charles Graner), again smiling and giving a thumbs up sign, this time over a corpse, whose bloody eyes have been bandaged. A naked prisoner covering his ears, as several dogs bark at him, and soldiers watch on. Another prisoner chained to a bed-frame, with some underpants covering his face. These infamous scenes, shown in the Abu Ghraib photographs, shocked many people, and the perpetrators of the torture depicted were condemned by the relevant authorities. They transformed from clandestine mementos of hidden violence to records of an international scandal and evidence of serious crime. Their meaning changed depending on who saw them, how they were interpreted, what reactions they provoked, and the rulings of the courts regarding the people involved. They went from being private victory shots, to an international public relations disaster, to evidence of breaking of the Geneva Convention.
2014-09-30T00:00:00ZSpens, ChristianaA clumsy pyramid of kneeling men, naked apart from the hoods over their heads, with a smiling, fair-headed woman and a grinning man with a moustache, wearing green cleaning gloves; a slight woman with a blank expression and a man on the floor, on a limp leash; a hooded, robed figure, standing on a box with his arms outstretched and a pose similar to the crucifixion, with sinister wires behind him, and otherwise blank surroundings. A row of more hooded, naked men, forced to do sexual acts as a female prison guard (Lynndie England), tanned and wearing various shades of khaki, grins and does a thumbs up sign, pointing at him, her cigarette tilted and her expression not altogether different from Bonnie in Bonnie and Clyde. A man in uniform and a black beanie hat, sitting on an Iraqi prisoner. Another pyramid of naked detainees, with a man and women behind them, smiling arm in arm, as if they are standing by a caught wild boar or large fish, or a well-organised barbeque. The moustached man (Charles Graner), again smiling and giving a thumbs up sign, this time over a corpse, whose bloody eyes have been bandaged. A naked prisoner covering his ears, as several dogs bark at him, and soldiers watch on. Another prisoner chained to a bed-frame, with some underpants covering his face. These infamous scenes, shown in the Abu Ghraib photographs, shocked many people, and the perpetrators of the torture depicted were condemned by the relevant authorities. They transformed from clandestine mementos of hidden violence to records of an international scandal and evidence of serious crime. Their meaning changed depending on who saw them, how they were interpreted, what reactions they provoked, and the rulings of the courts regarding the people involved. They went from being private victory shots, to an international public relations disaster, to evidence of breaking of the Geneva Convention.Al-Qaeda in Gaza: isolating “the base”
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5610
In 1996, Osama bin Laden declared jihad against the American forces occupying Saudi Arabia, calling for Muslims to expel the infidels from the “land of the two holy places.” The first sacred ground mentioned in this statement, however, was not Saudi Arabia but Palestine. His words seething with hatred, bin Laden scorned the Arab regimes for failing to recapture Jerusalem and described the situation as a festering wound upon the Islamic umma.[1] Fourteen years later, even after orchestrating devastating attacks in three Western capitals, Bin Laden’s al-Qaeda is still unable to do much against Israel besides issuing scathing diatribes. Its most vigorous efforts to establish itself in the Palestinian arena have been in the Gaza Strip. Here, however, al-Qaeda-linked groups are stymied by a perhaps surprising adversary: Hamas. But despite Hamas’s efforts to suppress them, Salafi-jihadi groups maintain an underground presence. Even if al-Qaeda affiliates remain weak operationally in comparison to Hamas, al-Qaeda’s ideology of global jihad seems to be on the rise in Gaza. Meanwhile, the al-Qaeda leadership is relentless in pursuing new and ingenious ways for its agents to penetrate the Strip. A Hamas weakened by a tightened blockade or another war with Israel would leave an opening for Salafi-jihadi militants. The prospect of these al-Qaeda-linked factions upsetting a fragile peace needs to be considered among the many other factors relevant to engagement with Hamas.
2010-11-30T00:00:00ZMarshall, WarrenIn 1996, Osama bin Laden declared jihad against the American forces occupying Saudi Arabia, calling for Muslims to expel the infidels from the “land of the two holy places.” The first sacred ground mentioned in this statement, however, was not Saudi Arabia but Palestine. His words seething with hatred, bin Laden scorned the Arab regimes for failing to recapture Jerusalem and described the situation as a festering wound upon the Islamic umma.[1] Fourteen years later, even after orchestrating devastating attacks in three Western capitals, Bin Laden’s al-Qaeda is still unable to do much against Israel besides issuing scathing diatribes. Its most vigorous efforts to establish itself in the Palestinian arena have been in the Gaza Strip. Here, however, al-Qaeda-linked groups are stymied by a perhaps surprising adversary: Hamas. But despite Hamas’s efforts to suppress them, Salafi-jihadi groups maintain an underground presence. Even if al-Qaeda affiliates remain weak operationally in comparison to Hamas, al-Qaeda’s ideology of global jihad seems to be on the rise in Gaza. Meanwhile, the al-Qaeda leadership is relentless in pursuing new and ingenious ways for its agents to penetrate the Strip. A Hamas weakened by a tightened blockade or another war with Israel would leave an opening for Salafi-jihadi militants. The prospect of these al-Qaeda-linked factions upsetting a fragile peace needs to be considered among the many other factors relevant to engagement with Hamas.Thinking about the 'law of unintended consequences'
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5609
The United State’s now-not-so-covert drone based program targeting Al Qaeda (AQ) and Taliban commanders based in Pakistan’s inhospitable and hostile Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FETA) has been operational since 2004. However, US air strikes in Pakistan’s tribal belt have steadily escalated over the past three years. The US has claimed that these attacks have successfully decimated core Al Qaeda and Taliban leadership. This past September alone the US military conducted 26 drone strikes in Pakistan, racking up a figure that the BBC is calling the "highest monthly total for the past six years". Not only do these steadily escalating drone strikes raise some pertinent questions about US/NATO successes claimed under the rubric of the Global War on Terror (or if you prefer, the Overseas Contingency Operations) but they also shed some light on the deteriorating political situation in Pakistan.
2010-10-13T00:00:00ZSingh, RashmiThe United State’s now-not-so-covert drone based program targeting Al Qaeda (AQ) and Taliban commanders based in Pakistan’s inhospitable and hostile Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FETA) has been operational since 2004. However, US air strikes in Pakistan’s tribal belt have steadily escalated over the past three years. The US has claimed that these attacks have successfully decimated core Al Qaeda and Taliban leadership. This past September alone the US military conducted 26 drone strikes in Pakistan, racking up a figure that the BBC is calling the "highest monthly total for the past six years". Not only do these steadily escalating drone strikes raise some pertinent questions about US/NATO successes claimed under the rubric of the Global War on Terror (or if you prefer, the Overseas Contingency Operations) but they also shed some light on the deteriorating political situation in Pakistan.Myriam Denov. Child soldiers: Sierra Leone’s Revolutionary United Front. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2010
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5608
Paperback £16.99, pp. 246. ISBN-13: 9780521693219, Reviewed by Emma Leonard, University of St Andrews, St Andrews, UK
2010-07-28T00:00:00ZLeonard, EmmaPaperback £16.99, pp. 246. ISBN-13: 9780521693219, Reviewed by Emma Leonard, University of St Andrews, St Andrews, UKAudrey Kurth Cronin. How terrorism ends: understanding the decline and demise of terrorist campaigns. Princeton University Press: New Jersey, 2009
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5607
pp. 330. $29.95 ISBN: 978-1-4008-3114-2., Reviewed by Cheryl M. Graham,University of Aberdeen, Aberdeen, UK
2010-10-29T00:00:00ZGraham, Cheryl M.pp. 330. $29.95 ISBN: 978-1-4008-3114-2., Reviewed by Cheryl M. Graham,University of Aberdeen, Aberdeen, UKDecentralised leadership in contemporary jihadism: towards a global social movement
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5606
On October 19th 2003, nearly six months after the outset of the invasion of Iraq by US troops, a video was released by al-Qaeda media arm al-Sahab showing Osama bin Laden directly threatening Spain. In his words, Spain, then governed by Prime Minister José Maria Aznar from the Partido Popular (PP), may face a terrorist attack should Spanish military forces continue to be part of the coalition that invaded Iraq[1] and toppled the Saddam Hussein regime. Less than six months later, on March 11th 2004, Madrid was shaken by coordinated bomb attacks in several commuter trains at peak hours, killing 191 people and wounding thousands. The “first well-known al-Qaeda-inspired terrorist conspiracy in Europe”[2] had been in preparation for years thanks to the long-term presence of radical Islamists on Spanish soil. The first jihadist bombing on this continent since 9/11[3] seemed to have answered Osama bin Laden’s warning call. Those who later claimed responsibility for these attacks pointed out Iraq as their main source of motivation. Symbolically the bombings were carried out a few days before the first anniversary of Iraq’s invasion. On the national scene, because “terrorism is meant to terrify”[4] and affect an audience, terrorists clearly intended to affect the outcome of the national general elections scheduled three days later. The Madrid terrorists were not self-starters, nor were they members of al-Qaeda who had performed an oath of allegiance to bin Laden. Instead, they were mostly first-generation immigrants from Northern Africa or the Near East who had been settled in Spain for years, had decent jobs and for some of them wives and children[5]. The setting up of the Madrid bombings was an illustration of the rising context of the contemporary jihadist movement, targeting a country and blaming it for what was happening thousands of kilometres away. This example is highly valuable to describe the continuously evolving nature of the jihadist movement up to now.
2011-05-18T00:00:00ZBartolo, RomainOn October 19th 2003, nearly six months after the outset of the invasion of Iraq by US troops, a video was released by al-Qaeda media arm al-Sahab showing Osama bin Laden directly threatening Spain. In his words, Spain, then governed by Prime Minister José Maria Aznar from the Partido Popular (PP), may face a terrorist attack should Spanish military forces continue to be part of the coalition that invaded Iraq[1] and toppled the Saddam Hussein regime. Less than six months later, on March 11th 2004, Madrid was shaken by coordinated bomb attacks in several commuter trains at peak hours, killing 191 people and wounding thousands. The “first well-known al-Qaeda-inspired terrorist conspiracy in Europe”[2] had been in preparation for years thanks to the long-term presence of radical Islamists on Spanish soil. The first jihadist bombing on this continent since 9/11[3] seemed to have answered Osama bin Laden’s warning call. Those who later claimed responsibility for these attacks pointed out Iraq as their main source of motivation. Symbolically the bombings were carried out a few days before the first anniversary of Iraq’s invasion. On the national scene, because “terrorism is meant to terrify”[4] and affect an audience, terrorists clearly intended to affect the outcome of the national general elections scheduled three days later. The Madrid terrorists were not self-starters, nor were they members of al-Qaeda who had performed an oath of allegiance to bin Laden. Instead, they were mostly first-generation immigrants from Northern Africa or the Near East who had been settled in Spain for years, had decent jobs and for some of them wives and children[5]. The setting up of the Madrid bombings was an illustration of the rising context of the contemporary jihadist movement, targeting a country and blaming it for what was happening thousands of kilometres away. This example is highly valuable to describe the continuously evolving nature of the jihadist movement up to now.Listening to the victims of terrorism
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5605
When my grandfather retired from the Metropolitan Police in 1924 society paid little attention to the perspectives and needs of the victims of crime. This was as true for the victims of terrorism as for victims of other crimes. More recently the perspectives and interests of victims of crime in general and the victims of terrorism in particular have often assumed significant importance, not least in politics and in the media.
2011-01-14T00:00:00ZRobert, LambertWhen my grandfather retired from the Metropolitan Police in 1924 society paid little attention to the perspectives and needs of the victims of crime. This was as true for the victims of terrorism as for victims of other crimes. More recently the perspectives and interests of victims of crime in general and the victims of terrorism in particular have often assumed significant importance, not least in politics and in the media.Electoral politics and ETA’s ceasefire
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5604
The recent Euskadi ta Alkartasuna (ETA) ceasefire declaration has been received with much interest and fanfare by the international media. The same announcement was met instead with a tangible lack of enthusiasm by Spanish and Basque political figures. The Spanish president Zapatero, the Basque president Lopez and Urkullu, the leader of the most voted Basque nationalist party (PNV), agreed that the communiqué was a ‘step forward’ but ultimately ‘insufficient’ and ‘not the news the country had been hoping for’. Such mix of scepticism and disappointment is partly a product of the previous failed experience with the 2006 ETA truce. Months of painstakingly slow negotiations between ETA and government representatives were then shattered with a bomb attack at Madrid airport that killed two people. The outcome left the Zapatero’s government frustrated and unwilling to get their fingers burnt again.
2011-01-24T00:00:00ZArgomaniz, JavierThe recent Euskadi ta Alkartasuna (ETA) ceasefire declaration has been received with much interest and fanfare by the international media. The same announcement was met instead with a tangible lack of enthusiasm by Spanish and Basque political figures. The Spanish president Zapatero, the Basque president Lopez and Urkullu, the leader of the most voted Basque nationalist party (PNV), agreed that the communiqué was a ‘step forward’ but ultimately ‘insufficient’ and ‘not the news the country had been hoping for’. Such mix of scepticism and disappointment is partly a product of the previous failed experience with the 2006 ETA truce. Months of painstakingly slow negotiations between ETA and government representatives were then shattered with a bomb attack at Madrid airport that killed two people. The outcome left the Zapatero’s government frustrated and unwilling to get their fingers burnt again.An analysis of the public reporting to Lothian and Borders police on perceived terrorism-related matters after the Glasgow Airport terrorist attack in 2007
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5600
The Glasgow Airport terrorist attack of 2007 led to the initiation of a Lothian and Borders Police operation to investigate an expected increase in the public reporting of terrorism-related matters. This paper considers the two specific areas of data in respect of these reports: the reporters and the information they imparted. An analysis of reporter characteristics is undertaken, highlighting areas of interest concerning age, employment and place of birth. The information imparted to the police is then analysed with particular aspects of reporting identified, primarily the activity the subject was undertaking, with sub-analysis of ethnicity of subjects and premises cited. The influence of the media is also considered. The conclusions centre on the prevalence of Asian subjects in the reporting, an apparent lack of minority reporters and the nature of the public implications concerning terrorist activity as opposed to overt expressions of the nature of suspicions.
2010-09-27T00:00:00ZGallagher, MartinThe Glasgow Airport terrorist attack of 2007 led to the initiation of a Lothian and Borders Police operation to investigate an expected increase in the public reporting of terrorism-related matters. This paper considers the two specific areas of data in respect of these reports: the reporters and the information they imparted. An analysis of reporter characteristics is undertaken, highlighting areas of interest concerning age, employment and place of birth. The information imparted to the police is then analysed with particular aspects of reporting identified, primarily the activity the subject was undertaking, with sub-analysis of ethnicity of subjects and premises cited. The influence of the media is also considered. The conclusions centre on the prevalence of Asian subjects in the reporting, an apparent lack of minority reporters and the nature of the public implications concerning terrorist activity as opposed to overt expressions of the nature of suspicions.Andrew Silke, et al., (edited by Andrew Silke). Prisons, terrorism and extremism: critical issues in management, radicalisation and reform
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5598
Routledge: Oxon UK, 2014. pp. 282. £28.99. ISBN: 978-0-415-81038-8.
Reviewed by Robert W. Hand
2014-09-01T00:00:00ZHand, Robert W.Routledge: Oxon UK, 2014. pp. 282. £28.99. ISBN: 978-0-415-81038-8.
Reviewed by Robert W. HandAnthony Richards, Peter Fussey and Andrew Silke (eds.). Terrorism and the Olympics: major event security and lessons for the future
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5597
Routledge: Oxon UK, 2011. pp. 243. Hardcover: £68.50-£81.00. ISBN: 978–0–415–49939–2. Paperback (Avail. 1 Apr 2012): £24.95. Amazon Kindle: £56.52.
Reviewed by Robert W. Hand University of Aberdeen Istanbul, Turkey
2012-07-10T00:00:00ZHand, Robert W.Routledge: Oxon UK, 2011. pp. 243. Hardcover: £68.50-£81.00. ISBN: 978–0–415–49939–2. Paperback (Avail. 1 Apr 2012): £24.95. Amazon Kindle: £56.52.
Reviewed by Robert W. Hand University of Aberdeen Istanbul, TurkeyCase studies in exploiting terrorist group divisions with disinformation and divisive/black propaganda
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5596
Counterterrorism operations should be exploiting the divisions and infighting of terrorist groups. The overall goal should be to make fewer mistakes than the jihadis, help increase inter-group and intra-group tension, and further their disconnection from the wider public. This paper argues that strategic psychological operations (PSYOP) that focus on exploiting rifts in leadership, differences in strategic planning, and ethnic, national and tribal differences within and among terrorist groups could be an integral part of overall counterterrorism efforts. Using three case studies, chosen because of the attention given to them in the international community and the illuminating group and leadership characteristics that can be found in many other jihadist organisations, the paper illustrates that PSYOP that expand on the existing framework could be very effective in countering the jihadist threat.
2010-07-22T00:00:00ZGarner, GeorgeCounterterrorism operations should be exploiting the divisions and infighting of terrorist groups. The overall goal should be to make fewer mistakes than the jihadis, help increase inter-group and intra-group tension, and further their disconnection from the wider public. This paper argues that strategic psychological operations (PSYOP) that focus on exploiting rifts in leadership, differences in strategic planning, and ethnic, national and tribal differences within and among terrorist groups could be an integral part of overall counterterrorism efforts. Using three case studies, chosen because of the attention given to them in the international community and the illuminating group and leadership characteristics that can be found in many other jihadist organisations, the paper illustrates that PSYOP that expand on the existing framework could be very effective in countering the jihadist threat.Revenge or reward? The case of Somalia’s suicide bombers
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5595
This article explores the social mechanisms that lead to the emergence of suicide attacks in new theatres, as well as factors influencing the frequency of such suicide attacks, by studying one of the states in which suicide attacks have most recently occurred – Somalia. The article argues that a suicide attack in the Somali setting seems to be a well-planned reaction to diplomatic or military moves by opposing parties in the conflict. However, it also poses that the initial emergence of suicide attacks in Somalia is grounded in ideological elements new to Somalia. The article thus argues that while frequency variations in suicide attacks are best understood as the result of rational calculations within an organisation, ideological elements and organisational belief systems have to be explored in order to understand the initial adoption of suicide attacks in Somalia.
2010-07-22T00:00:00ZHansen, Stig JarleThis article explores the social mechanisms that lead to the emergence of suicide attacks in new theatres, as well as factors influencing the frequency of such suicide attacks, by studying one of the states in which suicide attacks have most recently occurred – Somalia. The article argues that a suicide attack in the Somali setting seems to be a well-planned reaction to diplomatic or military moves by opposing parties in the conflict. However, it also poses that the initial emergence of suicide attacks in Somalia is grounded in ideological elements new to Somalia. The article thus argues that while frequency variations in suicide attacks are best understood as the result of rational calculations within an organisation, ideological elements and organisational belief systems have to be explored in order to understand the initial adoption of suicide attacks in Somalia.Drones, the US and the new wars in Africa
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5586
Since the early 20th Century, Africa has witnessed varying degrees of subversion from the Mau Mau nationalist campaigners in Kenya in the 1950s to acts by rebel groups in the infamous intrastate wars of Sub-Saharan Africa. While the first movement evolved mainly from political acts geared towards the struggle for independence, the latter was mostly evident in attempts to obtain psychological or strategic advantages by combatants in the brutal civil wars of Liberia, Sierra Leone, the African Great Lakes region and a number of such civil war theatres in Africa. The element of unrestrained violence commonly identified as a defining feature of terrorism (Attuquayefio, 2006), was palpable in all these movements, yet the socio-political or military drive for these movements barely included religion. The 1990s, however, marked the dawn of religious fundamentalism and its induced terrorism in Africa. With an overwhelming proportion of these terrorist movements tracing their foundations to Islam, a religion that is ordinarily portrayed as one of peace ironically continues to roll out some of the worst acts of terrorism in Africa. This arguably came to the limelight with the August 7, 1998 terrorist bombings of the US embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam that killed over two hundred people. Subsequently in 2002, an Israeli-owned hotel in Mombasa, Kenya was attacked. (Lyman & Morrison, 2004) The attribution of these events to the Egypt-based Islamic Jihad and other Al Qaeda surrogates such as its name sake in the Islamic Maghreb was the first public indication that international terrorist organisations were inducing affiliates on the continent. Subsequently, actions of Al-Shabaab in Somalia, the rise of Boko Haram in Northern Nigeria, the insurrection of Islamic Fundamentalists in Mali in March 2012 as well as the renewed interest in security on the continent by the US and key European countries such as the United Kingdom and France all point to Africa’s emerging relevance as a frontier for the global War on Terrorism.
2014-09-29T00:00:00ZAttuquayefio, PhilipSince the early 20th Century, Africa has witnessed varying degrees of subversion from the Mau Mau nationalist campaigners in Kenya in the 1950s to acts by rebel groups in the infamous intrastate wars of Sub-Saharan Africa. While the first movement evolved mainly from political acts geared towards the struggle for independence, the latter was mostly evident in attempts to obtain psychological or strategic advantages by combatants in the brutal civil wars of Liberia, Sierra Leone, the African Great Lakes region and a number of such civil war theatres in Africa. The element of unrestrained violence commonly identified as a defining feature of terrorism (Attuquayefio, 2006), was palpable in all these movements, yet the socio-political or military drive for these movements barely included religion. The 1990s, however, marked the dawn of religious fundamentalism and its induced terrorism in Africa. With an overwhelming proportion of these terrorist movements tracing their foundations to Islam, a religion that is ordinarily portrayed as one of peace ironically continues to roll out some of the worst acts of terrorism in Africa. This arguably came to the limelight with the August 7, 1998 terrorist bombings of the US embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam that killed over two hundred people. Subsequently in 2002, an Israeli-owned hotel in Mombasa, Kenya was attacked. (Lyman & Morrison, 2004) The attribution of these events to the Egypt-based Islamic Jihad and other Al Qaeda surrogates such as its name sake in the Islamic Maghreb was the first public indication that international terrorist organisations were inducing affiliates on the continent. Subsequently, actions of Al-Shabaab in Somalia, the rise of Boko Haram in Northern Nigeria, the insurrection of Islamic Fundamentalists in Mali in March 2012 as well as the renewed interest in security on the continent by the US and key European countries such as the United Kingdom and France all point to Africa’s emerging relevance as a frontier for the global War on Terrorism.Operation Pillar of Defence and the 2013 Israeli elections: defensive or provocative intervention?
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4928
Based on the research on the psychological and political effects of terrorism, this paper focuses on the possible use of provocative counter-terrorism operations in order to influence the outcome of elections. Exploring the case of the Israeli Operation Pillar of Defence, that occurred from 14 November, 2012 to 21 November, the study resorts to qualitative and quantitative methods in a semi-flexible design with a view to exploring whether this operation, and the major escalation it took part in, was necessary and proportionate. The findings are that, in light of the broader context and Israeli experience with counter-terrorism responses, the political exploitation of the psychological effects of this crisis may have been a major motive in the decision to launch this operation.
2014-06-02T00:00:00ZOrenes, PhilippseBased on the research on the psychological and political effects of terrorism, this paper focuses on the possible use of provocative counter-terrorism operations in order to influence the outcome of elections. Exploring the case of the Israeli Operation Pillar of Defence, that occurred from 14 November, 2012 to 21 November, the study resorts to qualitative and quantitative methods in a semi-flexible design with a view to exploring whether this operation, and the major escalation it took part in, was necessary and proportionate. The findings are that, in light of the broader context and Israeli experience with counter-terrorism responses, the political exploitation of the psychological effects of this crisis may have been a major motive in the decision to launch this operation.Adversarial framing: President Bashar al-Assad’s depiction of the armed Syrian opposition
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4927
This paper evaluates how Syrian president Bashar al-Assad is framing his opponents in the context of the Syrian civil war. The question is addressed by conducting a qualitative thematic analysis of 13 interviews he gave to international television news networks and newspapers between March and November 2013. It is found that Al-Assad consequently labels the armed opposition as “terrorists” preponderantly composed of groups affiliated to Al-Qaeda. The “terrorists” are framed as posing a threat to the region as well as to international security on a global scale. Furthermore, Al-Assad denies the armed opposition its Syrian grassroots by portraying them as outside aggressors fighting for foreign interests. They are also depicted as “enemies of the Syrian people”, responsible for all the atrocities and human suffering committed during the Syrian civil war.
2014-06-02T00:00:00ZMerz, FabienThis paper evaluates how Syrian president Bashar al-Assad is framing his opponents in the context of the Syrian civil war. The question is addressed by conducting a qualitative thematic analysis of 13 interviews he gave to international television news networks and newspapers between March and November 2013. It is found that Al-Assad consequently labels the armed opposition as “terrorists” preponderantly composed of groups affiliated to Al-Qaeda. The “terrorists” are framed as posing a threat to the region as well as to international security on a global scale. Furthermore, Al-Assad denies the armed opposition its Syrian grassroots by portraying them as outside aggressors fighting for foreign interests. They are also depicted as “enemies of the Syrian people”, responsible for all the atrocities and human suffering committed during the Syrian civil war.Operation Enduring Freedom: institutional constraints, alliance commitments, and the power capabilities of counterterrorism
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4926
What prompted states to participate in the War on Terror? Conventional wisdom concludes that the endeavor is an unpopular exercise in US imperialism, yet this argument is juxtaposed with the overwhelming amount of international support in its initial stages. Additionally, while there is a great depth and breadth of information on aggregate terrorist attacks and their theoretical motivation, there is relatively little with regards to counterterrorist behavior. This study represents the first of its kind to examine from a global perspective the counterterrorist behavior of states by linking it to the conflict theories of general and immediate deterrence. The results will show how democratic characteristics inhibit military commitment while alliance obligations act as an outside constraint that engenders preemptive behavior. However, once committed militarily, state capabilities are the main influence on the level of preemptive action applied. This analysis supports the utilization of traditional conflict theories when examining state counterterrorist behavior.
2014-06-02T00:00:00ZKattelman, Kyle T.What prompted states to participate in the War on Terror? Conventional wisdom concludes that the endeavor is an unpopular exercise in US imperialism, yet this argument is juxtaposed with the overwhelming amount of international support in its initial stages. Additionally, while there is a great depth and breadth of information on aggregate terrorist attacks and their theoretical motivation, there is relatively little with regards to counterterrorist behavior. This study represents the first of its kind to examine from a global perspective the counterterrorist behavior of states by linking it to the conflict theories of general and immediate deterrence. The results will show how democratic characteristics inhibit military commitment while alliance obligations act as an outside constraint that engenders preemptive behavior. However, once committed militarily, state capabilities are the main influence on the level of preemptive action applied. This analysis supports the utilization of traditional conflict theories when examining state counterterrorist behavior.A case study of Anders B. Breivik’s intergroup conceptualisation
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4925
This paper undertakes summative content analytical case study of Anders Behring Breivik’s political manifesto, analysing Breivik’s conceptualisations of social ingroup and outgroup, and how these concepts interact. Findings indicate that Breivik conceptualises his ingroup on a three-level scale, ranging from specific to general. The outgroup is conceptualised as twofold, seen as either originating inside Breivik’s ingroup society or outside. A basic interaction pattern between the two group-conceptualisations was found, suggesting mutual reinforcement and a self-replicating pattern of radicalization and entrenched group-conceptualisation. Ingroup categories appeared to exist as hierarchical subsets, while outgroup categories were clearly differentiated as separate entities.
2014-06-02T00:00:00ZHolmen Johnsen, MathiasThis paper undertakes summative content analytical case study of Anders Behring Breivik’s political manifesto, analysing Breivik’s conceptualisations of social ingroup and outgroup, and how these concepts interact. Findings indicate that Breivik conceptualises his ingroup on a three-level scale, ranging from specific to general. The outgroup is conceptualised as twofold, seen as either originating inside Breivik’s ingroup society or outside. A basic interaction pattern between the two group-conceptualisations was found, suggesting mutual reinforcement and a self-replicating pattern of radicalization and entrenched group-conceptualisation. Ingroup categories appeared to exist as hierarchical subsets, while outgroup categories were clearly differentiated as separate entities.Assessing Boko Haram: a conversation
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4924
In terms of the current terrorist organisations in Sub-Saharan Africa, Boko Haram is undoubtedly one of the most high profile and among the more long-established. Following a panel session on the group at the 2013 conference of the Society for Terrorism Research at the university of East London, two of the panellists discuss the conceptualisation of the group, the nature and scale of the threat posed by the group, and what responses might offer a viable route away from the violence that has affected particularly Northern Nigeria since the onset of the Boko Haram insurgency.
Special Edition issue - Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa
2014-02-10T00:00:00ZAmaliya, MarkNwankpa, MichaelIn terms of the current terrorist organisations in Sub-Saharan Africa, Boko Haram is undoubtedly one of the most high profile and among the more long-established. Following a panel session on the group at the 2013 conference of the Society for Terrorism Research at the university of East London, two of the panellists discuss the conceptualisation of the group, the nature and scale of the threat posed by the group, and what responses might offer a viable route away from the violence that has affected particularly Northern Nigeria since the onset of the Boko Haram insurgency.Who is to teach “these guys” to “shoot less?”
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4923
While conducting research on counter-terrorism (CT) systems of the Central and Eastern European Member States of the European Union, a unique perspective on the European involvement in countering terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa was offered to the author by a Czech defence ministry official. In his view, the fact that his country made a decision to contribute “boots on the ground” to the European Union Training Mission in Mali (EUTM Mali) was astonishing, to say the least: “Things like Mali, you sometimes wonder how these thing happen, even if you are part of them (Havranek 2013).” Thus a decision to participate in this latest CT motivated (building a Malian military capable of taking on the jihadists of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, AQIM) EU venture in Africa seems not to have been preceded by a careful analysis and weighting of the options on behalf of his country. In fact, it seemed like a knee jerk reaction to a call for troops from France and subsequently from Brussels. In the end, we might even speculate if, in this very case, the Czech Republic duly settled on a number of troops to be sent to Mali (very low – in dozens) and comfortably ticked off the box on its involvement in yet another Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) military mission in Africa, and its contribution to external aspects of combating terrorism on EU level.
Special Edition issue - Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa
2014-01-10T00:00:00ZRekawek, KacperWhile conducting research on counter-terrorism (CT) systems of the Central and Eastern European Member States of the European Union, a unique perspective on the European involvement in countering terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa was offered to the author by a Czech defence ministry official. In his view, the fact that his country made a decision to contribute “boots on the ground” to the European Union Training Mission in Mali (EUTM Mali) was astonishing, to say the least: “Things like Mali, you sometimes wonder how these thing happen, even if you are part of them (Havranek 2013).” Thus a decision to participate in this latest CT motivated (building a Malian military capable of taking on the jihadists of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, AQIM) EU venture in Africa seems not to have been preceded by a careful analysis and weighting of the options on behalf of his country. In fact, it seemed like a knee jerk reaction to a call for troops from France and subsequently from Brussels. In the end, we might even speculate if, in this very case, the Czech Republic duly settled on a number of troops to be sent to Mali (very low – in dozens) and comfortably ticked off the box on its involvement in yet another Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) military mission in Africa, and its contribution to external aspects of combating terrorism on EU level.The politics of amnesty in Nigeria: a comparative analysis of the Boko Haram and Niger Delta insurgencies
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4922
This paper presents a comparative analysis of the Niger Delta amnesty programme and the proposed amnesty for Boko Haram insurgents in Nigeria. The motivation for comparing the two groups derives from the growing demand from some notable groups and individuals, mainly from the northern part of Nigeria, that the Boko Haram insurgents be granted amnesty just as the Niger Delta armed militants. One of such strong voices in favour of amnesty for Boko Haram insurgents is the Sultan of Sokoto, AlhajiSa’adAbubakar, who, on the 7th of March 2013, called for “total and unconditional” amnesty for Boko Haram. Sultan Abubakar’s demand has attracted mixed reaction as it is largely supported by the northern group-Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) and rejected by others such as the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN). The most serious reaction comes from the presidency in its commission, on April 24th 2013, of a presidential Committee on Dialogue and Peaceful Resolution of Security Challenges in the North. After an extension by 2 months of its initial 90 days task, the Turaki-led Committee on Dialogue and Peaceful Resolution of Security Challenges in the North has finally submitted its recommendations to the president. Two key recommendations are: the need to set up an advisory committee for continuous dialogue with Boko Haram (as the leadership of Boko Haram refused to dialogue) and a victims’ support fund to help victims of Boko Haram.
Special Edition issue - Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa
2014-02-10T00:00:00ZNwankpa, MichaelThis paper presents a comparative analysis of the Niger Delta amnesty programme and the proposed amnesty for Boko Haram insurgents in Nigeria. The motivation for comparing the two groups derives from the growing demand from some notable groups and individuals, mainly from the northern part of Nigeria, that the Boko Haram insurgents be granted amnesty just as the Niger Delta armed militants. One of such strong voices in favour of amnesty for Boko Haram insurgents is the Sultan of Sokoto, AlhajiSa’adAbubakar, who, on the 7th of March 2013, called for “total and unconditional” amnesty for Boko Haram. Sultan Abubakar’s demand has attracted mixed reaction as it is largely supported by the northern group-Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) and rejected by others such as the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN). The most serious reaction comes from the presidency in its commission, on April 24th 2013, of a presidential Committee on Dialogue and Peaceful Resolution of Security Challenges in the North. After an extension by 2 months of its initial 90 days task, the Turaki-led Committee on Dialogue and Peaceful Resolution of Security Challenges in the North has finally submitted its recommendations to the president. Two key recommendations are: the need to set up an advisory committee for continuous dialogue with Boko Haram (as the leadership of Boko Haram refused to dialogue) and a victims’ support fund to help victims of Boko Haram.‘Soldiers of God or Allah’: Religious Politicization and the Boko Haram Crisis in Nigeria
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4920
Several works on Boko Haram have underscored the issues of state weakness and bad governance in Nigeria as the major problematic fuelling the group’s violent activities. While the state fragility argument is indispensable, this paper argues that the religious dimension is also critical to any attempt to understand the Boko Haram crisis. To this end, the paper will examine how the historical and contemporary processes of religious politicization in Nigeria have contributed to the rise and radicalization of Boko Haram.
Special Edition issue - Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa
2014-02-10T00:00:00ZMaiangwa, BenjaminSeveral works on Boko Haram have underscored the issues of state weakness and bad governance in Nigeria as the major problematic fuelling the group’s violent activities. While the state fragility argument is indispensable, this paper argues that the religious dimension is also critical to any attempt to understand the Boko Haram crisis. To this end, the paper will examine how the historical and contemporary processes of religious politicization in Nigeria have contributed to the rise and radicalization of Boko Haram.Women, Gender and the evolving tactics of Boko Haram
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4919
This article addresses an under-researched aspect of Boko Haram’s activities: gender-based violence (GBV) and its targeting of women. It argues that 2013 marked a significant evolution in Boko Haram’s tactics, with a series of kidnappings, in which one of the main features was the instrumental use of women. This was in response to corresponding tactics by the Nigerian security forces. Additionally the analysis provides evidence of a shift by Boko Haram to include women in its operations, in response to increased pressure on male operatives. It also considers the gendered rationale for instrumentalizing women within the framework of Boko Haram’s ideology and culture, arguing for a greater appreciation of how gender factors in the group’s violence.
Special Edition issue - Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa
2014-02-10T00:00:00ZZenn, JacobPearson, ElizabethThis article addresses an under-researched aspect of Boko Haram’s activities: gender-based violence (GBV) and its targeting of women. It argues that 2013 marked a significant evolution in Boko Haram’s tactics, with a series of kidnappings, in which one of the main features was the instrumental use of women. This was in response to corresponding tactics by the Nigerian security forces. Additionally the analysis provides evidence of a shift by Boko Haram to include women in its operations, in response to increased pressure on male operatives. It also considers the gendered rationale for instrumentalizing women within the framework of Boko Haram’s ideology and culture, arguing for a greater appreciation of how gender factors in the group’s violence.Tracing Al Shabaab’s Decision to Cooperate with Al Qaeda in Somalia (2008)
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4918
l Shabaab, a Somali insurgent with predominantly nationalistic causes (alongside transnational [global Jihad] and Islamic goals) made the choice to fight on behalf of Al Qaeda in 2008. The decision to do so contrasted with Al Shabaab’s previous behaviour of actively denying cooperation and distancing itself from Al Qaeda. This study aims to uncover factors that contributed to Al Shabaab’s decision through the use of process-tracing. The results show that Al Shabaab’s declaration of cooperation with Al Qaeda in August 2008 was brought about by a series of events that traced back to four factors: public reactions to the implementation of a Salafi ideology, the shift to a radical leadership, Al Shabaab’s inability to maintain stability in areas under its control and its increasing attacks by Al Shabaab on the Somali public. Al Shabaab pursued cooperation with Al Qaeda after realizing that their nationalistic preference was no longer achievable in the near future.
Special Edition issue - Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa
2014-02-10T00:00:00ZSjah, Adlini Ilma Ghaisanyl Shabaab, a Somali insurgent with predominantly nationalistic causes (alongside transnational [global Jihad] and Islamic goals) made the choice to fight on behalf of Al Qaeda in 2008. The decision to do so contrasted with Al Shabaab’s previous behaviour of actively denying cooperation and distancing itself from Al Qaeda. This study aims to uncover factors that contributed to Al Shabaab’s decision through the use of process-tracing. The results show that Al Shabaab’s declaration of cooperation with Al Qaeda in August 2008 was brought about by a series of events that traced back to four factors: public reactions to the implementation of a Salafi ideology, the shift to a radical leadership, Al Shabaab’s inability to maintain stability in areas under its control and its increasing attacks by Al Shabaab on the Somali public. Al Shabaab pursued cooperation with Al Qaeda after realizing that their nationalistic preference was no longer achievable in the near future.Terrorism without Borders: Somalia’s Al-Shabaab and the global jihad network
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4916
This article sets out to explore the evolution, operational strategy and transnational dimensions of Harakat Al-Shabab al-Mujahedeen (aka Al-Shabab), the Somali-based Islamist terrorist group. The article argues that Al-Shabab’s latest Westgate attack in Kenya should be understood in the light of the group’s deepening ties with Al-Qaeda and its global jihad, especially since 2009 when Al-Shabab formally pledged allegiance to Osama bin Laden’s Al-Qaeda and welcomed the organisation’s core members into its leadership.
Special Edition issue - Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa
2014-02-10T00:00:00ZAgbiboa, Daniel E.This article sets out to explore the evolution, operational strategy and transnational dimensions of Harakat Al-Shabab al-Mujahedeen (aka Al-Shabab), the Somali-based Islamist terrorist group. The article argues that Al-Shabab’s latest Westgate attack in Kenya should be understood in the light of the group’s deepening ties with Al-Qaeda and its global jihad, especially since 2009 when Al-Shabab formally pledged allegiance to Osama bin Laden’s Al-Qaeda and welcomed the organisation’s core members into its leadership.Sub Saharan African Terrorist Groups’ use of the Internet
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4915
Recent actions by French military forces in Niger and the global prominence of terrorist groups such as Al Shabaab and Boko Haram, have highlighted the growing counter terrorist focus on the countries of Sub Saharan Africa. Additionally in a post Bin Laden world and with the immanent withdrawal of coalition combat troops from Afghanistan, there is the possibility of Africa as a continent becoming the new front in the Global War on Terror (Mben et al., 2013). However, it is a mistake to assume that Africa’s story is uniformly one of violence and death. Vibrant cultures and a rugged entrepreneurial spirit have combined with a robust Internet backbone, to create the embryonic emergence of high tech hotspots across Africa. With rising IT literacy levels, more and more Africans are becoming connected to the information super highway on a daily basis (Graham, 2010). A tiny minority of these Africans are terrorists.
Special Edition Issue - Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa
2014-02-10T00:00:00ZBertram, StewartEllison, KeithRecent actions by French military forces in Niger and the global prominence of terrorist groups such as Al Shabaab and Boko Haram, have highlighted the growing counter terrorist focus on the countries of Sub Saharan Africa. Additionally in a post Bin Laden world and with the immanent withdrawal of coalition combat troops from Afghanistan, there is the possibility of Africa as a continent becoming the new front in the Global War on Terror (Mben et al., 2013). However, it is a mistake to assume that Africa’s story is uniformly one of violence and death. Vibrant cultures and a rugged entrepreneurial spirit have combined with a robust Internet backbone, to create the embryonic emergence of high tech hotspots across Africa. With rising IT literacy levels, more and more Africans are becoming connected to the information super highway on a daily basis (Graham, 2010). A tiny minority of these Africans are terrorists.Introduction: Terrorism and Counter-terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4912
Special Edition Issue - Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa
2014-02-10T00:00:00ZBusher, JoelThe role of NIA in the War on Terror: an appraisal of National Investigation Act
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4902
The National Investigation Act, 2008 (NIA ACT) has been enacted and notified on 31 December 2008 and the National Investigation Agency (NIA) only exclusive counterterrorism agency has been constituted to investigate terrorism and related offences. The NIA is mandated to investigate and prosecute offences under the Acts mentioned in the Schedule which includes offences under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 that have inter-state and/or international linkages, which are assigned to it by the Government. Although the NIA Act provide for a comparatively straightforward procedure for investigation of terrorism and related activities, not given the necessary powers to prevent the enumerated offences.
2013-09-24T00:00:00ZKiran, R. Bhanu KrishnaThe National Investigation Act, 2008 (NIA ACT) has been enacted and notified on 31 December 2008 and the National Investigation Agency (NIA) only exclusive counterterrorism agency has been constituted to investigate terrorism and related offences. The NIA is mandated to investigate and prosecute offences under the Acts mentioned in the Schedule which includes offences under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 that have inter-state and/or international linkages, which are assigned to it by the Government. Although the NIA Act provide for a comparatively straightforward procedure for investigation of terrorism and related activities, not given the necessary powers to prevent the enumerated offences.Islamist groups in the UK and recruitment
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4901
Since 2001 and 7/7 the search to find out why and how Muslims born in Europe join political and violence orientated Islamist groups has occupied policy makers and social scientist. The search has produced explanations that suggest social grievance, Islam and physiological problems are the motivations for why some Muslims join and act on behalf of Islamist groups in the UK. However, the approaches tend not to focus the role emotions generated from events that involve Muslim suffering play in some individuals becoming interested in acquiring and acting upon them. These events are often experienced variously by Muslims living in Europe through the media and are used by Islamist groups as resources to recruit. Consequently, this paper is based on interviews carried out with Islamists in the UK and tentatively discusses two process that take into account the emotional effect of events that concern Muslims in order to make sense of how some Muslims become compelled to acquire extreme ideas, act upon extreme ideas (independently or behalf of a group) or join Islamist groups.
2013-09-24T00:00:00ZIlyas, MohammedSince 2001 and 7/7 the search to find out why and how Muslims born in Europe join political and violence orientated Islamist groups has occupied policy makers and social scientist. The search has produced explanations that suggest social grievance, Islam and physiological problems are the motivations for why some Muslims join and act on behalf of Islamist groups in the UK. However, the approaches tend not to focus the role emotions generated from events that involve Muslim suffering play in some individuals becoming interested in acquiring and acting upon them. These events are often experienced variously by Muslims living in Europe through the media and are used by Islamist groups as resources to recruit. Consequently, this paper is based on interviews carried out with Islamists in the UK and tentatively discusses two process that take into account the emotional effect of events that concern Muslims in order to make sense of how some Muslims become compelled to acquire extreme ideas, act upon extreme ideas (independently or behalf of a group) or join Islamist groups.Animal rights and environmental terrorism
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4898
Many paradigmatic forms of animal rights and environmental activism have been classed as terrorism both in popular discourse and in law. This paper argues that the labelling of many violent forms of direct action carried out in the name of animal rights or environmentalism as ‘terrorism’ is incorrect. Furthermore, the claim is also made that even those acts which are correctly termed as terrorism are not necessarily wrongful acts. The result of this analysis is to call into question the terms of public debate and the legitimacy of anti-terrorism laws targeting and punishing radical activism.
2013-09-24T00:00:00ZCooke, SteveMany paradigmatic forms of animal rights and environmental activism have been classed as terrorism both in popular discourse and in law. This paper argues that the labelling of many violent forms of direct action carried out in the name of animal rights or environmentalism as ‘terrorism’ is incorrect. Furthermore, the claim is also made that even those acts which are correctly termed as terrorism are not necessarily wrongful acts. The result of this analysis is to call into question the terms of public debate and the legitimacy of anti-terrorism laws targeting and punishing radical activism.Is militant Islamism a busted flush in Indonesia?
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4897
In the late 1990s, Indonesia - the world’s most populous Muslim nation - began a transition from authoritarian rule. At the time, many commentators expressed concern about the security threat posed by militant Islamist extremists in the wake of Suharto’s downfall. Initially, Indonesia did witness a proliferation of Islamist paramilitary groups and a heightened security environment. Yet, in the decade and more since then, the dire threat predictions have largely failed to materialize. In fact, Indonesia today in coordination with international partners has reduced its potential climate of threat at least strategically. This outcome raises some interesting questions. First, has Indonesia really contained its paramilitary/extremist threat? Secondly, if so, how and what lessons, if any, can we draw from this? The following paper examines the ways in which Indonesia’s security concerns have actually diminished.
2013-09-24T00:00:00ZCarnegie, Paul J.In the late 1990s, Indonesia - the world’s most populous Muslim nation - began a transition from authoritarian rule. At the time, many commentators expressed concern about the security threat posed by militant Islamist extremists in the wake of Suharto’s downfall. Initially, Indonesia did witness a proliferation of Islamist paramilitary groups and a heightened security environment. Yet, in the decade and more since then, the dire threat predictions have largely failed to materialize. In fact, Indonesia today in coordination with international partners has reduced its potential climate of threat at least strategically. This outcome raises some interesting questions. First, has Indonesia really contained its paramilitary/extremist threat? Secondly, if so, how and what lessons, if any, can we draw from this? The following paper examines the ways in which Indonesia’s security concerns have actually diminished.Media discourse on jihadist terrorism in Europe
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4896
This article analyzes the manner in which European print media discuss jihadist terrorism in Europe. It presents key results from a qualitative analysis of media discourse following three selected attacks in seven European countries in 2010: the attack on the cartoonist Westergaard, the Yemen cargo plane plot, and the Stockholm suicide attack. The article finds that attack type is a factor shaping media discourse across different media in Europe. Considering that terrorists also aim to impact discourse for their own agenda, the article presents implications for policy reactions on the basis of attack type, and not as desired by terrorists.
2013-09-24T00:00:00ZReinke de Buitrago, SybilleThis article analyzes the manner in which European print media discuss jihadist terrorism in Europe. It presents key results from a qualitative analysis of media discourse following three selected attacks in seven European countries in 2010: the attack on the cartoonist Westergaard, the Yemen cargo plane plot, and the Stockholm suicide attack. The article finds that attack type is a factor shaping media discourse across different media in Europe. Considering that terrorists also aim to impact discourse for their own agenda, the article presents implications for policy reactions on the basis of attack type, and not as desired by terrorists.Why sacred lands are not indivisible: the cognitive foundations of sacralising land
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4034
Numerous political analysts have argued that conflicts over sacred land are intractable. These scholars maintain that sacred lands are psychologically perceived as indivisible, or alternatively, in the sociological tradition, their indivisibility is a social fact. Moreover, religious beliefs are viewed as stagnant and resistant to change. Consequently, resolving such conflicts is fraught with difficulty, and even if a truce could be imposed, it would be unstable and violence would eventually erupt. A cognitive and evolutionary account offers a less pessimistic view. Individuals do not conceive of sacred lands in the same way that they conceive of sacred space, such as cemeteries or houses of worship, or sacred objects, such as holy water or prayer beads. Unlike sacred space and objects, whose boundaries are clearly defined, conceptions of sacred land are typically abstract and may bear little resemblance to the contested physical land. While abstract notions of sacred land are indivisible and must remain intact, the physical land is not indivisible, and therefore there is often greater room for negotiation of sacred lands than is generally appreciated.
2011-02-02T00:00:00ZSosis, RichardNumerous political analysts have argued that conflicts over sacred land are intractable. These scholars maintain that sacred lands are psychologically perceived as indivisible, or alternatively, in the sociological tradition, their indivisibility is a social fact. Moreover, religious beliefs are viewed as stagnant and resistant to change. Consequently, resolving such conflicts is fraught with difficulty, and even if a truce could be imposed, it would be unstable and violence would eventually erupt. A cognitive and evolutionary account offers a less pessimistic view. Individuals do not conceive of sacred lands in the same way that they conceive of sacred space, such as cemeteries or houses of worship, or sacred objects, such as holy water or prayer beads. Unlike sacred space and objects, whose boundaries are clearly defined, conceptions of sacred land are typically abstract and may bear little resemblance to the contested physical land. While abstract notions of sacred land are indivisible and must remain intact, the physical land is not indivisible, and therefore there is often greater room for negotiation of sacred lands than is generally appreciated.A cultural models approach for investigating the cognitive basis of terrorism
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4033
Terrorists attempt to communicate specific aspects of their ideological frameworks to shape the common perspective of their intended audiences. For the approach to be successful, the ideas they are promoting must fit within the cultural meaning systems shared across the population they are addressing. Knowing what messages will effectively persuade their constituents is likely intuitive for terrorists operating within their own cultural environment, but not necessarily for researchers who come from distinct cultural backgrounds. A method is thus described for studying in detail the common perspective that members of a culture bring to a situation. The method results in models of the culture that provide a basis for outsiders to begin to frame events from the cultural-insider point of view. The cultural models can then be used as an aid to anticipate how messages will be interpreted and evaluated by terrorists and their audiences.
2011-02-02T00:00:00ZSieck, Winston R.Terrorists attempt to communicate specific aspects of their ideological frameworks to shape the common perspective of their intended audiences. For the approach to be successful, the ideas they are promoting must fit within the cultural meaning systems shared across the population they are addressing. Knowing what messages will effectively persuade their constituents is likely intuitive for terrorists operating within their own cultural environment, but not necessarily for researchers who come from distinct cultural backgrounds. A method is thus described for studying in detail the common perspective that members of a culture bring to a situation. The method results in models of the culture that provide a basis for outsiders to begin to frame events from the cultural-insider point of view. The cultural models can then be used as an aid to anticipate how messages will be interpreted and evaluated by terrorists and their audiences.Managing the change of context in countering terrorism: death of Bin Laden and the “Arab Spring”
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4028
In world political history, 2011 will be remembered as the year when the leader of the Al Qaida (AQ) terrorist movement was killed and of the so called “Arab Spring”, when mass demonstrations in some Arab countries fundamentally challenged the way these countries have been ruled for the past few decades.
2011-10-30T00:00:00ZYazgan Etiz, F. CerenIn world political history, 2011 will be remembered as the year when the leader of the Al Qaida (AQ) terrorist movement was killed and of the so called “Arab Spring”, when mass demonstrations in some Arab countries fundamentally challenged the way these countries have been ruled for the past few decades.The impact of food consumption, government type and effectiveness, on the rate of Somali maritime piracy, 2000-2008
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4027
The analysis of maritime piracy off the Horn of Africa is still a developing area of academic research. The work that has been conducted to date has remained largely qualitative. Two recurring assumptions made but not empirically tested in this area of research are 1) the perceived link between government stability and the rate of maritime piracy, and 2) drought conditions implying food shortages in Somalia, and their impact on the rate of maritime piracy off the Horn of Africa. The findings of this project show a strong increase in maritime piracy following the transition from assorted Islamic Courts to the Transitional Federal Government (TFG). However, variations in the consumption of staple foodstuffs, and an index of the World Bank Governance Indicators do not have a significant impact on the frequency of maritime piracy in the region. If maritime piracy off the Somali coast is to be eliminated, rather than policed, efforts should be made to encourage the development of governmental institutions that utilize culturally-respected institutions supported by the local populace.
2011-10-30T00:00:00ZRohrer, SamThe analysis of maritime piracy off the Horn of Africa is still a developing area of academic research. The work that has been conducted to date has remained largely qualitative. Two recurring assumptions made but not empirically tested in this area of research are 1) the perceived link between government stability and the rate of maritime piracy, and 2) drought conditions implying food shortages in Somalia, and their impact on the rate of maritime piracy off the Horn of Africa. The findings of this project show a strong increase in maritime piracy following the transition from assorted Islamic Courts to the Transitional Federal Government (TFG). However, variations in the consumption of staple foodstuffs, and an index of the World Bank Governance Indicators do not have a significant impact on the frequency of maritime piracy in the region. If maritime piracy off the Somali coast is to be eliminated, rather than policed, efforts should be made to encourage the development of governmental institutions that utilize culturally-respected institutions supported by the local populace.Security, identity, and the discourse of conflation in far-right violence
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4026
In the aftermath of Anders Breivik’s shooting spree and bombing in Norway, many people asked where did the anger and the violence come from? The article examines the contemporary trends in political and social discourses to conflate opponents with enemies. Popular discourses, television and on-line media, radio talk shows and even newspaper spread the language of threat and insecurity, and the idea that the biggest threats may be the people in our own neighbourhoods, in our own cities, on our own streets. These threatening individuals are those that do not quite fit in; they are familiar foreigners. Similarly it explores the discourses of who should be afforded trust and protection within multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural political and social environments, who exhibits social membership and who should be excluded. The language of austerity and shortage suggests that security is not a human right that all people are entitled to equally. Rather if states can only afford to protect certain people, then by default the state chooses to actively not protect others. This article explores the social and physical consequences these decisions have, particularly when certain individuals decide that they will do what others only talk about: eliminate enemies.
2011-10-30T00:00:00ZMurer, Jeffrey StevensonIn the aftermath of Anders Breivik’s shooting spree and bombing in Norway, many people asked where did the anger and the violence come from? The article examines the contemporary trends in political and social discourses to conflate opponents with enemies. Popular discourses, television and on-line media, radio talk shows and even newspaper spread the language of threat and insecurity, and the idea that the biggest threats may be the people in our own neighbourhoods, in our own cities, on our own streets. These threatening individuals are those that do not quite fit in; they are familiar foreigners. Similarly it explores the discourses of who should be afforded trust and protection within multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural political and social environments, who exhibits social membership and who should be excluded. The language of austerity and shortage suggests that security is not a human right that all people are entitled to equally. Rather if states can only afford to protect certain people, then by default the state chooses to actively not protect others. This article explores the social and physical consequences these decisions have, particularly when certain individuals decide that they will do what others only talk about: eliminate enemies.A quantitative assessment on 26/11 Mumbai attack using social network analysis
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4024
This paper analyses, the terror attacks in Mumbai on November 26, 2008, popularly known as 26/11 terror attacks, as per a mathematical technique known as Social Network Analysis (SNA). This analysis of the behaviour of the ten attackers and their telephonic communications with their handlers in Pakistan even as the attacks were in progress is based on the open source information. Using the SNA technique, we identify the key members, sub-groups, and the interaction among the various members of the group. The analysis gives useful insights into the modus operandi of the terrorists. We have found that a star-type structure of hierarchy prevailed during the attack which means terrorists were well connected through a central node.
2011-10-30T00:00:00ZAzad, SaritaGupta, ArvindThis paper analyses, the terror attacks in Mumbai on November 26, 2008, popularly known as 26/11 terror attacks, as per a mathematical technique known as Social Network Analysis (SNA). This analysis of the behaviour of the ten attackers and their telephonic communications with their handlers in Pakistan even as the attacks were in progress is based on the open source information. Using the SNA technique, we identify the key members, sub-groups, and the interaction among the various members of the group. The analysis gives useful insights into the modus operandi of the terrorists. We have found that a star-type structure of hierarchy prevailed during the attack which means terrorists were well connected through a central node.Paul Brooker. Modern stateless warfare. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010, e-book $85.00, pp. vii + 256. ISBN: 9780230274761 [Book review]
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4023
Reviewed by Aleksandr Pikalov, University of St. Andrews.
2011-10-30T00:00:00ZPikalov, AleksandrReviewed by Aleksandr Pikalov, University of St. Andrews.Leonard Weinberg. Global terrorism: a beginner’s guide. Oxford, UK, Oneworld Publications, 2005. Paperback US $14.95, pp. 182. ISBN: 1-85168-358-5 [Book review]
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4022
Reviewed by Scott Nicholas Romaniuk, University of Aberdeen.
2011-12-20T00:00:00ZRomaniuk, Scott NicholasReviewed by Scott Nicholas Romaniuk, University of Aberdeen.Andrew Silke, et al., (edited by Andrew Silke). The psychology of counter-terrorism. Routledge: Oxon UK, 2011. pp. 202. £21.98. ISBN: 978-0-415-55840-2 [Book review]
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4021
Reviewed by Robert W. Hand, University of Aberdeen.
2011-10-30T00:00:00ZHand, Robert W.Reviewed by Robert W. Hand, University of Aberdeen.Prince, Stephen, Firestorm. American film in the age of terrorism, New York: Columbia University Press, 2009 and Cettl, Robert, Terrorism in American cinema. An analytical filmography, 1960 - 2008, Jefferson, North Carolina, and London: McFarland & Company, publishers, 2009 [Book review]
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4020
Reviewed by Janka Skrzypek.
2011-10-30T00:00:00ZSkrzypek, JankaReviewed by Janka Skrzypek.The lawful use of targeted killing in contemporary international humanitarian law
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4018
International humanitarian law (“IHL”), or the law of armed conflict (“LOAC”), is a branch of international law designed to regulate the conduct of belligerent states during an armed conflict. [1] However, conflicts in the modern era are drastically different than the interstate hostilities envisioned at the time the bulk of IHL was developed. Contemporary conflicts, such as the 'War on Terror' between states and non-state actors, have resulted in new military tactics to address the complications inherent in these modern conflicts. The controversial use of targeted killing is amongst these new tactics. For the purposes of this discussion, targeted killing is the “intentional slaying of a specific alleged terrorist or group of alleged terrorists undertaken with explicit governmental approval where they cannot be arrested using reasonable means.” [2] The inability to arrest suspected terrorists reflects the transnational aspect to these conflicts as the victim state is unable to exert enforcement jurisdiction beyond its borders. [3] Until such time as new international norms develop to specifically address targeted killing, the legality of this tactic must be assessed against existing IHL. Under contemporary IHL, targeted killing is lawful although highly circumscribed.
2011-11-11T00:00:00ZMacDonald, Scott D.International humanitarian law (“IHL”), or the law of armed conflict (“LOAC”), is a branch of international law designed to regulate the conduct of belligerent states during an armed conflict. [1] However, conflicts in the modern era are drastically different than the interstate hostilities envisioned at the time the bulk of IHL was developed. Contemporary conflicts, such as the 'War on Terror' between states and non-state actors, have resulted in new military tactics to address the complications inherent in these modern conflicts. The controversial use of targeted killing is amongst these new tactics. For the purposes of this discussion, targeted killing is the “intentional slaying of a specific alleged terrorist or group of alleged terrorists undertaken with explicit governmental approval where they cannot be arrested using reasonable means.” [2] The inability to arrest suspected terrorists reflects the transnational aspect to these conflicts as the victim state is unable to exert enforcement jurisdiction beyond its borders. [3] Until such time as new international norms develop to specifically address targeted killing, the legality of this tactic must be assessed against existing IHL. Under contemporary IHL, targeted killing is lawful although highly circumscribed.Anti-terrorism resolutions: the Security Council’s threat to the UN system
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4017
The United Nations Security Council’s anti-terrorism regime constitutes a serious threat to the legitimacy and unity of the United Nations system as a whole. Recent European Court of Justice jurisprudence emphasises that Security Council resolutions which breach human rights norms will not be enforced by member states. The Security Council has insufficient internal checks to ensure that it passes resolutions which sufficiently respect human rights norms. Judicial review is therefore required on the part of the International Court of Justice to ensure that the Security Council passes resolutions which remain effective and do not bring the United Nations system into disrepute.
2011-11-11T00:00:00ZGalloway, FraserThe United Nations Security Council’s anti-terrorism regime constitutes a serious threat to the legitimacy and unity of the United Nations system as a whole. Recent European Court of Justice jurisprudence emphasises that Security Council resolutions which breach human rights norms will not be enforced by member states. The Security Council has insufficient internal checks to ensure that it passes resolutions which sufficiently respect human rights norms. Judicial review is therefore required on the part of the International Court of Justice to ensure that the Security Council passes resolutions which remain effective and do not bring the United Nations system into disrepute.No new weapons for the UN ombudsperson?
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4016
On 17 June 2011, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) unanimously adopted resolutions 1988 (2011) and 1989 (2011) as a successor to resolution 1904 (2009), these resolutions extended for a further eighteen months the office of UN Ombudsperson which was established under Security Council Resolution to oversee the de-listing of those placed on the targeted sanctions list by a Committee which had been established under UN Resolution 1267 (1999). This paper will discuss the introduction and development of the role of Ombudsperson within the UN, examining the present and previous Resolutions and consider the legitimacy of the role in dealing with concerns over judicial protection for those subjected to these targeted sanctions.
2011-11-11T00:00:00ZStevens, JoeOn 17 June 2011, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) unanimously adopted resolutions 1988 (2011) and 1989 (2011) as a successor to resolution 1904 (2009), these resolutions extended for a further eighteen months the office of UN Ombudsperson which was established under Security Council Resolution to oversee the de-listing of those placed on the targeted sanctions list by a Committee which had been established under UN Resolution 1267 (1999). This paper will discuss the introduction and development of the role of Ombudsperson within the UN, examining the present and previous Resolutions and consider the legitimacy of the role in dealing with concerns over judicial protection for those subjected to these targeted sanctions.Putting the terror in territorial: reflections on the global war on terrorism and U.S. detention policy
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4015
Some miles off in the distance on a swelteringly hot and sunny day, as the waves of the Gulf of Mexico lazily lap at the shore, a group of individuals are held by the U.S. Government without access to the most basic right of Due Process amongst others. Most readers will assume that this description refers to the infamous detention of individuals in Guantanamo Bay at Camp X Ray and now Camp Delta as enemy combatants in the aftermath of 9/11 terrorist attacks. Indeed, readers could be forgiven for thinking this given the extensive media coverage of this topic. However, the picture just painted is not of those held as enemy combatants but rather the plight of a lesser known group of individuals known as the Marielitos who also have been detained by the U.S. Government; not for days, not for weeks, not for months and not just in the years since 9/11 but rather in a continuing program of indefinite detention since their arrival 1980.
2011-11-11T00:00:00ZEsterling, SheaSome miles off in the distance on a swelteringly hot and sunny day, as the waves of the Gulf of Mexico lazily lap at the shore, a group of individuals are held by the U.S. Government without access to the most basic right of Due Process amongst others. Most readers will assume that this description refers to the infamous detention of individuals in Guantanamo Bay at Camp X Ray and now Camp Delta as enemy combatants in the aftermath of 9/11 terrorist attacks. Indeed, readers could be forgiven for thinking this given the extensive media coverage of this topic. However, the picture just painted is not of those held as enemy combatants but rather the plight of a lesser known group of individuals known as the Marielitos who also have been detained by the U.S. Government; not for days, not for weeks, not for months and not just in the years since 9/11 but rather in a continuing program of indefinite detention since their arrival 1980.Constructing a global counterterrorist legislation database: dilemmas, procedures, and preliminary analyses
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4014
Counterterrorist legislation is one of the main ways in which countries, particularly democracies, respond to terror attacks. Yet, there is to date no comprehensive cross-national database of counterterrorist legislation. This article introduces an overarching global counterterrorist legislation database (GCLD), covering more than 1,000 laws in 219 countries and territories over the years 1850-2009. I present the dilemmas and difficulties involved in constructing a global terrorism database and explain how these difficulties were addressed when assembling the current database. The article also brings descriptive statistics and analyses of the data, focusing on the historical development of global counterterrorist legislation and on the regional distribution of this legislation. It concludes with some recommendations for future researchers who may want to use the database.
2011-11-11T00:00:00ZShor, EranCounterterrorist legislation is one of the main ways in which countries, particularly democracies, respond to terror attacks. Yet, there is to date no comprehensive cross-national database of counterterrorist legislation. This article introduces an overarching global counterterrorist legislation database (GCLD), covering more than 1,000 laws in 219 countries and territories over the years 1850-2009. I present the dilemmas and difficulties involved in constructing a global terrorism database and explain how these difficulties were addressed when assembling the current database. The article also brings descriptive statistics and analyses of the data, focusing on the historical development of global counterterrorist legislation and on the regional distribution of this legislation. It concludes with some recommendations for future researchers who may want to use the database.Defining terrorism at the Special Tribunal for Lebanon
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4013
On 16 February 2011, the Appeals Chamber of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) issued an interlocutory decision regarding the legal definition of terrorism.This decision was in response to a Pre-Trial Chamber (PTC) list of questions requesting, inter alia, an elaboration of the elements of this crime.In exploring this matter, the Appeals Chamber defined the subjective (mens rea) and objective elements (actus reus) of terrorism by referring to domestic Lebanese law and international law. It thereby set out the applicable law for the court. The consequence of this decision however is not limited to the law of STL but may be seen as having far-reaching consequences for the conception of terrorism under both international law and International Criminal Law (ICL). Given the significance of the Appeals Chamber judgment, this paper will scrutinise three areas of concern regarding its propriety.
2011-11-11T00:00:00ZPuchooa, PrakashOn 16 February 2011, the Appeals Chamber of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) issued an interlocutory decision regarding the legal definition of terrorism.This decision was in response to a Pre-Trial Chamber (PTC) list of questions requesting, inter alia, an elaboration of the elements of this crime.In exploring this matter, the Appeals Chamber defined the subjective (mens rea) and objective elements (actus reus) of terrorism by referring to domestic Lebanese law and international law. It thereby set out the applicable law for the court. The consequence of this decision however is not limited to the law of STL but may be seen as having far-reaching consequences for the conception of terrorism under both international law and International Criminal Law (ICL). Given the significance of the Appeals Chamber judgment, this paper will scrutinise three areas of concern regarding its propriety.Legislating for terrorism: the Philippines’ Human Security Act 2007
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4012
In February 2007 the Philippine Senate passed the Human Security Act (HSA) otherwise known as Republic Act No. 9372: An Act to Secure the State and Protect our People From Terrorism. Philippine Senate Minority Leader Aquilino Q. Pimentel Jr. was heavily involved in the final drafting of the HSA. He gave it its final name shortly before the Senate Chamber passed it into law. Previously the Act had been known by various titles including ‘An Act to Deter and Punish Acts of Terrorism and for Other Purposes’ (Senate Bill No. 2137) and ‘An Act to Define and Punish the Crime of Terrorism, the Crime of Conspiracy to Commit Terrorism, and the Crime of Proposal to Commit Terrorism, and for Other Purposes (Senate Bill No. 2187). Thus the Human Security Act exists as an instrument of counter terrorism as opposed to human security policy.
2011-11-11T00:00:00ZEadie, Pauline E.In February 2007 the Philippine Senate passed the Human Security Act (HSA) otherwise known as Republic Act No. 9372: An Act to Secure the State and Protect our People From Terrorism. Philippine Senate Minority Leader Aquilino Q. Pimentel Jr. was heavily involved in the final drafting of the HSA. He gave it its final name shortly before the Senate Chamber passed it into law. Previously the Act had been known by various titles including ‘An Act to Deter and Punish Acts of Terrorism and for Other Purposes’ (Senate Bill No. 2137) and ‘An Act to Define and Punish the Crime of Terrorism, the Crime of Conspiracy to Commit Terrorism, and the Crime of Proposal to Commit Terrorism, and for Other Purposes (Senate Bill No. 2187). Thus the Human Security Act exists as an instrument of counter terrorism as opposed to human security policy.Terrorist threat construction and the transition to permanent British counterterrorism law
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4011
After over two decades of renewing temporary counterterrorism laws in Britain from the early 1970s, making such measures permanent with the Terrorism Act 2000 was not necessarily a predictable or predetermined outcome. The Northern Ireland peace process was underway, the Labour party who had voted against temporary counterterrorism laws for over a decade was newly back in power, and historical context pointed to an inconclusiveness around how effective such laws actually were in reducing insecurity. In this article I argue a key element helping explain this transition from temporary to permanent counterterrorism law lies in how particular threat and referent identities were constructed in official British discourse. Drawing on empirical research from a relational-securitization analysis of official British discourses from the late 1960s to the present, this paper argues that processes of identity construction were essential to introducing and justifying the Terrorism Act 2000. The deployment of particular threat and referent labels established in discourse before events such as 9/11 or 7/7, such as “international” terrorism, helped enable the shift from counterterrorism law from temporary emergency response to permanent policy practice.
2011-11-11T00:00:00ZFisher, KathrynAfter over two decades of renewing temporary counterterrorism laws in Britain from the early 1970s, making such measures permanent with the Terrorism Act 2000 was not necessarily a predictable or predetermined outcome. The Northern Ireland peace process was underway, the Labour party who had voted against temporary counterterrorism laws for over a decade was newly back in power, and historical context pointed to an inconclusiveness around how effective such laws actually were in reducing insecurity. In this article I argue a key element helping explain this transition from temporary to permanent counterterrorism law lies in how particular threat and referent identities were constructed in official British discourse. Drawing on empirical research from a relational-securitization analysis of official British discourses from the late 1960s to the present, this paper argues that processes of identity construction were essential to introducing and justifying the Terrorism Act 2000. The deployment of particular threat and referent labels established in discourse before events such as 9/11 or 7/7, such as “international” terrorism, helped enable the shift from counterterrorism law from temporary emergency response to permanent policy practice.Paving the way for extremism: how preventing the symptoms does not cure the disease of terrorism
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4010
The British government’s controversial counter-terrorism strategies and policies have come under fierce opposition with critics arguing it has not actually prevented extremism but has manifested itself into a political and ideological campaign that unfairly targets the Muslim community. Moreover, such strategies have marginalised the Muslim community in the UK from wider civic society and created an atmosphere of hate and anger. The Prime Minister of Great Britain, David Cameron in 2010, spoke at a conference in Munich about security, radicalisation, and multi-culturalism, sparking a debate about how the UK monitors and deals with extremism. Blaming the doctrine of ‘state-multiculturalism’ the British coalition government argued for a more ‘active muscular liberalism’ which would identify the root causes of extremist ideologies. Moreover, this paranoia and hysteria has led to a social, political, moral and theological debate about Islamism, Muslims, and terrorism which is fuelled by the way Britain is portrayed across the world as a country where extremist organisations employ tactics of persuasion, indoctrination, radicalisation and the promotion of religious intolerance.
2011-11-11T00:00:00ZAwan, ImranThe British government’s controversial counter-terrorism strategies and policies have come under fierce opposition with critics arguing it has not actually prevented extremism but has manifested itself into a political and ideological campaign that unfairly targets the Muslim community. Moreover, such strategies have marginalised the Muslim community in the UK from wider civic society and created an atmosphere of hate and anger. The Prime Minister of Great Britain, David Cameron in 2010, spoke at a conference in Munich about security, radicalisation, and multi-culturalism, sparking a debate about how the UK monitors and deals with extremism. Blaming the doctrine of ‘state-multiculturalism’ the British coalition government argued for a more ‘active muscular liberalism’ which would identify the root causes of extremist ideologies. Moreover, this paranoia and hysteria has led to a social, political, moral and theological debate about Islamism, Muslims, and terrorism which is fuelled by the way Britain is portrayed across the world as a country where extremist organisations employ tactics of persuasion, indoctrination, radicalisation and the promotion of religious intolerance.In the face of an emergency: what makes a responsive and resilient society?
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4005
This article intends to highlight the ways in which the response required to deal with terrorist threats of the 21st Century differs from that required to respond to threats the UK has faced in the past. In addition it will assess ways in which the UK may strengthen the population’s resilience and the ability of the population to respond to emergency incidents.
2012-07-10T00:00:00ZWalters, Montine L.This article intends to highlight the ways in which the response required to deal with terrorist threats of the 21st Century differs from that required to respond to threats the UK has faced in the past. In addition it will assess ways in which the UK may strengthen the population’s resilience and the ability of the population to respond to emergency incidents.The creation of a contagious H5N1 influenza virus: implications for the education of life scientists
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4004
The paper contends that the ongoing controversy surrounding the creation of a contagious H5N1 influenza virus has already exposed the severe limitations of the possibility of preventing the hostile misuse of the life sciences by dint of oversight of proposals and publications. It further argues that in order to prevent the potential wholesale militarisation of the life sciences, it is essential that life scientists become aware of their responsibilities within the context of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC) and actively contribute their expertise to strengthening the biological weapons non-proliferation regime.
2012-06-10T00:00:00ZNovossiolova, TatyanaMinehata, MasamichiDando, MalcolmThe paper contends that the ongoing controversy surrounding the creation of a contagious H5N1 influenza virus has already exposed the severe limitations of the possibility of preventing the hostile misuse of the life sciences by dint of oversight of proposals and publications. It further argues that in order to prevent the potential wholesale militarisation of the life sciences, it is essential that life scientists become aware of their responsibilities within the context of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC) and actively contribute their expertise to strengthening the biological weapons non-proliferation regime.Targeting, rhetoric and the failure of grassroots jihad
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4003
In this paper I examine the apparent failure of Al Qaeda ideologues, not for want of trying, to incite a widespread campaign of ‘individual jihad’. Not only are instances of genuinely ‘leaderless’ jihadist violence rare, they also tend to be more discriminate and less lethal in their targeting than the operations which Al Qaeda expresses a discursive preference for, and which it attempts to carry out. I argue that an explanation for the rather constrained nature of grassroots jihadist violence can be found, rather paradoxically, in the logic of collective action, which seems to underlie the rhetorical attempts of jihadist ideologues to incite violence. I then briefly examine the possible implications of this for understanding what makes for a successful ‘leaderless’ terrorist campaign.
2012-07-10T00:00:00ZRamsay, GilbertIn this paper I examine the apparent failure of Al Qaeda ideologues, not for want of trying, to incite a widespread campaign of ‘individual jihad’. Not only are instances of genuinely ‘leaderless’ jihadist violence rare, they also tend to be more discriminate and less lethal in their targeting than the operations which Al Qaeda expresses a discursive preference for, and which it attempts to carry out. I argue that an explanation for the rather constrained nature of grassroots jihadist violence can be found, rather paradoxically, in the logic of collective action, which seems to underlie the rhetorical attempts of jihadist ideologues to incite violence. I then briefly examine the possible implications of this for understanding what makes for a successful ‘leaderless’ terrorist campaign.Characterising the UK terrorist threat: the problem with non-violent ideology as a focus for counter-terrorism and terrorism as the product of ‘vulnerability’
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4002
This article investigates two particular aspects as to how the terrorist threat in the UK has been characterised, arguing that they both challenge conventional academic wisdom as to how terrorism should be conceptualised. While such conventional wisdom should always be open to challenge, and policymaking perspectives are different to those of academics, these two particular aspects as to how the terrorist threat has been perceived in the UK merit scrutiny, especially as counter-terrorism strategies have been premised on them. They are: i) the contemporary and explicit concern with ‘extremist’ but non-violent ideas that are said to be ‘conducive’ to terrorism as a focus for a counter-terrorism response and ii) the notion that terrorism has increasingly been seen as the product of ‘vulnerability’. The first, and the main focus of this article, appears to challenge the widely held view within terrorism studies that, when defining terrorism, reference to the cause or the perpetrator is unhelpful because terrorism should first and foremost (and more objectively) be seen as a particular method of violence that has been used by a wide variety of actors, regardless of the ideology or the belief systems of its perpetrators. The second aspect – the impetus towards viewing terrorism as the product of vulnerability or individual fallibility - arguably implies a diminished capacity for rational behaviour, which challenges a further commonly held view within terrorism studies: that terrorism entails the use of calculated and rational acts of violence.
2012-07-10T00:00:00ZRichards, AnthonyThis article investigates two particular aspects as to how the terrorist threat in the UK has been characterised, arguing that they both challenge conventional academic wisdom as to how terrorism should be conceptualised. While such conventional wisdom should always be open to challenge, and policymaking perspectives are different to those of academics, these two particular aspects as to how the terrorist threat has been perceived in the UK merit scrutiny, especially as counter-terrorism strategies have been premised on them. They are: i) the contemporary and explicit concern with ‘extremist’ but non-violent ideas that are said to be ‘conducive’ to terrorism as a focus for a counter-terrorism response and ii) the notion that terrorism has increasingly been seen as the product of ‘vulnerability’. The first, and the main focus of this article, appears to challenge the widely held view within terrorism studies that, when defining terrorism, reference to the cause or the perpetrator is unhelpful because terrorism should first and foremost (and more objectively) be seen as a particular method of violence that has been used by a wide variety of actors, regardless of the ideology or the belief systems of its perpetrators. The second aspect – the impetus towards viewing terrorism as the product of vulnerability or individual fallibility - arguably implies a diminished capacity for rational behaviour, which challenges a further commonly held view within terrorism studies: that terrorism entails the use of calculated and rational acts of violence.Emergency preparedness – working in partnership
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4001
I had the immense privilege to provide a presentation of the above title to a conference at the University of St. Andrews in February of this year. The conference, entitled ‘Assessing the Emergency Response to Terrorism’, was hosted by the University’s Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence (CSTPV).
2012-07-10T00:00:00ZLewis, SimonI had the immense privilege to provide a presentation of the above title to a conference at the University of St. Andrews in February of this year. The conference, entitled ‘Assessing the Emergency Response to Terrorism’, was hosted by the University’s Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence (CSTPV).The terrorist threat to the UK in the post–9/11 decade
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4000
The overall task for this special issue is to assess the emergency response to terrorism, in particular the threat posed by violent jihadist terrorism. Clearly, planning for emergency responses will have value against other threats and hazards, so it will be difficult to separate out the arrangements made to deal specifically with the aftermath of terrorist attacks, and those to meet other emergencies, for example major natural disasters. A sense of proportion is also needed when examining terrorist risks: the actions of greedy market-makers and incompetent bankers in the recent past is doing much more damage to our national welfare and national security than terrorism today.
2012-07-10T00:00:00ZOmand, Sir DavidThe overall task for this special issue is to assess the emergency response to terrorism, in particular the threat posed by violent jihadist terrorism. Clearly, planning for emergency responses will have value against other threats and hazards, so it will be difficult to separate out the arrangements made to deal specifically with the aftermath of terrorist attacks, and those to meet other emergencies, for example major natural disasters. A sense of proportion is also needed when examining terrorist risks: the actions of greedy market-makers and incompetent bankers in the recent past is doing much more damage to our national welfare and national security than terrorism today.Introduction: emergency preparedness
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3999
Introduction to the Special Issue: Assessing the Emergency Response to Terrorism.
2012-07-10T00:00:00ZVeness, Sir DavidIntroduction to the Special Issue: Assessing the Emergency Response to Terrorism.Lashkar-e-Taiba of Pakistan: an India centric threat projection
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3987
Within a year of the Mumbai attack by Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), the public outrage that many thought would usher in a political groundswell for a firmer government response, has dissipated. Almost all the political officials who resigned as a result of the attack either back in their old jobs or promoted to other plumb posts. After a brief hiatus, bombings by LeT and/or its affiliates resumed in cities like Mumbai, Delhi, Pune, Varanasi and Srinagar killing 56 people in mainland India and around 1000 in Jammu and Kashmir since Mumbai attack. India has done little of the painful public soul-searching that followed the September 11 attacks on the United States. After the Mumbai attack, while the US government has commissioned at least a dozen of official studies on LeT, India government commissioned none. While the LeT is gradually growing from strength to strength by encompassing the role of a political pressure group under the guise of Difa-e-Pakistan, India is blind to the danger unfolding in its western neighbour.
2012-09-22T00:00:00ZRath, Saroj KumarWithin a year of the Mumbai attack by Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), the public outrage that many thought would usher in a political groundswell for a firmer government response, has dissipated. Almost all the political officials who resigned as a result of the attack either back in their old jobs or promoted to other plumb posts. After a brief hiatus, bombings by LeT and/or its affiliates resumed in cities like Mumbai, Delhi, Pune, Varanasi and Srinagar killing 56 people in mainland India and around 1000 in Jammu and Kashmir since Mumbai attack. India has done little of the painful public soul-searching that followed the September 11 attacks on the United States. After the Mumbai attack, while the US government has commissioned at least a dozen of official studies on LeT, India government commissioned none. While the LeT is gradually growing from strength to strength by encompassing the role of a political pressure group under the guise of Difa-e-Pakistan, India is blind to the danger unfolding in its western neighbour.Will it ever be possible to profile the terrorist?
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3986
This paper critiques the claim that terrorists can be profiled – that is to say that terrorists possess distinguishable attributes that can be conceivably identified by an observer. In doing so, the most prominent profiling parameters - racial, gender, age, pathological, psychological and socioeconomic – are investigated. The above approaches are found to have little to no applied value in identifying terrorists from a societal population. The dominant criticisms of these methods emphasise their crude reductionism, an absence of internal and external validity, and their lack of practical application. Current evidence indicates that the profiling of terrorists is a futile venture.
2012-09-22T00:00:00ZRae, Jonathan A.This paper critiques the claim that terrorists can be profiled – that is to say that terrorists possess distinguishable attributes that can be conceivably identified by an observer. In doing so, the most prominent profiling parameters - racial, gender, age, pathological, psychological and socioeconomic – are investigated. The above approaches are found to have little to no applied value in identifying terrorists from a societal population. The dominant criticisms of these methods emphasise their crude reductionism, an absence of internal and external validity, and their lack of practical application. Current evidence indicates that the profiling of terrorists is a futile venture.Crossing the Rubicon: making a case for refining the classification of Jihadist Terrorism
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3985
This paper posits that our current understanding of Jihadist Terrorism as a monolithic sub-type of Political Terrorism is flawed and that as a result our governments counter this threat with inappropriately-adapted methods. The author argues: (A) There is a sub-type of Jihadist Terrorism that is more consistent with Walter’s ‘Military Terrorism’ or Feldman and Hinojosa’s ‘Guerrilla Warfare’ than within the typology of Political Terrorism; (B) The author-proposed sub-type of ‘War Terrorism’ should be accepted, examined, defined, and established; and (C) Establishing the author’s sub-type will allow western democracies to devise better counter-terrorism strategies while protecting the civil liberties of their citizens.
2012-09-22T00:00:00ZHand, Robert WayneThis paper posits that our current understanding of Jihadist Terrorism as a monolithic sub-type of Political Terrorism is flawed and that as a result our governments counter this threat with inappropriately-adapted methods. The author argues: (A) There is a sub-type of Jihadist Terrorism that is more consistent with Walter’s ‘Military Terrorism’ or Feldman and Hinojosa’s ‘Guerrilla Warfare’ than within the typology of Political Terrorism; (B) The author-proposed sub-type of ‘War Terrorism’ should be accepted, examined, defined, and established; and (C) Establishing the author’s sub-type will allow western democracies to devise better counter-terrorism strategies while protecting the civil liberties of their citizens.Understanding political influence in modern-era conflict: a qualitative historical analysis of Hassan Nasrallah’s speeches
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3984
This research examines and closely analyzes speeches delivered by Hezbollah’s secretary general and spokesman, Hassan Nasrallah, from a content analysis perspective. We reveal that several significant political phenomena that have occurred in Lebanon were impacted by the intensity of speeches delivered by Nasrallah; these three events being the 2006 War, the Doha Agreement, and the 2008 prisoner exchange. Data has been collected from transcribed speeches and analyzed using a qualitative historical analysis. Furthermore, we use latent analysis to assess Nasrallah’s underlying implications of his speeches and identify the themes he uses to influence his audience.
2012-09-22T00:00:00ZAbu-Lughod, ReemWarkentin, SamuelThis research examines and closely analyzes speeches delivered by Hezbollah’s secretary general and spokesman, Hassan Nasrallah, from a content analysis perspective. We reveal that several significant political phenomena that have occurred in Lebanon were impacted by the intensity of speeches delivered by Nasrallah; these three events being the 2006 War, the Doha Agreement, and the 2008 prisoner exchange. Data has been collected from transcribed speeches and analyzed using a qualitative historical analysis. Furthermore, we use latent analysis to assess Nasrallah’s underlying implications of his speeches and identify the themes he uses to influence his audience.Whose hearts and minds? Narratives and counter-narratives of Salafi Jihadism
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3983
Since the advent of the Global War on Terror, the world has witnessed the continuation of terrorist activity under the banner of Salafi Jihad. With military action proving insufficient to defeat the propagators of the ideology, attention has turned to the ideology itself. Understanding the narratives that constitute this ideology and the systems in place that help propagate it is crucial to defeating it. Analysis brings to light elements that arguably constitute a Jihadist master narrative as well as support structures that help perpetuate key underlying messages of this master narrative. Successful counter-narratives should focus on rolling back and containing Jihadist narratives whilst simultaneously highlighting the values and attitudes of democratic, free societies.
2012-09-22T00:00:00ZAl Raffie, DinaSince the advent of the Global War on Terror, the world has witnessed the continuation of terrorist activity under the banner of Salafi Jihad. With military action proving insufficient to defeat the propagators of the ideology, attention has turned to the ideology itself. Understanding the narratives that constitute this ideology and the systems in place that help propagate it is crucial to defeating it. Analysis brings to light elements that arguably constitute a Jihadist master narrative as well as support structures that help perpetuate key underlying messages of this master narrative. Successful counter-narratives should focus on rolling back and containing Jihadist narratives whilst simultaneously highlighting the values and attitudes of democratic, free societies.Implementing ‘targeted’ UN sanctions in the UK: is freezing of terrorist assets giving fundamental rights the cold shoulder?
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3982
This article will examine the effect of instigating United Nations Security Council Resolutions (UNSCR’s) in relation to assets freezing of those suspected of being involved in terrorist activity. It will discuss the decision by the UK Supreme Court in the leading judgment and the subsequent government’s responses concerning the introduction into the UK of UNSCR’s by means of secondary legislation in relation to Parliamentary supremacy. The main UK case under discussion will be R v A (& others). This case found that the freezing of assets of those suspected of terrorist activity in the UK, in compliance with various UNSC resolutions was ultra vires
2012-09-24T00:00:00ZStevens, JoeThis article will examine the effect of instigating United Nations Security Council Resolutions (UNSCR’s) in relation to assets freezing of those suspected of being involved in terrorist activity. It will discuss the decision by the UK Supreme Court in the leading judgment and the subsequent government’s responses concerning the introduction into the UK of UNSCR’s by means of secondary legislation in relation to Parliamentary supremacy. The main UK case under discussion will be R v A (& others). This case found that the freezing of assets of those suspected of terrorist activity in the UK, in compliance with various UNSC resolutions was ultra viresLone wolves in cyberspace
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3981
Lone-wolf terrorism has been regarded as a serious threat to public safety in recent years. Moreover, the phenomenon appears to be increasing at an alarming rate. However, the gap between the perceived threat of lone-wolf terrorism, on the one hand, and the almost exclusive scholarly focus on group-based terrorism, on the other hand, indicates the need for more conceptual and empirical examinations of the lone-wolf terrorism. One perspective highlighted in this article is the use of online communication platforms. Lone-wolf terrorism has been regarded as a serious threat to public safety in recent years. After reviewing the role of these platforms for lone-wolf terrorists in general and for the “new” al-Qaeda, in particular, the paper concludes with proposed potential counter-terrorism measures applicable to this new arena.
2012-09-22T00:00:00ZWeimann, GabrielLone-wolf terrorism has been regarded as a serious threat to public safety in recent years. Moreover, the phenomenon appears to be increasing at an alarming rate. However, the gap between the perceived threat of lone-wolf terrorism, on the one hand, and the almost exclusive scholarly focus on group-based terrorism, on the other hand, indicates the need for more conceptual and empirical examinations of the lone-wolf terrorism. One perspective highlighted in this article is the use of online communication platforms. Lone-wolf terrorism has been regarded as a serious threat to public safety in recent years. After reviewing the role of these platforms for lone-wolf terrorists in general and for the “new” al-Qaeda, in particular, the paper concludes with proposed potential counter-terrorism measures applicable to this new arena.How to transform a ‘place of violence’ into a ‘space of collective remembering’: Italy and its traumatic past
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3953
This paper seeks to analyse cultural trauma theories and their consequences as well as their potential applicability to cases of collective trauma where access to the legal arena in the rehabilitation process is not possible. When ‘state terror’ occurs, such as in Latin America, or, more arguably Italy, access to the legal arena is systematically denied through a variety of criminal strategies. In these cases, the cultural working through of trauma takes place on the aesthetic level. What are the consequences of this process both for the inscription of the crucial event in public discourse and for its relationship with justice? Moreover, how do aesthetic codes affect the public definition of justice and a collective understanding of what happened?
2013-05-31T00:00:00ZTota, Anna LisaThis paper seeks to analyse cultural trauma theories and their consequences as well as their potential applicability to cases of collective trauma where access to the legal arena in the rehabilitation process is not possible. When ‘state terror’ occurs, such as in Latin America, or, more arguably Italy, access to the legal arena is systematically denied through a variety of criminal strategies. In these cases, the cultural working through of trauma takes place on the aesthetic level. What are the consequences of this process both for the inscription of the crucial event in public discourse and for its relationship with justice? Moreover, how do aesthetic codes affect the public definition of justice and a collective understanding of what happened?Irish accents, foreign voices: mediated agency and authenticity in 'In the Name of the Father' and 'Fifty Dead Men Walking'
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3952
Given the intensity of narrative contestation over the public history of and discourse around the modern period of Northern Irish civil conflict known locally as ‘the Troubles’, for filmmakers from outside of Northern Ireland to be seen as making a legitimate contribution to existing debates, there is a pressure for their film texts to be read as ‘authentic’. This desire for authenticity fundamentally shapes the narrative approach taken by these filmmakers. Various filmmaking strategies have been employed in the pursuit of authenticity, but both Jim Sheridan’s In the Name of the Father (1993) and Kari Skogland’s Fifty Dead Men Walking (2008) have taken a distinctly narrative approach, relying upon local written autobiographical material. However, the way in which Sheridan and Skogland have sought to deploy the authenticity embedded in locally grounded source material flirts with self-defeatism as both films problematically obscure the limitations on agency imposed by the filmmakers on the
local voices upon who claims of authenticity, and thus the films’ legitimacy, depend.
2013-05-31T00:00:00ZIves-Allison, NicoleGiven the intensity of narrative contestation over the public history of and discourse around the modern period of Northern Irish civil conflict known locally as ‘the Troubles’, for filmmakers from outside of Northern Ireland to be seen as making a legitimate contribution to existing debates, there is a pressure for their film texts to be read as ‘authentic’. This desire for authenticity fundamentally shapes the narrative approach taken by these filmmakers. Various filmmaking strategies have been employed in the pursuit of authenticity, but both Jim Sheridan’s In the Name of the Father (1993) and Kari Skogland’s Fifty Dead Men Walking (2008) have taken a distinctly narrative approach, relying upon local written autobiographical material. However, the way in which Sheridan and Skogland have sought to deploy the authenticity embedded in locally grounded source material flirts with self-defeatism as both films problematically obscure the limitations on agency imposed by the filmmakers on the
local voices upon who claims of authenticity, and thus the films’ legitimacy, depend.Contemporary art and political violence: the role of art in the rehabilitation and healing of communities affected by political violence
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3950
This paper will investigate how contemporary artists who use political violence as a subject matter in their work explain the relationship between art and that form of violence. Referring to interviews with Anita Glesta and George Gittoes, the potential of art as a means of healing communities and individuals affected by terrorism will be explored, alongside related issues of voyeurism, sensationalism and commercialism in art. The study will refer to the ideas of Collingwood and Tolstoy, chosen so as to represent two main schools of thought regarding artistic responsibility & morality and the appropriate intentions of artists. I will explain that both theories can be applied harmoniously to contemporary practise, to the understanding of the role and responsibility of contemporary artists, and discourse around the wider social value of contemporary art.
2013-05-31T00:00:00ZSpens, ChristianaThis paper will investigate how contemporary artists who use political violence as a subject matter in their work explain the relationship between art and that form of violence. Referring to interviews with Anita Glesta and George Gittoes, the potential of art as a means of healing communities and individuals affected by terrorism will be explored, alongside related issues of voyeurism, sensationalism and commercialism in art. The study will refer to the ideas of Collingwood and Tolstoy, chosen so as to represent two main schools of thought regarding artistic responsibility & morality and the appropriate intentions of artists. I will explain that both theories can be applied harmoniously to contemporary practise, to the understanding of the role and responsibility of contemporary artists, and discourse around the wider social value of contemporary art.The importance of music to Anders Behring Breivik
https://hdl.handle.net/10023/3949
This article considers the significance of popular music to the Norwegian terrorist Anders Behring Breivik, particularly the people he names in his manifesto: Helene Bøksle, Clint Mansell and Saga. Breivik saw these musicians, operating outwith the mainstream music industry, as conforming to his ideology, therefore playing a crucial role in making him feel part of a community during his period of isolation in preparation for his attack. This music also helped to motivate Breivik and maintain his morale. This article considers why this music in particular appealed to Breivik, and what he saw in it to confirm his ideology.
2013-05-28T00:00:00ZStroud, JoeThis article considers the significance of popular music to the Norwegian terrorist Anders Behring Breivik, particularly the people he names in his manifesto: Helene Bøksle, Clint Mansell and Saga. Breivik saw these musicians, operating outwith the mainstream music industry, as conforming to his ideology, therefore playing a crucial role in making him feel part of a community during his period of isolation in preparation for his attack. This music also helped to motivate Breivik and maintain his morale. This article considers why this music in particular appealed to Breivik, and what he saw in it to confirm his ideology.