Modern Historyhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/802024-03-29T06:42:10Z2024-03-29T06:42:10ZIranian foreign policy and legitimation : an examination of Iranian nuclear deal and interventions in Iraq and SyriaSadeghi, Parnianhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/292442024-02-15T03:00:43Z2021-12-01T00:00:00ZAbstract redacted
2021-12-01T00:00:00ZSadeghi, ParnianAbstract redactedWomen as book producers : the case of NurembergFarrell-Jobst, Jessica Jadehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/292112024-02-13T03:01:21Z2022-06-16T00:00:00ZThis thesis explores the multifaceted roles in which women participated in the early modern book trade. Focusing on Nuremberg, home to many successful bookwomen, it examines how they crafted work identities and exercised agency in the printing trades, emphasizing the centrality of the family unit. This thesis reveals that not only were women involved in the book trade more frequently than hitherto acknowledged but that their participation was varied and often invisible. Locality is key to understanding the multitude of factors that both promoted and restricted women’s work. The thesis begins by reconstructing the Nuremberg print trade, looking at the local market, censorship, and patron demands that shaped it. These considerations dictated the occupational experiences and business practises of the bookmen and bookwomen working in the trade. Chapter two explores the specific gendered and legal realities women faced while engaged in this trade. Regional marriage customs, inheritance law and guild organizations defined women’s rights to property, work and legal sovereignty. The second half of the thesis presents two case studies. Drawing on a previously unexamined collection of archival sources, the first study explores the sixteenth-century careers of Katherine Gerlachin and Catherine Dietrichin, and how they actively forged work identities separate to that of wife or widow. The second case, from the seventeenth century, inspects the Endter family business, revealing that, even when not listed on imprints, women served crucial roles in larger familial enterprises. Taken together, these chapters demonstrate that women’s work can only be fully revealed by understanding that the early modern book trade was composed of family units in which women operated as vital members. As mother, wife and daughter, women took on the jobs of craftsmen, office managers, business leaders, shareholders, investors, or a combination of these tasks to play major roles in their familial businesses.
2022-06-16T00:00:00ZFarrell-Jobst, Jessica JadeThis thesis explores the multifaceted roles in which women participated in the early modern book trade. Focusing on Nuremberg, home to many successful bookwomen, it examines how they crafted work identities and exercised agency in the printing trades, emphasizing the centrality of the family unit. This thesis reveals that not only were women involved in the book trade more frequently than hitherto acknowledged but that their participation was varied and often invisible. Locality is key to understanding the multitude of factors that both promoted and restricted women’s work. The thesis begins by reconstructing the Nuremberg print trade, looking at the local market, censorship, and patron demands that shaped it. These considerations dictated the occupational experiences and business practises of the bookmen and bookwomen working in the trade. Chapter two explores the specific gendered and legal realities women faced while engaged in this trade. Regional marriage customs, inheritance law and guild organizations defined women’s rights to property, work and legal sovereignty. The second half of the thesis presents two case studies. Drawing on a previously unexamined collection of archival sources, the first study explores the sixteenth-century careers of Katherine Gerlachin and Catherine Dietrichin, and how they actively forged work identities separate to that of wife or widow. The second case, from the seventeenth century, inspects the Endter family business, revealing that, even when not listed on imprints, women served crucial roles in larger familial enterprises. Taken together, these chapters demonstrate that women’s work can only be fully revealed by understanding that the early modern book trade was composed of family units in which women operated as vital members. As mother, wife and daughter, women took on the jobs of craftsmen, office managers, business leaders, shareholders, investors, or a combination of these tasks to play major roles in their familial businesses.Visual commonplacing : the transmission and reception of printed devotional images in Reformed EnglandEpstein, Norahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/291772024-03-05T09:48:45Z2023-06-15T00:00:00ZThis thesis introduces the framework of ‘visual commonplacing’ as a way of analysing the
repeating illustrations printed in early modern English books and ephemera. This research
focuses on religious relief-cut images printed in the post-Reformation Tudor years and the
printers, publishers and readers who copied and reused illustrations. By situating this practice
within material, print and religious history we discover that copying was not uninspired or
derivative but functioned within a wider memory culture, where imitation was a function of
invention. Moreover, in a period marked by flashpoints of iconoclasm, repeating a religious
image already circulating in state-authorised print was a prudent choice for book producers.
This study begins by exploring the economic motivations for recycling images and traces
the most highly copied illustrations of the period from the earliest days of the Reformation to the
end of the Tudor period. The next chapter examines the alteration of woodcuts in the print shop,
showing how blocks were not fixed, but mutable surfaces where images could be reused while
replacing aspects of the iconography no longer acceptable in the current climate. Moving away
from workshop practices, the third chapter unpacks how repeating images served the mnemonic
aims of the book, by building specific meaning and associations through repetition. This is
followed by an investigation into how publishers exploited the echo chamber of early modern
print to circulate polemic images, furthering divisive religious strategies. Finally, we consider
how readers used the images printed in their books and broadsides in their own visual
commonplacing, by examining manuscript and embroidered copies and illustrations cut from one
work and repurposed in another. This thesis challenges past critiques that derided copying by
centring recycling on agents, detailing the creative and cognitive flexibility exhibited by visual
commonplacers.
2023-06-15T00:00:00ZEpstein, NoraThis thesis introduces the framework of ‘visual commonplacing’ as a way of analysing the
repeating illustrations printed in early modern English books and ephemera. This research
focuses on religious relief-cut images printed in the post-Reformation Tudor years and the
printers, publishers and readers who copied and reused illustrations. By situating this practice
within material, print and religious history we discover that copying was not uninspired or
derivative but functioned within a wider memory culture, where imitation was a function of
invention. Moreover, in a period marked by flashpoints of iconoclasm, repeating a religious
image already circulating in state-authorised print was a prudent choice for book producers.
This study begins by exploring the economic motivations for recycling images and traces
the most highly copied illustrations of the period from the earliest days of the Reformation to the
end of the Tudor period. The next chapter examines the alteration of woodcuts in the print shop,
showing how blocks were not fixed, but mutable surfaces where images could be reused while
replacing aspects of the iconography no longer acceptable in the current climate. Moving away
from workshop practices, the third chapter unpacks how repeating images served the mnemonic
aims of the book, by building specific meaning and associations through repetition. This is
followed by an investigation into how publishers exploited the echo chamber of early modern
print to circulate polemic images, furthering divisive religious strategies. Finally, we consider
how readers used the images printed in their books and broadsides in their own visual
commonplacing, by examining manuscript and embroidered copies and illustrations cut from one
work and repurposed in another. This thesis challenges past critiques that derided copying by
centring recycling on agents, detailing the creative and cognitive flexibility exhibited by visual
commonplacers.The new now : German modernists and news media, 1918-1951Rolandsson, Per Erik Roberthttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/291582024-02-10T03:06:14Z2022-06-16T00:00:00ZThe thesis explores how German modernists understood the interrelation between news media
and the experience of present time. The German modernists whose formative cultural and
political experience was the Weimar Republic believed that the production and consumption of
news media had the potential to synchronize spatially distant events. The distinctly modern
sensation of contemporaneity was thought by Weimar modernists to depend on media
representations of simultaneous events. Furthermore, the thesis illustrates how the Weimar
modernist conception of present time and news media depended on a specific conception of
history. The phenomena of modern news-media synchronicity and world history were
frequently conflated by the modernists.
The thesis explores this novel understanding of present time as a series of chronotopes
that were prevalent in what I term the Weimar modernist news-media discourse. The
synchronous present of modern news media is traced through modernist descriptions of it. Mid-20th century journalists, cultural critics and academic philosophers shared an understanding of
present time and news media production. The selected method reveals a shared understanding
of present time and news media production among mid-20th-century German modernists. The
analysed authors include journalists, cultural critics and academic philosophers who partook in
the modernist discourse regarding news media. Finally, the study shows how these chronotopes
transformed in tandem with the history of the period between 1918 and 1951. It holds that
specific urban settings and their news markets influenced how the modernists understood news
media and present time. Through this historical investigation of Weimar modernism and its
relation to news media, I contribute to the intellectual history of the 20th-century and the
historical study of time. My historical analysis illustrates how journalistic theory, political
thought and philosophy were influenced by this understanding of news media and time between
1918 and 1951.
2022-06-16T00:00:00ZRolandsson, Per Erik RobertThe thesis explores how German modernists understood the interrelation between news media
and the experience of present time. The German modernists whose formative cultural and
political experience was the Weimar Republic believed that the production and consumption of
news media had the potential to synchronize spatially distant events. The distinctly modern
sensation of contemporaneity was thought by Weimar modernists to depend on media
representations of simultaneous events. Furthermore, the thesis illustrates how the Weimar
modernist conception of present time and news media depended on a specific conception of
history. The phenomena of modern news-media synchronicity and world history were
frequently conflated by the modernists.
The thesis explores this novel understanding of present time as a series of chronotopes
that were prevalent in what I term the Weimar modernist news-media discourse. The
synchronous present of modern news media is traced through modernist descriptions of it. Mid-20th century journalists, cultural critics and academic philosophers shared an understanding of
present time and news media production. The selected method reveals a shared understanding
of present time and news media production among mid-20th-century German modernists. The
analysed authors include journalists, cultural critics and academic philosophers who partook in
the modernist discourse regarding news media. Finally, the study shows how these chronotopes
transformed in tandem with the history of the period between 1918 and 1951. It holds that
specific urban settings and their news markets influenced how the modernists understood news
media and present time. Through this historical investigation of Weimar modernism and its
relation to news media, I contribute to the intellectual history of the 20th-century and the
historical study of time. My historical analysis illustrates how journalistic theory, political
thought and philosophy were influenced by this understanding of news media and time between
1918 and 1951.The 1939 New York World’s Fair : cultural diplomacy in the age of FascismFortuna, Jameshttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/291222024-02-15T03:03:37Z2024-06-13T00:00:00ZFewer than five months before the German invasion of Poland in September 1939, the world was invited to New York City to celebrate the opening of the final international exposition of the interwar period. Touted by Fair organizers as the ‘last best chance for peace,’ the 1939 New York World’s Fair offered foreign governments the opportunity to express alternative, and sometimes competing, world views alongside one another in national pavilions and exhibit halls built on reclaimed wasteland in the outer borough of Queens. While most historians continue to disregard the interwar expositions held within the United States as sites of mere amusement, obfuscation, or commercial exchange, this thesis argues that the 1939 World’s Fair can be best understood in terms of statecraft. It reads this international forum as a site of significant geopolitical negotiation and maintains particular focus on the participation of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany in order to better understand the role of, and response to, each regime’s self-stylization as global power within the post-Wilsonian order. It also assesses the overtures made to the ethnic Italian and German populations living in the greater New York City area and, in this way, takes something of a composite approach by engaging directly with scholarship from a variety of fields, methodologies, and historical traditions. Proceeding with the understanding of exposition planning, organization, and design as a critical intermediary between official diplomatic efforts and everyday people, this project relies on architectural sketches, blueprints, development plans and budgets, as well as correspondence between designers and state officials as a way to understand the politically-inflected organization of space that shaped the average fairgoer’s interaction with the representation of Fascist Italian and Nazi German interests within the United States. Beyond the official record left by diplomatic and consular officials, this project contributes analysis of previously overlooked primary source material. For example, letters from fairgoers, private photographic collections, and official reports help make sense of the effect national pavilions, exhibits, restaurants and other forms of cultural diplomacy had on local populations and visitors alike. This study relies on the holdings of more than a dozen different archives across five different countries and, like the event it covers, is dedicated to challenging current historical understandings of diplomatic boundaries and cultural borders.
2024-06-13T00:00:00ZFortuna, JamesFewer than five months before the German invasion of Poland in September 1939, the world was invited to New York City to celebrate the opening of the final international exposition of the interwar period. Touted by Fair organizers as the ‘last best chance for peace,’ the 1939 New York World’s Fair offered foreign governments the opportunity to express alternative, and sometimes competing, world views alongside one another in national pavilions and exhibit halls built on reclaimed wasteland in the outer borough of Queens. While most historians continue to disregard the interwar expositions held within the United States as sites of mere amusement, obfuscation, or commercial exchange, this thesis argues that the 1939 World’s Fair can be best understood in terms of statecraft. It reads this international forum as a site of significant geopolitical negotiation and maintains particular focus on the participation of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany in order to better understand the role of, and response to, each regime’s self-stylization as global power within the post-Wilsonian order. It also assesses the overtures made to the ethnic Italian and German populations living in the greater New York City area and, in this way, takes something of a composite approach by engaging directly with scholarship from a variety of fields, methodologies, and historical traditions. Proceeding with the understanding of exposition planning, organization, and design as a critical intermediary between official diplomatic efforts and everyday people, this project relies on architectural sketches, blueprints, development plans and budgets, as well as correspondence between designers and state officials as a way to understand the politically-inflected organization of space that shaped the average fairgoer’s interaction with the representation of Fascist Italian and Nazi German interests within the United States. Beyond the official record left by diplomatic and consular officials, this project contributes analysis of previously overlooked primary source material. For example, letters from fairgoers, private photographic collections, and official reports help make sense of the effect national pavilions, exhibits, restaurants and other forms of cultural diplomacy had on local populations and visitors alike. This study relies on the holdings of more than a dozen different archives across five different countries and, like the event it covers, is dedicated to challenging current historical understandings of diplomatic boundaries and cultural borders.Decolonising white Africa : examining the experiences of KenyansDaglish, Richard Stuarthttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/291052024-02-08T03:09:19Z2022-06-22T00:00:00ZLegitimised during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries through
racial views based upon pseudo-scientific rhetoric, and routinely simplified in
the present, historical literature about white colonial communities in Africa has
struggled to offer a detailed analysis of the realities of day-to-day life. By
contrast, those that remained in African colonies post-independence represent a
group about which even less is known. This project adds to our understanding of
British colonial history by offering a detailed analysis of the white Kenyan
community, examining their experiences from the dawn of independence in 1963
through to the present. Based on more than fifty thematic interviews used to offer
a reconstructive analysis, as well as field and archival work within East Africa,
this project presents a nuanced qualitative study of cultural mobility and social
identity in relation to Kenya’s white population. By scrutinising how the white
Kenyan community fared through events such as the Mau Mau Emergency
(1952-60), the independence period, the administration of Daniel Arap Moi
(1978-2002), and the lingering influence of colonial memory in the present,
original insights into the mentality of the former colonial community have been
revealed. Far from the homogenous unit that jingoistic publications from the
colonial period claimed, the white Kenyan community is shown to be a deeply
fragmented and dynamic group. The success that the white Kenyan community
has enjoyed post-independence, namely in the sense that they have not followed
similar communities in Rhodesia and Algeria, is shown to be due to their ability
to quickly and effectively react to emerging political and social trends. However,
as those with any memory of the colonial period succumb to old age, the future
of white Kenyan identity is made uncertain, with a new community developing
in the present that is wholly separate from the group’s imperial past.
2022-06-22T00:00:00ZDaglish, Richard StuartLegitimised during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries through
racial views based upon pseudo-scientific rhetoric, and routinely simplified in
the present, historical literature about white colonial communities in Africa has
struggled to offer a detailed analysis of the realities of day-to-day life. By
contrast, those that remained in African colonies post-independence represent a
group about which even less is known. This project adds to our understanding of
British colonial history by offering a detailed analysis of the white Kenyan
community, examining their experiences from the dawn of independence in 1963
through to the present. Based on more than fifty thematic interviews used to offer
a reconstructive analysis, as well as field and archival work within East Africa,
this project presents a nuanced qualitative study of cultural mobility and social
identity in relation to Kenya’s white population. By scrutinising how the white
Kenyan community fared through events such as the Mau Mau Emergency
(1952-60), the independence period, the administration of Daniel Arap Moi
(1978-2002), and the lingering influence of colonial memory in the present,
original insights into the mentality of the former colonial community have been
revealed. Far from the homogenous unit that jingoistic publications from the
colonial period claimed, the white Kenyan community is shown to be a deeply
fragmented and dynamic group. The success that the white Kenyan community
has enjoyed post-independence, namely in the sense that they have not followed
similar communities in Rhodesia and Algeria, is shown to be due to their ability
to quickly and effectively react to emerging political and social trends. However,
as those with any memory of the colonial period succumb to old age, the future
of white Kenyan identity is made uncertain, with a new community developing
in the present that is wholly separate from the group’s imperial past.Title redactedMichael, Leonard Willyhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/288912024-01-04T03:03:40Z2024-06-13T00:00:00ZAbstract redacted
2024-06-13T00:00:00ZMichael, Leonard WillyAbstract redactedAn exploration of Guernsey's relationship with the British Empire in the age of imperialism, c.1880s-c.1920sMacdonald, Margaret Evelynhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/288592024-01-04T03:06:31Z2024-06-13T00:00:00ZThe Channel Islands are the surviving relics of the Duchy of Normandy. As such, their relationship to Britain and position within the Empire were unique. Fundamental to the constitutional relationship was the British monarch, who embodied the roles of both King/Emperor and Duke of Normandy. The royal visit of George V and Queen Mary to Guernsey in 1921 acted as a focus for the strong sense of loyalty felt by the Islanders towards the monarchy. It also revealed underlying discontent among many of Guernsey’s ex-servicemen who had recently served on the Western Front. A British Government demand in 1922 for an annual contribution from the Crown Dependencies towards the repayment of the War Debt provoked a six-year dispute. The resolution of this dispute provides insights into the way that Whitehall negotiated with the Island leaders and also the influence of public opinion and the press. The status of the Islands as small autonomous units within the British Empire provoked comparisons with the dominions and with Ireland. In some respects, they seemed similar to the metropolitan centre of the Empire, in other ways more like colonies. During the nineteenth century, Guernsey underwent significant anglicisation. Victorian innovations in communications and the immigration of settlers from Britain transformed its economy, society and culture. Its everyday language changed from French to English. Elizabeth College, Guernsey’s only public school, displayed much of the imperial culture of British public schools. Supported by strong family networks and the Old Elizabethan Association, the Empire gave its former students scope to be ambitious. Guernsey developed extensive links throughout the Empire, which helped it to achieve a far greater reach than its very small size might otherwise have warranted. Patriotism, militarism and loyalty to the Crown were closely entwined with a strong sense of Guernsey’s own identity.
2024-06-13T00:00:00ZMacdonald, Margaret EvelynThe Channel Islands are the surviving relics of the Duchy of Normandy. As such, their relationship to Britain and position within the Empire were unique. Fundamental to the constitutional relationship was the British monarch, who embodied the roles of both King/Emperor and Duke of Normandy. The royal visit of George V and Queen Mary to Guernsey in 1921 acted as a focus for the strong sense of loyalty felt by the Islanders towards the monarchy. It also revealed underlying discontent among many of Guernsey’s ex-servicemen who had recently served on the Western Front. A British Government demand in 1922 for an annual contribution from the Crown Dependencies towards the repayment of the War Debt provoked a six-year dispute. The resolution of this dispute provides insights into the way that Whitehall negotiated with the Island leaders and also the influence of public opinion and the press. The status of the Islands as small autonomous units within the British Empire provoked comparisons with the dominions and with Ireland. In some respects, they seemed similar to the metropolitan centre of the Empire, in other ways more like colonies. During the nineteenth century, Guernsey underwent significant anglicisation. Victorian innovations in communications and the immigration of settlers from Britain transformed its economy, society and culture. Its everyday language changed from French to English. Elizabeth College, Guernsey’s only public school, displayed much of the imperial culture of British public schools. Supported by strong family networks and the Old Elizabethan Association, the Empire gave its former students scope to be ambitious. Guernsey developed extensive links throughout the Empire, which helped it to achieve a far greater reach than its very small size might otherwise have warranted. Patriotism, militarism and loyalty to the Crown were closely entwined with a strong sense of Guernsey’s own identity.Hidden in plain sight : printing for the Catholic community in the seventeenth-century Dutch RepublicWatson, Elisabeth Gracehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/287622023-11-25T03:01:24Z2022-06-16T00:00:00ZThis thesis represents the first analytical overview of Catholic printing in the Dutch Republic over the course of the long seventeenth century (1566-1723). Roman Catholics made up a substantial proportion of the population of the Dutch Republic. Though they were barred from worshipping in public, holding office or accessing municipal funds, they maintained a remarkable degree of autonomy in practising their faith. Nowhere was this freedom better exercised than in the book trade, of which Catholic print made up a meaningful part. This project makes two primary and interconnected assertions. It argues that Catholic print was an independent and
substantial genre, essential to the life of the Catholic community, and that Catholic books were valuable and popular commodities for both Reformed and Catholic owners in the Dutch Republic.
Though extant scholarship and the work of digital bibliographies are both beginning to reveal the importance of this trade, neither have fully acknowledged its true scale and scope. This is due both to survival bias and the exclusion of certain types of print from consideration, not previously considered to be of significance. This project proposes an initial step towards an evaluation of the totality of the market by including new typologies of Catholic print and printed ephemera. It also argues that while Reformed censorship of Catholic books was a polite, rarely enforced fiction, Catholic censorship was a constant and direct concern for both
Catholic book producers and readers. False imprints, obscuring the true sources of publications, played an important role in defusing tensions with both sets of authorities. This thesis also contends that future studies of the Catholic book trade need to look towards the margins. This includes the margins of bibliography such as lost books and ephemera, the physical borderlands of the Dutch Republic including the Generality Lands and the social margins, including the Catholic lay sisters called spiritual daughters.
2022-06-16T00:00:00ZWatson, Elisabeth GraceThis thesis represents the first analytical overview of Catholic printing in the Dutch Republic over the course of the long seventeenth century (1566-1723). Roman Catholics made up a substantial proportion of the population of the Dutch Republic. Though they were barred from worshipping in public, holding office or accessing municipal funds, they maintained a remarkable degree of autonomy in practising their faith. Nowhere was this freedom better exercised than in the book trade, of which Catholic print made up a meaningful part. This project makes two primary and interconnected assertions. It argues that Catholic print was an independent and
substantial genre, essential to the life of the Catholic community, and that Catholic books were valuable and popular commodities for both Reformed and Catholic owners in the Dutch Republic.
Though extant scholarship and the work of digital bibliographies are both beginning to reveal the importance of this trade, neither have fully acknowledged its true scale and scope. This is due both to survival bias and the exclusion of certain types of print from consideration, not previously considered to be of significance. This project proposes an initial step towards an evaluation of the totality of the market by including new typologies of Catholic print and printed ephemera. It also argues that while Reformed censorship of Catholic books was a polite, rarely enforced fiction, Catholic censorship was a constant and direct concern for both
Catholic book producers and readers. False imprints, obscuring the true sources of publications, played an important role in defusing tensions with both sets of authorities. This thesis also contends that future studies of the Catholic book trade need to look towards the margins. This includes the margins of bibliography such as lost books and ephemera, the physical borderlands of the Dutch Republic including the Generality Lands and the social margins, including the Catholic lay sisters called spiritual daughters.Through pots and pans: culinary and cultural bonds between China and Japan, 1868-1980sXie, Zhentianhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/286972023-11-15T10:15:39Z2023-11-29T00:00:00ZSince the late 19th century, the ways of eating in China and Japan have become more similar than at any other time in history. Numerous shared elements have reshaped both countries' culinary culture. New dishes, skills and ingredients were created due to cultural interaction and mutual inspiration. Culinary exchange offers an often-overlooked perspective on the Sino-Japanese relationship and the development of East Asian regional bonds in modern times. While existing studies have explored the introduction of Chinese cuisine into Japan and its associations with empire and a post-war economic boom, this dissertation discusses how Pan-Asianism, and the Sino-Japanese relationship at its foundation, played a role in two-way culinary exchanges before and during the Second World War. Figures such as Zhou Zuoren, Marumoto Shōzō and Yamada Masahira attempted to use cuisine as a tool to recreate connections between China and Japan. This dissertation argues that, from 1868 to the 1980s, Sino-Japanese culinary exchanges helped formulate a foundation of shared experiences among a growing number of people from different groups on each side. The culinary bond formed by this common experience continued after the collapse of wartime Pan-Asianist ambitions, and, in turn, significantly reshaped the development of modern Chinese and Japanese cuisine in a postwar context marked by divergent paths in relation to the relative impact of women’s cooking role and domestic cuisine as key agents in this culinary interaction. Furthermore, this dissertation has demonstrated that both cuisines exhibited a process of internalizing each other’s culinary elements, which contributed to their uniqueness within the global expansion of mid-cuisine. Using cuisine as the agent, this dissertation provides a reconsideration of the Sino-Japanese relationship alongside its political, economic, and military dimensions, focusing on people's daily life and ideas under the intense communication between China and Japan in the early and mid-20th century.
2023-11-29T00:00:00ZXie, ZhentianSince the late 19th century, the ways of eating in China and Japan have become more similar than at any other time in history. Numerous shared elements have reshaped both countries' culinary culture. New dishes, skills and ingredients were created due to cultural interaction and mutual inspiration. Culinary exchange offers an often-overlooked perspective on the Sino-Japanese relationship and the development of East Asian regional bonds in modern times. While existing studies have explored the introduction of Chinese cuisine into Japan and its associations with empire and a post-war economic boom, this dissertation discusses how Pan-Asianism, and the Sino-Japanese relationship at its foundation, played a role in two-way culinary exchanges before and during the Second World War. Figures such as Zhou Zuoren, Marumoto Shōzō and Yamada Masahira attempted to use cuisine as a tool to recreate connections between China and Japan. This dissertation argues that, from 1868 to the 1980s, Sino-Japanese culinary exchanges helped formulate a foundation of shared experiences among a growing number of people from different groups on each side. The culinary bond formed by this common experience continued after the collapse of wartime Pan-Asianist ambitions, and, in turn, significantly reshaped the development of modern Chinese and Japanese cuisine in a postwar context marked by divergent paths in relation to the relative impact of women’s cooking role and domestic cuisine as key agents in this culinary interaction. Furthermore, this dissertation has demonstrated that both cuisines exhibited a process of internalizing each other’s culinary elements, which contributed to their uniqueness within the global expansion of mid-cuisine. Using cuisine as the agent, this dissertation provides a reconsideration of the Sino-Japanese relationship alongside its political, economic, and military dimensions, focusing on people's daily life and ideas under the intense communication between China and Japan in the early and mid-20th century.Plain speaking, plainly understood : political rhetoric in republican England, 1649-60Gibson, Jonathan L. M.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/286232023-11-06T23:33:54Z2023-11-29T00:00:00ZThis thesis offers a new interpretation of the governing strategies of the English republican state by analysing its relationship with rhetoric and plain speaking. Departing from familiar stylistic definitions of plain speaking, the thesis demonstrates that the rhetorical revolution of the Interregnum was principally concerned with the relationship which rhetorical persuasion was seen as creating between speakers and audiences. Republican orators construed this relationship in an explicitly constitutional sense. The coercive power of the fallacious rhetorician was depicted as a form of tyranny, which was capable of destroying a commonwealth but incapable of building one. In the same way, the reciprocal equality of plain speaking and plain understanding with which republicans associated themselves was itself conceived as a blueprint for the republic which they sought to bring about.
The thesis is structured thematically, with each of the five chapters exploring a different rhetorical paradigm which informed republican plain speaking. Chapter 1 deals with the classical rhetoric in which every republican politician would have been trained from adolescence, arguing that rejections of formal eloquence were not products of ignorance, but instead reflected a complex appreciation of rhetoric’s power. Chapter 2 focuses on legal rhetoric, comparing the idealised plainness associated with the English common law with the rhetorical coercion and obfuscation commonly attributed to professional lawyers. Chapter 3 analyses the ideals and praxes of parliamentary debate, revealing a common republican faith in the value of debate as a mechanism for fostering plainness, while also highlighting situations in which that mechanism broke down. Chapter 4 examines the power ascribed to sermons as vehicles for exalting and restoring plain speaking and plain understanding, with a particular attention to parliamentary sermons. Chapter 5 explores republican friendship, proposing that texts of intimate correspondence provide the most fully realised articulations of the republican utopia of plain communication.
2023-11-29T00:00:00ZGibson, Jonathan L. M.This thesis offers a new interpretation of the governing strategies of the English republican state by analysing its relationship with rhetoric and plain speaking. Departing from familiar stylistic definitions of plain speaking, the thesis demonstrates that the rhetorical revolution of the Interregnum was principally concerned with the relationship which rhetorical persuasion was seen as creating between speakers and audiences. Republican orators construed this relationship in an explicitly constitutional sense. The coercive power of the fallacious rhetorician was depicted as a form of tyranny, which was capable of destroying a commonwealth but incapable of building one. In the same way, the reciprocal equality of plain speaking and plain understanding with which republicans associated themselves was itself conceived as a blueprint for the republic which they sought to bring about.
The thesis is structured thematically, with each of the five chapters exploring a different rhetorical paradigm which informed republican plain speaking. Chapter 1 deals with the classical rhetoric in which every republican politician would have been trained from adolescence, arguing that rejections of formal eloquence were not products of ignorance, but instead reflected a complex appreciation of rhetoric’s power. Chapter 2 focuses on legal rhetoric, comparing the idealised plainness associated with the English common law with the rhetorical coercion and obfuscation commonly attributed to professional lawyers. Chapter 3 analyses the ideals and praxes of parliamentary debate, revealing a common republican faith in the value of debate as a mechanism for fostering plainness, while also highlighting situations in which that mechanism broke down. Chapter 4 examines the power ascribed to sermons as vehicles for exalting and restoring plain speaking and plain understanding, with a particular attention to parliamentary sermons. Chapter 5 explores republican friendship, proposing that texts of intimate correspondence provide the most fully realised articulations of the republican utopia of plain communication.The dissemination of books printed in England and Ireland on the northern European book market, 1600-1720de Lange, Johannahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/283982023-09-21T02:01:24Z2023-11-29T00:00:00ZThis thesis is the first to provide an overview of the English book ownership of Danish and Dutch collectors, by following the circulation of books printed in England on the book markets in Denmark and the Dutch Republic between 1600 and 1720. Book auctions first took place in the Dutch Republic in the early seventeenth century, where it became common practice to print and distribute an auction catalogue to facilitate sales. In 1661, Denmark followed the Dutch example and created a second thriving European market for book auctions. The printed auction catalogues marked the beginning of a book market that became more accessible to both private owners and institutions, such as universities, and they comprise the principal source base for this thesis.
The English printing industry has long been studied only from a national perspective, in which the import of books played a major role. The opposite movement, the export of English books to mainland Europe, remained underexposed. Existing studies have made use of book trade and fair catalogues to understand the circulation of English publications abroad. This study aims to add to that knowledge by looking at private book ownership. During their lifetime, library owners sourced books from all the major printing centres in Europe. Books from England formed a modest share of their collections. However, the exact size of that share and the type of books these bibliophiles collected remained unknown. This study addresses that lacuna. In addition to the contents of 192 catalogues from private owners, another 51 catalogues from booksellers and 14 institutional catalogues were inspected to see how the collections relate to one another. Private owners, some of whom had strong ties to England, took the lead and were more adventurous than booksellers or university librarians in purchasing new titles. By choosing print published in England, these private collectors from Denmark and the Dutch Republic were at the forefront of the European reading public.
2023-11-29T00:00:00Zde Lange, JohannaThis thesis is the first to provide an overview of the English book ownership of Danish and Dutch collectors, by following the circulation of books printed in England on the book markets in Denmark and the Dutch Republic between 1600 and 1720. Book auctions first took place in the Dutch Republic in the early seventeenth century, where it became common practice to print and distribute an auction catalogue to facilitate sales. In 1661, Denmark followed the Dutch example and created a second thriving European market for book auctions. The printed auction catalogues marked the beginning of a book market that became more accessible to both private owners and institutions, such as universities, and they comprise the principal source base for this thesis.
The English printing industry has long been studied only from a national perspective, in which the import of books played a major role. The opposite movement, the export of English books to mainland Europe, remained underexposed. Existing studies have made use of book trade and fair catalogues to understand the circulation of English publications abroad. This study aims to add to that knowledge by looking at private book ownership. During their lifetime, library owners sourced books from all the major printing centres in Europe. Books from England formed a modest share of their collections. However, the exact size of that share and the type of books these bibliophiles collected remained unknown. This study addresses that lacuna. In addition to the contents of 192 catalogues from private owners, another 51 catalogues from booksellers and 14 institutional catalogues were inspected to see how the collections relate to one another. Private owners, some of whom had strong ties to England, took the lead and were more adventurous than booksellers or university librarians in purchasing new titles. By choosing print published in England, these private collectors from Denmark and the Dutch Republic were at the forefront of the European reading public.Delivering the news : the Huguenot gazettes published in the Dutch Republic compared with the Paris Gazette, 1671-1701Georgakakis, Panagiotishttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/276532023-06-20T16:57:40Z2023-06-15T00:00:00ZThis thesis represents the first analytical overview of the Huguenot gazettes that were published in the Dutch Republic during the last quarter of the seventeenth century (1671-1701). Huguenots settled in the Dutch Republic from the second half of the seventeenth century in order to get away from the prosecutions that had started by the French state during the 1660s. Some of these refugees started working in the thriving Dutch printing industry while others worked as correspondents or writers in the news market. The production of newspapers in the United Provinces and the establishment of two Francophone gazettes published by Dutch courantiers helped the Huguenot editors and publishers to obtain the necessary experience in the news market. Thus, when the number of Francophone readers increased due to the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, these Huguenot editors and publishers established their own ventures alongside their fellow countrymen who arrived in the United Provinces after 1685. The emergence of the Huguenot gazettes in the United Provinces coexisted with the constant warfare of King Louis XIV against several European states. Indeed, France was at war by 1672, first with the Dutch in the Franco-Dutch war (1672-1678), then against the Spanish Netherlands and the Holy Roman Empire (1683-1684) which was the prelude to the War of the Great Alliance (1688-1697) where France confronted a major block of European states. This project argues that each Huguenot newsman had his own agenda, focusing on a different news market, and thus the attitude towards France and the French King Louis XIV varied in the Huguenot press.
The existing literature deals mostly with the Huguenot gazettes that were published in the Dutch Republic during the eighteenth century, and especially with the Gazette d’Amsterdam and the Gazette de Leyde. Few works have focused on the establishment of the Huguenot gazettes during the seventeenth century, giving only details about the changes in form and format and presenting the names of the publishers, editors and collaborators. It is generally accepted that the first generation of the Huguenot editors and publishers were hostile towards France, a stance which would change in the eighteenth century. My research challenges the existing scholarship through a comparison between the reports appearing in each Huguenot gazette, revealing the different political agenda of each Huguenot newsman, an agenda that was not, nevertheless, consistent.
2023-06-15T00:00:00ZGeorgakakis, PanagiotisThis thesis represents the first analytical overview of the Huguenot gazettes that were published in the Dutch Republic during the last quarter of the seventeenth century (1671-1701). Huguenots settled in the Dutch Republic from the second half of the seventeenth century in order to get away from the prosecutions that had started by the French state during the 1660s. Some of these refugees started working in the thriving Dutch printing industry while others worked as correspondents or writers in the news market. The production of newspapers in the United Provinces and the establishment of two Francophone gazettes published by Dutch courantiers helped the Huguenot editors and publishers to obtain the necessary experience in the news market. Thus, when the number of Francophone readers increased due to the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, these Huguenot editors and publishers established their own ventures alongside their fellow countrymen who arrived in the United Provinces after 1685. The emergence of the Huguenot gazettes in the United Provinces coexisted with the constant warfare of King Louis XIV against several European states. Indeed, France was at war by 1672, first with the Dutch in the Franco-Dutch war (1672-1678), then against the Spanish Netherlands and the Holy Roman Empire (1683-1684) which was the prelude to the War of the Great Alliance (1688-1697) where France confronted a major block of European states. This project argues that each Huguenot newsman had his own agenda, focusing on a different news market, and thus the attitude towards France and the French King Louis XIV varied in the Huguenot press.
The existing literature deals mostly with the Huguenot gazettes that were published in the Dutch Republic during the eighteenth century, and especially with the Gazette d’Amsterdam and the Gazette de Leyde. Few works have focused on the establishment of the Huguenot gazettes during the seventeenth century, giving only details about the changes in form and format and presenting the names of the publishers, editors and collaborators. It is generally accepted that the first generation of the Huguenot editors and publishers were hostile towards France, a stance which would change in the eighteenth century. My research challenges the existing scholarship through a comparison between the reports appearing in each Huguenot gazette, revealing the different political agenda of each Huguenot newsman, an agenda that was not, nevertheless, consistent.Propaganda and territorialisation : SA imagery and power, 1923-1945Berg, Jacobhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/276512023-05-21T16:20:14Z2023-06-15T00:00:00ZIt was once argued that the Sturmabteilung lost political power in the Nazi state after the 1934 Night of the Long Knives. However, since the 1980s, there is a growing body of literature that has shown that the SA not only continued but had a variety of important functions until the collapse of the Third Reich. What is less known is the role that SA propaganda played in assisting the Nazi state in achieving its aims between 1934-1945. Whilst there is a historical consensus that the SA was one of the most important means of propaganda until 1933, scholars have neglected to address the ongoing significance of SA propaganda until the end of the regime. This thesis fills this gap by exploring the role and function of SA visuality and imagery from 1923-1945. By analysing the propaganda of the brownshirts over the length and breadth of their existence, this thesis demonstrates that Hitler’s stormtroopers not only continued to exist as an important community shaping constituent for the Nazis, but that their propaganda was used to Nazify German society to fit within their own twisted ideological worldview. The main contribution of this thesis lies within its analytical framework that uses Robert Sack’s concept of human territoriality as a lens to view SA propaganda. Sack argues that territoriality is the attempt by an individual or group to affect, influence, or control people by delimiting and asserting control over a geographic area. This thesis explains how SA visuality and imagery was used as a form of territorialisation, in that the SA used their propaganda after 1933 to turn German society into Nazi territory. SA imagery aimed to shape the actions and attitudes of the German population by indoctrinating them with the ideological tenets of National Socialism. By examining SA propaganda in public spaces, education, sport, and during the Second World War, this thesis establishes that the importance of the SA remained until the end of the Third Reich.
2023-06-15T00:00:00ZBerg, JacobIt was once argued that the Sturmabteilung lost political power in the Nazi state after the 1934 Night of the Long Knives. However, since the 1980s, there is a growing body of literature that has shown that the SA not only continued but had a variety of important functions until the collapse of the Third Reich. What is less known is the role that SA propaganda played in assisting the Nazi state in achieving its aims between 1934-1945. Whilst there is a historical consensus that the SA was one of the most important means of propaganda until 1933, scholars have neglected to address the ongoing significance of SA propaganda until the end of the regime. This thesis fills this gap by exploring the role and function of SA visuality and imagery from 1923-1945. By analysing the propaganda of the brownshirts over the length and breadth of their existence, this thesis demonstrates that Hitler’s stormtroopers not only continued to exist as an important community shaping constituent for the Nazis, but that their propaganda was used to Nazify German society to fit within their own twisted ideological worldview. The main contribution of this thesis lies within its analytical framework that uses Robert Sack’s concept of human territoriality as a lens to view SA propaganda. Sack argues that territoriality is the attempt by an individual or group to affect, influence, or control people by delimiting and asserting control over a geographic area. This thesis explains how SA visuality and imagery was used as a form of territorialisation, in that the SA used their propaganda after 1933 to turn German society into Nazi territory. SA imagery aimed to shape the actions and attitudes of the German population by indoctrinating them with the ideological tenets of National Socialism. By examining SA propaganda in public spaces, education, sport, and during the Second World War, this thesis establishes that the importance of the SA remained until the end of the Third Reich.Narratives of grievance and victimisation in Iranian foreign policy under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddeq, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and President Manhood AhmadinejadMoinian, Mahnazhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/275272023-05-12T20:32:51Z2023-06-15T00:00:00ZThis thesis investigates one of Iran’s grand narratives, the myth of victimisation, as a tool of the Iranian political elite to achieve foreign policy goals. It studies the leadership of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (1941-1979), Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddeq (1951-1953), Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1979-1989), and President Mahmood Ahmadinejad (2005-2013) to argue that the sense of grievance of justice denied has had a cultural provenance, rooted in historical, literary and religious references spanning centuries. Accordingly Iranian leaders have been able to pursue and perpetuate narratives that have served to cast Iranians as victims of foreign intrigue, thus relieving themselves from accountability and inaction.
The narrative of grievance has had a resurgence with the rise of populism around the world, but as an ideational catalyst in Iranian politics, where it has been at play for decades, it has received scant attention. The leaders studied in this thesis have each employed this narrative to varying degrees and effects, to cast the world as a battleground between victim and victimizer. This process was most evident in the lead up to and in the aftermath of the Islamic Revolution, when Ayatollah Khomeini and President Ahmadinejad repurposed the myth of victimisation to launch and export the revolution. While the Shah and Prime Minister Mosaddeq disseminated such myths to extract favourable concessions from foreign powers, mainly the United States and Great Britain.
As a result, the grounding of Iran’s most exigent foreign policy issues in myths and populist narratives has led to an incongruity between its potential and its current standing in the community of nations.
2023-06-15T00:00:00ZMoinian, MahnazThis thesis investigates one of Iran’s grand narratives, the myth of victimisation, as a tool of the Iranian political elite to achieve foreign policy goals. It studies the leadership of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (1941-1979), Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddeq (1951-1953), Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1979-1989), and President Mahmood Ahmadinejad (2005-2013) to argue that the sense of grievance of justice denied has had a cultural provenance, rooted in historical, literary and religious references spanning centuries. Accordingly Iranian leaders have been able to pursue and perpetuate narratives that have served to cast Iranians as victims of foreign intrigue, thus relieving themselves from accountability and inaction.
The narrative of grievance has had a resurgence with the rise of populism around the world, but as an ideational catalyst in Iranian politics, where it has been at play for decades, it has received scant attention. The leaders studied in this thesis have each employed this narrative to varying degrees and effects, to cast the world as a battleground between victim and victimizer. This process was most evident in the lead up to and in the aftermath of the Islamic Revolution, when Ayatollah Khomeini and President Ahmadinejad repurposed the myth of victimisation to launch and export the revolution. While the Shah and Prime Minister Mosaddeq disseminated such myths to extract favourable concessions from foreign powers, mainly the United States and Great Britain.
As a result, the grounding of Iran’s most exigent foreign policy issues in myths and populist narratives has led to an incongruity between its potential and its current standing in the community of nations.Russia’s military strategy and the Entente in the First World War, 1914–1917Anisimova, Sofya Dmitrievnahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/274212023-08-23T21:16:13Z2023-06-15T00:00:00ZIn the last thirty years the appreciation of the First World War as ‘the war of coalitions’ has gained widespread recognition, and firmly established itself as one of the most prominent approaches to the evaluation of the military strategy of the First World War. However, due to inaccessibility of the archives and complexity of the language, Russian Empire’s contribution to the Entente strategy has often been overlooked. This thesis attempts to remedy that and evaluates the role that the Russian high command played in developing the coalition strategy of the Entente from August 1914 until February 1917. It argues that after September 1915 Russia became one of the greatest advocates of a unified coalition strategy and was instrumental in the Entente’s agreeing on a plan for a coordinated Allied offensive in 1915 and 1916. The driver for this development was the weakening of Russia’s military power and the political crisis at home brought on by the Great Retreat in summer 1915. The new high command led by General Alekseev was anxious to achieve victory for Russia before it could be engulfed in political unrest. Alekseev also had his own original vision of strategy that involved using the Salonika and Ottoman fronts as launching grounds for a large-scale offensive designed to break the geographical unity of the Central Powers and deprive Germany of material resources of its allies. Although Alekseev’s plans were never fulfilled, their existence proves that the Entente strategists often had a better understanding of coalition warfare and were more flexible in their planning than previously thought. By bringing Russia into the coalition narrative, this thesis questions existing preconceptions about the Entente developed as a result of research focused predominantly on Anglo-French relations and opens a path to a more balanced view of the 1914-1918 conflict.
2023-06-15T00:00:00ZAnisimova, Sofya DmitrievnaIn the last thirty years the appreciation of the First World War as ‘the war of coalitions’ has gained widespread recognition, and firmly established itself as one of the most prominent approaches to the evaluation of the military strategy of the First World War. However, due to inaccessibility of the archives and complexity of the language, Russian Empire’s contribution to the Entente strategy has often been overlooked. This thesis attempts to remedy that and evaluates the role that the Russian high command played in developing the coalition strategy of the Entente from August 1914 until February 1917. It argues that after September 1915 Russia became one of the greatest advocates of a unified coalition strategy and was instrumental in the Entente’s agreeing on a plan for a coordinated Allied offensive in 1915 and 1916. The driver for this development was the weakening of Russia’s military power and the political crisis at home brought on by the Great Retreat in summer 1915. The new high command led by General Alekseev was anxious to achieve victory for Russia before it could be engulfed in political unrest. Alekseev also had his own original vision of strategy that involved using the Salonika and Ottoman fronts as launching grounds for a large-scale offensive designed to break the geographical unity of the Central Powers and deprive Germany of material resources of its allies. Although Alekseev’s plans were never fulfilled, their existence proves that the Entente strategists often had a better understanding of coalition warfare and were more flexible in their planning than previously thought. By bringing Russia into the coalition narrative, this thesis questions existing preconceptions about the Entente developed as a result of research focused predominantly on Anglo-French relations and opens a path to a more balanced view of the 1914-1918 conflict.The Dundee Arctic trade, 1858-1922 : people, connections and spaces on the peripheriesYlitalo, Matthew Warrenhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/273942023-04-14T02:06:39Z2023-06-15T00:00:00ZExisting whaling historiography frames the end of the traditional whaling era in the Arctic along established interpretational and methodological paradigms. These perspectives consider the industry almost entirely within the context of ships, men, whales and the sea. This thesis shifts its attention to the industry’s historical peripheries to examine the people, connections and spaces which existed within Dundee’s widening scope of Arctic commercial activities from 1858 to 1922. As bowhead whale populations diminished, the trade began to diversify its financial base of support, explore additional natural resource to exploit on an industrial scale, and change the dynamics of its labour requirements. Going beyond the men on whaling ships, the thesis seeks to identify what other people and activities defined this enterprise. Research therefore introduces the term ‘Arctic trade’ to comprehend its investigation into this transitive era more fully. The thesis adopts a transnational/global history approach, enabling it to shift from a national perspective to a changing mix of local, regional and transoceanic historical scales. This makes it possible for research to recognise the various social and spatial boundaries within the Arctic trade and study where they can be found. Research also considers the ways in which the industry became a variable social anchor within the transmaritime communities it engaged.
2023-06-15T00:00:00ZYlitalo, Matthew WarrenExisting whaling historiography frames the end of the traditional whaling era in the Arctic along established interpretational and methodological paradigms. These perspectives consider the industry almost entirely within the context of ships, men, whales and the sea. This thesis shifts its attention to the industry’s historical peripheries to examine the people, connections and spaces which existed within Dundee’s widening scope of Arctic commercial activities from 1858 to 1922. As bowhead whale populations diminished, the trade began to diversify its financial base of support, explore additional natural resource to exploit on an industrial scale, and change the dynamics of its labour requirements. Going beyond the men on whaling ships, the thesis seeks to identify what other people and activities defined this enterprise. Research therefore introduces the term ‘Arctic trade’ to comprehend its investigation into this transitive era more fully. The thesis adopts a transnational/global history approach, enabling it to shift from a national perspective to a changing mix of local, regional and transoceanic historical scales. This makes it possible for research to recognise the various social and spatial boundaries within the Arctic trade and study where they can be found. Research also considers the ways in which the industry became a variable social anchor within the transmaritime communities it engaged.'The “English disease” : identities of melancholy in early modern England'Betz, Emilyhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/273832023-05-23T11:10:32Z2023-06-15T00:00:00ZThis thesis explores the various identities of the disease of melancholy in England between c.1580 and 1789. Melancholy was a disease with a long and ambiguous history of symptoms and meanings which can be traced back to Classical authors. It will be argued here that this disease bourgeoned in early modern England popular discourse in a way previously unseen. This flourishing was due to the specific cultural circumstances found in the two centuries under investigation which allowed for certain traits of the melancholy disease to become predominant in impactful ways. Using the philosopher Ian Hacking’s theoretical framework on ‘transient mental illness’, this thesis examines the appearance of the different common conceptions of melancholy in their religious, political, and social iterations. It argues that different disease identities become predominant as they moved into spaces created by ‘ecological niches’, before fading away when those niches changed. While the various melancholy identities never entirely disappeared, they did become more or less popular according to the cultural contexts of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Ultimately, these changing identities of the ailment interacted with the circumstances of early modern England to produce a distinctly English reputation for melancholy in the 1700s.
2023-06-15T00:00:00ZBetz, EmilyThis thesis explores the various identities of the disease of melancholy in England between c.1580 and 1789. Melancholy was a disease with a long and ambiguous history of symptoms and meanings which can be traced back to Classical authors. It will be argued here that this disease bourgeoned in early modern England popular discourse in a way previously unseen. This flourishing was due to the specific cultural circumstances found in the two centuries under investigation which allowed for certain traits of the melancholy disease to become predominant in impactful ways. Using the philosopher Ian Hacking’s theoretical framework on ‘transient mental illness’, this thesis examines the appearance of the different common conceptions of melancholy in their religious, political, and social iterations. It argues that different disease identities become predominant as they moved into spaces created by ‘ecological niches’, before fading away when those niches changed. While the various melancholy identities never entirely disappeared, they did become more or less popular according to the cultural contexts of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Ultimately, these changing identities of the ailment interacted with the circumstances of early modern England to produce a distinctly English reputation for melancholy in the 1700s.Between internationalism and nationalism : the Esperanto movement in the Iberian Peninsula in the early twentieth centuryRequejo de Lamo, Pilarhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/273632024-01-22T21:55:35Z2023-06-15T00:00:00ZThis thesis is, first of all, an account of the Esperanto movement in the Iberian Peninsula. A largely unexplored phenomenon in general, the development of the constructed language in Southern Europe has not been addressed in depth before. Therefore, this work is one of its kind and complements the literature on better known Esperanto movements in France, Great Britain, and Eastern Europe. Zooming in the Iberian Peninsula, however, does not merely add a new region to the available Esperanto literature, it also uncovers new trends within Esperantism, distancing the phenomenon from the field of linguistics and exposing its relation to other historical events. Between 1887 and 1928 a significant connection between the language and nationalist movements emerged in the region. This cooperation between social movements led to increasing tensions among Esperantists with different nationalist and political agendas. Such confrontations questioned whether Esperanto could prevail over nationalist sentiments or not, especially because of the long-established apolitical character of the movement. The novelty of this thesis is thus twofold. One the one hand, it geographically expands the research on Esperanto by focusing on a peripheral European area. On the other hand, it examines the extent to which Esperantism can be associated with terms such as cosmopolitanism, internationalism, and anationalism, as it has traditionally been. To achieve it, this thesis approaches the issue by studying the Esperanto movements of three specific nations: Portugal, Spain, and Catalonia. The analysis of their national Esperanto journals sheds light on the events that shaped Esperantism in the Peninsula. However, as censorship regulated any printed material, a key focus are the numerous individuals who made up the groups involved. Thus, the aim of this thesis is to include the Iberian Peninsula in the history of Esperanto whilst exploring its nationalist ramifications. Doing so will help unveil unknown facets of the language that will then contribute to our better understanding of Esperanto beyond linguistics.
2023-06-15T00:00:00ZRequejo de Lamo, PilarThis thesis is, first of all, an account of the Esperanto movement in the Iberian Peninsula. A largely unexplored phenomenon in general, the development of the constructed language in Southern Europe has not been addressed in depth before. Therefore, this work is one of its kind and complements the literature on better known Esperanto movements in France, Great Britain, and Eastern Europe. Zooming in the Iberian Peninsula, however, does not merely add a new region to the available Esperanto literature, it also uncovers new trends within Esperantism, distancing the phenomenon from the field of linguistics and exposing its relation to other historical events. Between 1887 and 1928 a significant connection between the language and nationalist movements emerged in the region. This cooperation between social movements led to increasing tensions among Esperantists with different nationalist and political agendas. Such confrontations questioned whether Esperanto could prevail over nationalist sentiments or not, especially because of the long-established apolitical character of the movement. The novelty of this thesis is thus twofold. One the one hand, it geographically expands the research on Esperanto by focusing on a peripheral European area. On the other hand, it examines the extent to which Esperantism can be associated with terms such as cosmopolitanism, internationalism, and anationalism, as it has traditionally been. To achieve it, this thesis approaches the issue by studying the Esperanto movements of three specific nations: Portugal, Spain, and Catalonia. The analysis of their national Esperanto journals sheds light on the events that shaped Esperantism in the Peninsula. However, as censorship regulated any printed material, a key focus are the numerous individuals who made up the groups involved. Thus, the aim of this thesis is to include the Iberian Peninsula in the history of Esperanto whilst exploring its nationalist ramifications. Doing so will help unveil unknown facets of the language that will then contribute to our better understanding of Esperanto beyond linguistics.New state, old vices : the everyday dimensions of gaming and gambling under the Portuguese Estado Novo, 1933-1974Lengkeek, Yannickhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/272632024-01-06T03:01:29Z2023-06-15T00:00:00ZThis thesis explores the dynamics of class segregation as well as questions of agency and autonomy under the Portuguese Estado Novo regime through the analytical prism of adult gaming. Taking ongoing debates about the exceptional longevity of Salazar’s dictatorial government as a starting point, the argument presented in this dissertation seeks to expose quotidian mechanisms of repression and moral policing not only ‘from above,’ but also highlights the importance of games and playful practices as powerful sites of interaction between citizens, where moral values, social status, and concerns about idleness were constantly contested. Traditionally, historiographical debates on lived experiences of dictatorial rule in Portugal and the ideological framework of the Estado Novo highlight the regime’s staunch moralism. Yet, a close examination of widespread and morally tainted practices like gambling, lottery play, and billiards shows that the regime’s ideals of what constituted acceptable behaviour were not uniformly applied. Instead, the government adopted a pragmatic, class-specific approach, where government responses to games were tailored to the social status of those who played them as well as the spaces they took place in. This class-based discrimination was mirrored in the legal framework that sustained Portugal’s remarkably lenient licensing system for casinos (even compared to Western democracies until the late 1960s), leaving working-class gamblers with no other legal alternative than the national lottery, which was heavily gendered, tapped into pervasive religious and charitable connotations, and complemented the regime’s mixed moral messaging. In the case of billiards, some local authorities sought to discredit these games 'from below,’ linking them to classist discourses about bars and taverns as ‘distasteful’ spaces that were incompatible with Salazar’s image of the model citizen. Together, these three case studies situate the Portuguese Estado Novo within broader debates about leisure and resistance against the enforcement of moral standards under dictatorial rule.
2023-06-15T00:00:00ZLengkeek, YannickThis thesis explores the dynamics of class segregation as well as questions of agency and autonomy under the Portuguese Estado Novo regime through the analytical prism of adult gaming. Taking ongoing debates about the exceptional longevity of Salazar’s dictatorial government as a starting point, the argument presented in this dissertation seeks to expose quotidian mechanisms of repression and moral policing not only ‘from above,’ but also highlights the importance of games and playful practices as powerful sites of interaction between citizens, where moral values, social status, and concerns about idleness were constantly contested. Traditionally, historiographical debates on lived experiences of dictatorial rule in Portugal and the ideological framework of the Estado Novo highlight the regime’s staunch moralism. Yet, a close examination of widespread and morally tainted practices like gambling, lottery play, and billiards shows that the regime’s ideals of what constituted acceptable behaviour were not uniformly applied. Instead, the government adopted a pragmatic, class-specific approach, where government responses to games were tailored to the social status of those who played them as well as the spaces they took place in. This class-based discrimination was mirrored in the legal framework that sustained Portugal’s remarkably lenient licensing system for casinos (even compared to Western democracies until the late 1960s), leaving working-class gamblers with no other legal alternative than the national lottery, which was heavily gendered, tapped into pervasive religious and charitable connotations, and complemented the regime’s mixed moral messaging. In the case of billiards, some local authorities sought to discredit these games 'from below,’ linking them to classist discourses about bars and taverns as ‘distasteful’ spaces that were incompatible with Salazar’s image of the model citizen. Together, these three case studies situate the Portuguese Estado Novo within broader debates about leisure and resistance against the enforcement of moral standards under dictatorial rule.Political engagement and popular print in Spanish Naples (1503-1707)Incollingo, Laurahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/270632023-11-30T03:05:44Z2023-06-15T00:00:00ZThis dissertation presents an exploration of the printing industry of Naples during the Spanish Viceroyalty (1503-1707). In particular, the focus will be on popular print and its role in building a relationship between the people of Naples and the Spanish authorities and how this particular type of publication was used to shape public opinion in Naples.
The goal is to examine what was published in Naples, what Neapolitan people read or were exposed to and how this literary production contributed to the construction of a politically-informed population. To look at this dynamic relationship, I used archival sources and manuscripts to shed light on all the activities related to printers, the printing business and readers, such as procedures for buying and selling prohibited books. I also examined concessions for printing certain works, who were the appointed printers for civic offices as well as pamphlets and broadsheets found in libraries and which of the books that caused concern were imported rather than printed locally.
The assertion behind this project is that, contrary to popular belief, Naples was indeed a city with a vibrant printing industry and that the Spanish authorities were the first to use this industry to shape and mould public opinion in their favour. In order to demonstrate this, I have highlighted several examples of the ways in which the Spanish authorities used the printed word, particularly in the form of popular print, to build a relationship with their Neapolitan subjects. This dissertation examines the world of ephemeral print in Naples as a whole, with chapters dedicated to particular case studies such as what was printed during the Vesuvius eruption of 1631, Masaniello’s rebellion in 1647 and the plague of 1656. The focus will also be on how the religious authorities used ephemeral print for furthering their own agenda and on how the power balance between the Roman Church and the Spanish government affected Neapolitan people and the printing industry.
2023-06-15T00:00:00ZIncollingo, LauraThis dissertation presents an exploration of the printing industry of Naples during the Spanish Viceroyalty (1503-1707). In particular, the focus will be on popular print and its role in building a relationship between the people of Naples and the Spanish authorities and how this particular type of publication was used to shape public opinion in Naples.
The goal is to examine what was published in Naples, what Neapolitan people read or were exposed to and how this literary production contributed to the construction of a politically-informed population. To look at this dynamic relationship, I used archival sources and manuscripts to shed light on all the activities related to printers, the printing business and readers, such as procedures for buying and selling prohibited books. I also examined concessions for printing certain works, who were the appointed printers for civic offices as well as pamphlets and broadsheets found in libraries and which of the books that caused concern were imported rather than printed locally.
The assertion behind this project is that, contrary to popular belief, Naples was indeed a city with a vibrant printing industry and that the Spanish authorities were the first to use this industry to shape and mould public opinion in their favour. In order to demonstrate this, I have highlighted several examples of the ways in which the Spanish authorities used the printed word, particularly in the form of popular print, to build a relationship with their Neapolitan subjects. This dissertation examines the world of ephemeral print in Naples as a whole, with chapters dedicated to particular case studies such as what was printed during the Vesuvius eruption of 1631, Masaniello’s rebellion in 1647 and the plague of 1656. The focus will also be on how the religious authorities used ephemeral print for furthering their own agenda and on how the power balance between the Roman Church and the Spanish government affected Neapolitan people and the printing industry.Of gardens, suburbs and the Parsi ‘middling sort’ : the case of the Dadar Parsi colony in colonial BombayGhosh, Vahishtai Debashishhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/270122023-02-22T11:09:46Z2022-11-30T00:00:00ZThis thesis is an exploration of the Dadar Parsi Colony, a middle-class ethnic enclave located in an area of colonial Bombay which emerged in the early 20th century. The thesis argues that the Dadar Parsi Colony arose as part of Bombay’s built environment due to the circumstances that were created by the 1896 plague. It shows that area was the outcome of the import of garden city planning principles into Bombay’s urban landscape. It also argues that the Colony is an example of a microcosm of middle-class Parsi life. It enumerates the ways in which the Parsis who resided within the space of the Colony negotiated with notions of class and colonial modernity in the city. Finally, the thesis demonstrates that the spatial character of the neighbourhood was characterised and constituted by the cultural endeavours and practices of middle-class Parsis in the public and private spheres.
2022-11-30T00:00:00ZGhosh, Vahishtai DebashishThis thesis is an exploration of the Dadar Parsi Colony, a middle-class ethnic enclave located in an area of colonial Bombay which emerged in the early 20th century. The thesis argues that the Dadar Parsi Colony arose as part of Bombay’s built environment due to the circumstances that were created by the 1896 plague. It shows that area was the outcome of the import of garden city planning principles into Bombay’s urban landscape. It also argues that the Colony is an example of a microcosm of middle-class Parsi life. It enumerates the ways in which the Parsis who resided within the space of the Colony negotiated with notions of class and colonial modernity in the city. Finally, the thesis demonstrates that the spatial character of the neighbourhood was characterised and constituted by the cultural endeavours and practices of middle-class Parsis in the public and private spheres.Republican Jacobitism : Sir James Steuart and Scottish political thoughtGallagher, Caileanhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/269932023-11-21T03:02:45Z2022-11-30T00:00:00ZAbstract redacted
2022-11-30T00:00:00ZGallagher, CaileanAbstract redactedEducating girls : the case of Carlotta de Saxy - a transnational educator and reformer at the intersection between Milan, Lombardy, and the Habsburg Empire, c.1760s-1805Ascoli, Ceciliahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/269602023-05-24T02:01:32Z2022-11-30T00:00:00ZDuring the eighteenth and nineteenth century, education, from the hands of religious congregations, single clergymen, as well as private citizens, became codified, unified, and public. Although these developments would occur transnationally across Europe, they can greatly differ due to the numerous regional circumstances. This long process is even more complex when considering the conditions of female education which was often conducted either at home or in religious institutions with little oversight from the government. Carlotta Ercolina De Saxy Visconti (1733-1805) was a Milanese noblewoman appointed by Joseph II as superintendent of female education in Lombardy, a role she would keep after the arrival of the French troops in 1796. De Saxy, through her published books and political position, tried to translate the educational principles created in the imperian metropole into reforms that were feasible both theoretically and pragmatically in northern Italy.
De Saxy devised a free, comprehensive project dedicated to women of all social standing encompassing all aspects of education, she also included plans for funding, in addition to finding teachers, textbooks, and functional school buildings. Her work awarded her praise from intellectuals and politicians alike, and, although she never had her own salon, she succeeded in creating a network of enlightened thinkers across Italy and Europe, including Pietro Verri, Giuseppe Gorani, Pietro Metastasio, and Melchiorre Delfico. She encouraged them to publish their own work by connecting them with each other to further support their aspirations. Moreover, her Jansenist sensibilities prompted a correspondence between herself, philosopher Pietro Verri, and Jansenist bishop of Pistoia Scipione De’ Ricci, a reformer of religious practises who closely collaborated with Peter Leopold in the Tuscan Grand Dutchy.
This works aims, with the tools of micro and translational history, to uncover the long-term historical process of female schooling by analysing a local actor moving between Milanese culture and Habsburg government. The shift in the scope and objective of female education at the turn of the nineteenth century in Lombardy is illustrated by examining the connection between people and institutions from the perspective of the individuals involved in changing them.
2022-11-30T00:00:00ZAscoli, CeciliaDuring the eighteenth and nineteenth century, education, from the hands of religious congregations, single clergymen, as well as private citizens, became codified, unified, and public. Although these developments would occur transnationally across Europe, they can greatly differ due to the numerous regional circumstances. This long process is even more complex when considering the conditions of female education which was often conducted either at home or in religious institutions with little oversight from the government. Carlotta Ercolina De Saxy Visconti (1733-1805) was a Milanese noblewoman appointed by Joseph II as superintendent of female education in Lombardy, a role she would keep after the arrival of the French troops in 1796. De Saxy, through her published books and political position, tried to translate the educational principles created in the imperian metropole into reforms that were feasible both theoretically and pragmatically in northern Italy.
De Saxy devised a free, comprehensive project dedicated to women of all social standing encompassing all aspects of education, she also included plans for funding, in addition to finding teachers, textbooks, and functional school buildings. Her work awarded her praise from intellectuals and politicians alike, and, although she never had her own salon, she succeeded in creating a network of enlightened thinkers across Italy and Europe, including Pietro Verri, Giuseppe Gorani, Pietro Metastasio, and Melchiorre Delfico. She encouraged them to publish their own work by connecting them with each other to further support their aspirations. Moreover, her Jansenist sensibilities prompted a correspondence between herself, philosopher Pietro Verri, and Jansenist bishop of Pistoia Scipione De’ Ricci, a reformer of religious practises who closely collaborated with Peter Leopold in the Tuscan Grand Dutchy.
This works aims, with the tools of micro and translational history, to uncover the long-term historical process of female schooling by analysing a local actor moving between Milanese culture and Habsburg government. The shift in the scope and objective of female education at the turn of the nineteenth century in Lombardy is illustrated by examining the connection between people and institutions from the perspective of the individuals involved in changing them.'Those scandalous prints' : caricatures of the elite in France and Britain, c.1740-1795Garrett, Nataleehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/267722023-01-19T10:00:16Z2022-06-16T00:00:00ZThis thesis explores caricatures of elite individuals produced in France and Britain between 1740 and 1795. It argues that the urban public spheres of France and Britain were increasingly critical of the elite in this period, and that caricatures were a significant means of expressing this criticism. It is a comparative study of British and French caricatures, analysing the similarities in popular urban attitudes towards the elite in both countries, and the ways in which these attitudes were visually depicted.
The eighteenth century saw significant expansion of a public sphere which facilitated widespread discussion about the social and political makeup of society in both countries. Scholarship of eighteenth-century European caricature has largely focused on 1789-1800. By examining sources which cross from the ancien régime and into the early years of the French Revolution, it becomes possible to explore how shifting popular attitudes towards the elite were manifested in visual culture.
By analysing recurrent motifs in British and French caricatures, this study argues that the reiteration of these motifs constituted a ‘language’ by which caricaturists communicated with viewers in a visual format. In doing so, it identifies, and assesses the significance of, the following key themes: the development of the urban public sphere, the emergence of a modern celebrity culture, and changing cultural attitudes towards the elite.
The thesis contributes to recent historiography on eighteenth-century celebrity and the public sphere by exploring how caricatures participated in the development of these cultures, particularly in the capital cities of London and Paris. It also considers the extent to which British and French caricatures contributed to contemporary popular discourse on the purpose and traditional roles of elite members of society.
Overall, the thesis argues that caricatures were a crucial mode of public discourse on the socio-political elite in France and Britain between 1740 and 1795.
Electronic version excludes material for which permission has not been granted by the rights holder
2022-06-16T00:00:00ZGarrett, NataleeThis thesis explores caricatures of elite individuals produced in France and Britain between 1740 and 1795. It argues that the urban public spheres of France and Britain were increasingly critical of the elite in this period, and that caricatures were a significant means of expressing this criticism. It is a comparative study of British and French caricatures, analysing the similarities in popular urban attitudes towards the elite in both countries, and the ways in which these attitudes were visually depicted.
The eighteenth century saw significant expansion of a public sphere which facilitated widespread discussion about the social and political makeup of society in both countries. Scholarship of eighteenth-century European caricature has largely focused on 1789-1800. By examining sources which cross from the ancien régime and into the early years of the French Revolution, it becomes possible to explore how shifting popular attitudes towards the elite were manifested in visual culture.
By analysing recurrent motifs in British and French caricatures, this study argues that the reiteration of these motifs constituted a ‘language’ by which caricaturists communicated with viewers in a visual format. In doing so, it identifies, and assesses the significance of, the following key themes: the development of the urban public sphere, the emergence of a modern celebrity culture, and changing cultural attitudes towards the elite.
The thesis contributes to recent historiography on eighteenth-century celebrity and the public sphere by exploring how caricatures participated in the development of these cultures, particularly in the capital cities of London and Paris. It also considers the extent to which British and French caricatures contributed to contemporary popular discourse on the purpose and traditional roles of elite members of society.
Overall, the thesis argues that caricatures were a crucial mode of public discourse on the socio-political elite in France and Britain between 1740 and 1795.The typewriter trade in Scotland, from the 1870s to 1920sInglis, James Davidhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/267342023-01-19T10:34:02Z2023-06-15T00:00:00ZThis thesis explores the typewriter trade in Scotland from the 1870s to the 1920s. It analyses the businesses and individuals involved in the marketing, sale and use of writing machines, revealing the processes by which typewriters went from little known novelties in the mid-1870s to essential technologies for commercial and professional work by the early twentieth century. Alongside conventional archival and print-based sources, this thesis makes use of typewriters held at National Museums Scotland and the Glasgow Museum Resource Centre. These collections shed light on the leading figures in Scotland’s typewriter trade, while strengthening our understanding of the reasons why typewriters were designed, advertised, sold and used in the way that they were.
Throughout the variety and diversity of businesses involved in the commercialisation of typewriters is revealed, demonstrating that in addition to the buying and selling of writing machines, Scottish businesses profited from producing typewritten transcriptions on demand; providing typing tuition; selling typewriter supplies; repairing typewriters; and dealing in second-hand machines. The focus on these customer facing businesses constitutes an entirely fresh approach to the history of typewriters. To date, scholars interested in the historical significance of these technologies have concentrated on either manufacturing and technical developments or on the expansion of typing as an area of employment. However, there has been hardly any analysis of the businesses that mediated between manufacturers on the one side and users on the other, in Scotland or anywhere else. The lacuna in the historiography has implied that the businesses which sold typewriters and typewriter services played a trivial role in commercialisation.
In reality, the businessmen and women in Scotland’s trade were active agents in the sale and promotion of typewriters. Through advertising, exhibitions, lectures, canvassing, typing classes, sales and a whole host of other promotional methods, they introduced typewriters to the Scottish public and demonstrated the potential that these devices had for streamlining office work and transforming the production of written documentation.
2023-06-15T00:00:00ZInglis, James DavidThis thesis explores the typewriter trade in Scotland from the 1870s to the 1920s. It analyses the businesses and individuals involved in the marketing, sale and use of writing machines, revealing the processes by which typewriters went from little known novelties in the mid-1870s to essential technologies for commercial and professional work by the early twentieth century. Alongside conventional archival and print-based sources, this thesis makes use of typewriters held at National Museums Scotland and the Glasgow Museum Resource Centre. These collections shed light on the leading figures in Scotland’s typewriter trade, while strengthening our understanding of the reasons why typewriters were designed, advertised, sold and used in the way that they were.
Throughout the variety and diversity of businesses involved in the commercialisation of typewriters is revealed, demonstrating that in addition to the buying and selling of writing machines, Scottish businesses profited from producing typewritten transcriptions on demand; providing typing tuition; selling typewriter supplies; repairing typewriters; and dealing in second-hand machines. The focus on these customer facing businesses constitutes an entirely fresh approach to the history of typewriters. To date, scholars interested in the historical significance of these technologies have concentrated on either manufacturing and technical developments or on the expansion of typing as an area of employment. However, there has been hardly any analysis of the businesses that mediated between manufacturers on the one side and users on the other, in Scotland or anywhere else. The lacuna in the historiography has implied that the businesses which sold typewriters and typewriter services played a trivial role in commercialisation.
In reality, the businessmen and women in Scotland’s trade were active agents in the sale and promotion of typewriters. Through advertising, exhibitions, lectures, canvassing, typing classes, sales and a whole host of other promotional methods, they introduced typewriters to the Scottish public and demonstrated the potential that these devices had for streamlining office work and transforming the production of written documentation.Public botanic gardens and the early institutionalisation of science : Edinburgh, Florence, and Pisa in the second half of the eighteenth centuryRomero-Passerin d'Entreves, Elenahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/263022022-11-05T03:04:00Z2022-06-16T00:00:00ZThis thesis is a comparative study of four botanic gardens in Scotland and Tuscany in the second half of the eighteenth century. Taking an approach based on case studies, it argues that botanic gardens were early examples of specialisation, professionalisation, and institutionalisation of science. The existing historiography on the topic has tended to focus on large and famous institutions which enjoyed excellent social and economic resources. By examining gardens at the margins of the largest Enlightenment science centres, the thesis shows that there were European trends in the evolution of botanical and scientific institutions at the time. Despite many differences in their political, economic, and climatic situations, the comparison of the botanic gardens of Edinburgh, Florence, and Pisa reveals striking similarities in their development as institutions in the second half of the century. The thesis explores three main themes: the management of space, the status of staff, and the place of the gardens in a wider public infrastructure. It shows that, though their responses to each theme sometimes differed, the gardens grappled with the same questions and followed similar trends. The space of the gardens was fashioned by and dedicated to scientific activities in a way that gave an increasingly precise definition to the concept of science, one that included research and excluded other forms of knowledge practices. The status of the people in charge of the gardens came to be more clearly defined and made them rare figures of professionals of science in the eighteenth century. Finally, an increase in funding and control by public authorities gave the gardens a mission to serve the public good through the practice of science. By examining these trends in all three cities, the thesis shows how specialisation, professionalisation and institutionalisation of science developed in botanic gardens of the eighteenth century.
2022-06-16T00:00:00ZRomero-Passerin d'Entreves, ElenaThis thesis is a comparative study of four botanic gardens in Scotland and Tuscany in the second half of the eighteenth century. Taking an approach based on case studies, it argues that botanic gardens were early examples of specialisation, professionalisation, and institutionalisation of science. The existing historiography on the topic has tended to focus on large and famous institutions which enjoyed excellent social and economic resources. By examining gardens at the margins of the largest Enlightenment science centres, the thesis shows that there were European trends in the evolution of botanical and scientific institutions at the time. Despite many differences in their political, economic, and climatic situations, the comparison of the botanic gardens of Edinburgh, Florence, and Pisa reveals striking similarities in their development as institutions in the second half of the century. The thesis explores three main themes: the management of space, the status of staff, and the place of the gardens in a wider public infrastructure. It shows that, though their responses to each theme sometimes differed, the gardens grappled with the same questions and followed similar trends. The space of the gardens was fashioned by and dedicated to scientific activities in a way that gave an increasingly precise definition to the concept of science, one that included research and excluded other forms of knowledge practices. The status of the people in charge of the gardens came to be more clearly defined and made them rare figures of professionals of science in the eighteenth century. Finally, an increase in funding and control by public authorities gave the gardens a mission to serve the public good through the practice of science. By examining these trends in all three cities, the thesis shows how specialisation, professionalisation and institutionalisation of science developed in botanic gardens of the eighteenth century.The militant shop floor : radical industrial action in the United Kingdom, 1969-1977Brown, Jordanhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/262902022-11-03T03:09:05Z2022-11-30T00:00:00ZThe Ulster Workers Council (UWC) in 1974 was a powerful demonstration of militant trade unionism and the ability of trade unionists to deliver significant changes to government policy. The UWC should not be considered a Loyalist paramilitary action but instead an instance of militant trade union activism. During the 1970s, many trade unionist campaigns across the United Kingdom were driven by a desire to overturn government policy. These campaigns were not exclusively concerned about industrial concerns like wages and pensions and instead wanted to harness public opinion to overturn government policy. Organisation like the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and the Upper Clyde Shipbuilder (UCS) established tactics that that incorporated dissatisfaction with current societal conditions within a framework of trade unionism. This was paired with an acceptable level of protest. Staying within the boundaries of appropriate activism was vital to maintain public support. Equally the UWC understood that while the conditions of Northern Ireland pushed the boundaries of protest further than in Great Britain, it was still important to remain disciplined. This study will highlight how these similarities between the NUM and UCS proliferated across the Irish Sea to the UWC strike of 1974. The trade unionist backgrounds of the UWC should not be considered merely a footnote but rather the foundation of its success. The UWC’s ability to remove the Sunningdale Agreement with a general strike is one of the biggest achievements of trade unionists during the post-war era. It was not a radical action exclusive to Northern Ireland but instead part of wider increase in shopfloor militancy. This study will illustrate how solidarity can be cultivated beyond the shopfloor and how trade unionists pushed the boundaries of what was considered industrial action.
2022-11-30T00:00:00ZBrown, JordanThe Ulster Workers Council (UWC) in 1974 was a powerful demonstration of militant trade unionism and the ability of trade unionists to deliver significant changes to government policy. The UWC should not be considered a Loyalist paramilitary action but instead an instance of militant trade union activism. During the 1970s, many trade unionist campaigns across the United Kingdom were driven by a desire to overturn government policy. These campaigns were not exclusively concerned about industrial concerns like wages and pensions and instead wanted to harness public opinion to overturn government policy. Organisation like the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and the Upper Clyde Shipbuilder (UCS) established tactics that that incorporated dissatisfaction with current societal conditions within a framework of trade unionism. This was paired with an acceptable level of protest. Staying within the boundaries of appropriate activism was vital to maintain public support. Equally the UWC understood that while the conditions of Northern Ireland pushed the boundaries of protest further than in Great Britain, it was still important to remain disciplined. This study will highlight how these similarities between the NUM and UCS proliferated across the Irish Sea to the UWC strike of 1974. The trade unionist backgrounds of the UWC should not be considered merely a footnote but rather the foundation of its success. The UWC’s ability to remove the Sunningdale Agreement with a general strike is one of the biggest achievements of trade unionists during the post-war era. It was not a radical action exclusive to Northern Ireland but instead part of wider increase in shopfloor militancy. This study will illustrate how solidarity can be cultivated beyond the shopfloor and how trade unionists pushed the boundaries of what was considered industrial action.He remains an Englishman? : masculine nostalgia and the perception of the German threat in mid-Victorian and Edwardian EnglandEarnshaw, Jameshttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/262782022-11-02T03:03:48Z2022-11-30T00:00:00ZThis thesis investigates the prevalence, pertinence, and potency of a recurrent gender discourse in mid-nineteenth- and early twentieth-century England: masculine nostalgia. Nostalgic views of the national past abounded in Victorian and Edwardian England. This narrative, espoused by commentators and politicians, claimed that contemporary English men were heirs to a great ancestral legacy, bequeathed to them by their predecessors who embodied a paradigm of masculinity. This story facilitated, and ostensibly legitimated, a sense of entitlement for the English, particularly for white upper-middle-class men. However, it also invited nagging doubts over whether the present generation could live up to their progenitors’ idealised masculine character.
This thesis examines when and why this nostalgic disposition became intersected by masculine angst, and what impact this trope had on the language of politics. It asks what conditions instigated these insecurities; why these concerns persisted throughout the mid-Victorian and Edwardian period; and how these fears were communicated to the English public. In short, the thesis seeks to uncover a historical continuity amid a period of immense social, political, and cultural change. It argues that the perception of the German threat between 1870 and 1909 resulted, in part, from a projection of latent English masculine insecurities. The reactions to this imagined threat were shaped by a lingering sense of inadequacy vis-à-vis previous generations. Chapters one and two examine how this discourse emerged beyond a German stimulus in the responses to the Indian Uprisings of 1857, and the origins of the Volunteer Movement in 1859. Chapters three to seven consider how the portrayal of, and responses to, German foreign policy reveal that this nostalgic view of the past shaped attitudes towards rivals’ policies. The thesis concludes that masculine nostalgia was a powerful discourse that was weaponized by upper-middle-class men to socialise contemporaries into social, political, and gender hierarchies.
2022-11-30T00:00:00ZEarnshaw, JamesThis thesis investigates the prevalence, pertinence, and potency of a recurrent gender discourse in mid-nineteenth- and early twentieth-century England: masculine nostalgia. Nostalgic views of the national past abounded in Victorian and Edwardian England. This narrative, espoused by commentators and politicians, claimed that contemporary English men were heirs to a great ancestral legacy, bequeathed to them by their predecessors who embodied a paradigm of masculinity. This story facilitated, and ostensibly legitimated, a sense of entitlement for the English, particularly for white upper-middle-class men. However, it also invited nagging doubts over whether the present generation could live up to their progenitors’ idealised masculine character.
This thesis examines when and why this nostalgic disposition became intersected by masculine angst, and what impact this trope had on the language of politics. It asks what conditions instigated these insecurities; why these concerns persisted throughout the mid-Victorian and Edwardian period; and how these fears were communicated to the English public. In short, the thesis seeks to uncover a historical continuity amid a period of immense social, political, and cultural change. It argues that the perception of the German threat between 1870 and 1909 resulted, in part, from a projection of latent English masculine insecurities. The reactions to this imagined threat were shaped by a lingering sense of inadequacy vis-à-vis previous generations. Chapters one and two examine how this discourse emerged beyond a German stimulus in the responses to the Indian Uprisings of 1857, and the origins of the Volunteer Movement in 1859. Chapters three to seven consider how the portrayal of, and responses to, German foreign policy reveal that this nostalgic view of the past shaped attitudes towards rivals’ policies. The thesis concludes that masculine nostalgia was a powerful discourse that was weaponized by upper-middle-class men to socialise contemporaries into social, political, and gender hierarchies.A culture of reuse : libraries, learning and memory in early modern GermanySchmid, Philippe Bernhardhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/260572022-09-23T02:03:20Z2022-11-29T00:00:00ZThis dissertation studies the collection and reuse of scholarly books in early modern Germany. Employing a book-historical methodology for the wider history of knowledge, I show why used books played such a central role in the early modern transmission of knowledge. Learned book culture was focused on reuse to a larger degree than the history of the book has acknowledged. Following the afterlives of libraries, I argue that learned collecting in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries was grounded in a culture of reuse and the trading of old books at auction. The aim of my study is to recontextualise the history of book collecting in this material culture of auctioning. Used books were especially prized in the early modern Republic of Letters if they contained traces of their forebears. This emphasis on the used instead of the new had a lasting influence on the memory of scholars. The German classical scholar Johann Albert Fabricius (1668–1736) had incorporated the notes left behind in the books of Marquard Gude (1635–1689) into his own works, redefining the intellectual legacy of his predecessor. My study focuses on the libraries of a group of scholars in the social network of Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716), covering the transformational period from the introduction of auctioning after the Thirty Years’ War to the advent of larger public libraries during the 1750s. In contrast to earlier studies on auctioning, which were mostly based on printed catalogues, my thesis draws on a wider range of sources, such as annotations and marks of scholars in printed books, unpublished correspondence, wills, catalogues of books both in manuscript and in print and council minutes. By reconstructing the afterlife of libraries, this study reveals how the early modern transmission of knowledge was based on material practices of secondhand scholarship.
2022-11-29T00:00:00ZSchmid, Philippe BernhardThis dissertation studies the collection and reuse of scholarly books in early modern Germany. Employing a book-historical methodology for the wider history of knowledge, I show why used books played such a central role in the early modern transmission of knowledge. Learned book culture was focused on reuse to a larger degree than the history of the book has acknowledged. Following the afterlives of libraries, I argue that learned collecting in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries was grounded in a culture of reuse and the trading of old books at auction. The aim of my study is to recontextualise the history of book collecting in this material culture of auctioning. Used books were especially prized in the early modern Republic of Letters if they contained traces of their forebears. This emphasis on the used instead of the new had a lasting influence on the memory of scholars. The German classical scholar Johann Albert Fabricius (1668–1736) had incorporated the notes left behind in the books of Marquard Gude (1635–1689) into his own works, redefining the intellectual legacy of his predecessor. My study focuses on the libraries of a group of scholars in the social network of Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716), covering the transformational period from the introduction of auctioning after the Thirty Years’ War to the advent of larger public libraries during the 1750s. In contrast to earlier studies on auctioning, which were mostly based on printed catalogues, my thesis draws on a wider range of sources, such as annotations and marks of scholars in printed books, unpublished correspondence, wills, catalogues of books both in manuscript and in print and council minutes. By reconstructing the afterlife of libraries, this study reveals how the early modern transmission of knowledge was based on material practices of secondhand scholarship.The London Symphony Orchestra and the Berlin Philharmonic Orchestra in the First World War : musical institutions, cultural identity and national conflict in Britain and Imperial GermanyLeung, Percy Pok Laihttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/257652022-08-03T09:00:34Z2022-01-17T00:00:00ZThis thesis offers a comparative study of the London Symphony Orchestra (LSO) and the Berlin Philharmonic Orchestra (BPO) during the First World War (WWI), examining how their music-making and their performances were affected between 1914 and 1918, how they attempted to support their countries and societies throughout the conflict, as well as how the groups of people associated with them – namely soloists, conductors, orchestral players, critics and concertgoers – contributed to, and also reflected, the identity of classical music in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Britain and Germany. These two distinguished and admired musical institutions are also used as prisms to investigate two contrasting cultural configurations, specifically with regard to issues such as nationalism, patriotism and propaganda. It will be argued that the LSO and the BPO were also agents that made notable social, economic and political contributions to their countries at a time of total war. This thesis is structured in three parts. It first explores how the two orchestras performed and operated, as well as what it meant to be a music-making institution in London and Berlin, during WWI. Then the focus shifts to the symbiotic relationship between music-making and music-listening and how the LSO and the BPO entertained, educated and provided solace for their audiences. Finally, this thesis considers how the two orchestras’ performances and extramusical activities interacted with the political, cultural, charitable and propaganda contexts at the time. This thesis seeks to contribute to four rich fields of historical inquiry, namely cultural history, music history, war history and orchestral history. It contributes to scholarly debates surrounding the role of music in fostering national identity, furthers our understanding of how music could be used to advance cultural and political nationalism and offers a fresh insight into Anglo-German cultural history at the time of WWI.
2022-01-17T00:00:00ZLeung, Percy Pok LaiThis thesis offers a comparative study of the London Symphony Orchestra (LSO) and the Berlin Philharmonic Orchestra (BPO) during the First World War (WWI), examining how their music-making and their performances were affected between 1914 and 1918, how they attempted to support their countries and societies throughout the conflict, as well as how the groups of people associated with them – namely soloists, conductors, orchestral players, critics and concertgoers – contributed to, and also reflected, the identity of classical music in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Britain and Germany. These two distinguished and admired musical institutions are also used as prisms to investigate two contrasting cultural configurations, specifically with regard to issues such as nationalism, patriotism and propaganda. It will be argued that the LSO and the BPO were also agents that made notable social, economic and political contributions to their countries at a time of total war. This thesis is structured in three parts. It first explores how the two orchestras performed and operated, as well as what it meant to be a music-making institution in London and Berlin, during WWI. Then the focus shifts to the symbiotic relationship between music-making and music-listening and how the LSO and the BPO entertained, educated and provided solace for their audiences. Finally, this thesis considers how the two orchestras’ performances and extramusical activities interacted with the political, cultural, charitable and propaganda contexts at the time. This thesis seeks to contribute to four rich fields of historical inquiry, namely cultural history, music history, war history and orchestral history. It contributes to scholarly debates surrounding the role of music in fostering national identity, furthers our understanding of how music could be used to advance cultural and political nationalism and offers a fresh insight into Anglo-German cultural history at the time of WWI.“To promote some publick Good, by the Joint Endeavours of a Number of People” : hereditary societies in Philadelphia and Charleston, 1740-1810Lott, Rebecca Annhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/254502022-05-25T12:00:29Z2022-06-16T00:00:00ZThis thesis focuses on the English, German, and Scottish societies in Philadelphia and Charleston from the 1740s until the 1810s. It argues the significance of early American charitable organizations in maintaining and perpetuating social structure and social morals through uncertain, volatile circumstances. To do so, it employs a comparative focus to consider the roles of ethnicity and region and explores continuities by tying together research on the colonial, revolutionary, and early republic periods.
During the late colonial period, American hereditary societies, while being a product of and a response to their local environment, inherited their institutional structure and their views on poverty from European charitable and associational traditions. These societies fulfilled dual roles of sociability and charity and thereby supported and furthered social and moral norms by regulating who was deserving of membership or assistance. In the face of wartime disruption, the societies worked to provide relief while grappling with the intersection of their hereditary and political identities. Following the war, the societies fostered reconciliation by encouraging the reintegration of their membership and by providing continuity of their activities from before the war. In the early republic, the societies retained their hereditary identities while expressing their new patriotism through encouraging local state-building. In doing so, they supported government initiatives as well as founded their own institutions for education and healthcare. Just as they had done prior to the war, the societies’ activities worked to create normality, supported those they deemed deserving, and perpetuated their social expectations and values.
2022-06-16T00:00:00ZLott, Rebecca AnnThis thesis focuses on the English, German, and Scottish societies in Philadelphia and Charleston from the 1740s until the 1810s. It argues the significance of early American charitable organizations in maintaining and perpetuating social structure and social morals through uncertain, volatile circumstances. To do so, it employs a comparative focus to consider the roles of ethnicity and region and explores continuities by tying together research on the colonial, revolutionary, and early republic periods.
During the late colonial period, American hereditary societies, while being a product of and a response to their local environment, inherited their institutional structure and their views on poverty from European charitable and associational traditions. These societies fulfilled dual roles of sociability and charity and thereby supported and furthered social and moral norms by regulating who was deserving of membership or assistance. In the face of wartime disruption, the societies worked to provide relief while grappling with the intersection of their hereditary and political identities. Following the war, the societies fostered reconciliation by encouraging the reintegration of their membership and by providing continuity of their activities from before the war. In the early republic, the societies retained their hereditary identities while expressing their new patriotism through encouraging local state-building. In doing so, they supported government initiatives as well as founded their own institutions for education and healthcare. Just as they had done prior to the war, the societies’ activities worked to create normality, supported those they deemed deserving, and perpetuated their social expectations and values.Radical ideas of political practice in 1780s and 1790s BritainWestwell, Amyhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/250152022-03-12T03:02:55Z2020-12-02T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines ideas about political tactics in 1780s and 1790s Britain. Edmund Burke
characterised radicals in the aftermath of the French Revolution as speculative thinkers with no
understanding of political action. This rhetorical strategy obscured the ideas of reformers who
were frustrated with the rationalist bent of their movement and who, inspired by Scottish
philosophy and events in Ireland, tried to work out what was to be done.
James Mackintosh and Samuel Parr responded to Burke by arguing that theory could apply to
practice, while David Williams outlined how political theory could direct reformers to the means to
harness the general will and enact it through the sovereign. Interest in arming the people led
David Steuart Erskine, Robert Watson, and John Cartwright to invoke the ideas of Andrew
Fletcher. This interest in a militia was not purely theoretical; in Ireland from 1778 the Volunteers
used a combination of arms and sumptuary rules to win legislative and trading rights. Francis
Dobbs, Joseph Pollock and Henry Flood examined this movement to learn about political tactics.
Lord George Gordon advocated for Francis Dobbs in the House of Commons and was imprisoned
for his attempts to derail the Anglo-French Commercial Treaty, an issue that once again brought
together Irish politics and discussions of commerce and luxury. In the 1790s, United Irishmen
linked their understanding of the anti-luxury practice of the Volunteers with knowledge of the
constitution they had learned from John Millar at Glasgow University. Meanwhile, Lord Buchan
was using an unlikely tactic, the practice of history, to stir the Scots to pay attention to their
Buchananite heritage. The tactical thought of British radicals in the 1790s was rarely concerned
with discussions of the rights of man, but instead referred to ideas of arms, kings, commerce, and
history.
2020-12-02T00:00:00ZWestwell, AmyThis thesis examines ideas about political tactics in 1780s and 1790s Britain. Edmund Burke
characterised radicals in the aftermath of the French Revolution as speculative thinkers with no
understanding of political action. This rhetorical strategy obscured the ideas of reformers who
were frustrated with the rationalist bent of their movement and who, inspired by Scottish
philosophy and events in Ireland, tried to work out what was to be done.
James Mackintosh and Samuel Parr responded to Burke by arguing that theory could apply to
practice, while David Williams outlined how political theory could direct reformers to the means to
harness the general will and enact it through the sovereign. Interest in arming the people led
David Steuart Erskine, Robert Watson, and John Cartwright to invoke the ideas of Andrew
Fletcher. This interest in a militia was not purely theoretical; in Ireland from 1778 the Volunteers
used a combination of arms and sumptuary rules to win legislative and trading rights. Francis
Dobbs, Joseph Pollock and Henry Flood examined this movement to learn about political tactics.
Lord George Gordon advocated for Francis Dobbs in the House of Commons and was imprisoned
for his attempts to derail the Anglo-French Commercial Treaty, an issue that once again brought
together Irish politics and discussions of commerce and luxury. In the 1790s, United Irishmen
linked their understanding of the anti-luxury practice of the Volunteers with knowledge of the
constitution they had learned from John Millar at Glasgow University. Meanwhile, Lord Buchan
was using an unlikely tactic, the practice of history, to stir the Scots to pay attention to their
Buchananite heritage. The tactical thought of British radicals in the 1790s was rarely concerned
with discussions of the rights of man, but instead referred to ideas of arms, kings, commerce, and
history.Rhetorics of asylum : a study on the public debate about asylum policy in Germany during the era of Chancellor Helmut Kohl, 1982-94Eckner, Constantin Christophhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/239342021-09-10T10:30:30Z2021-12-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis provides the first thorough analysis of the so-called “asylum debate” (Asyldebatte) in Germany in the 1980s and early 1990s. The debate revolved around the subject of asylum policy and, in a broader sense, immigration into Germany in general. The study is bookended by two key events: the inauguration of Helmut Kohl as West Germany’s new Chancellor in 1982 and the 1993 decision by the Bundestag and Bundesrat to tighten the constitutional right to asylum through an amendment of Article 16 of the German Grundgesetz. This decision marked the first time in Germany’s post-war history that one of the 19 fundamental rights in the Grundgesetz was limited in its scope.
What exactly caused the asylum debate? What stoked its heated nature? And what factors led to the decision for a constitutional amendment? In answering these questions, this thesis offers a detailed study of the arguments and discursive strategies of prominent actors involved in the debate, including politicians and parties on the federal and local level, intellectuals, scholars, and journalists. It uses newspaper articles and editorials, the minutes of political meetings, electoral propaganda, party pamphlets, and a range of other sources to reconstruct how these actors pushed their respective agendas.
This thesis should be understood as a contribution to the history of migration in Germany and Europe and to the late modern political history of Germany. It proves how the debate about asylum policy was impacted by a fundamental disagreement among political actors over whether Germany was in fact a “country of immigration” (Einwanderungsland) and whether the immigration of refugees would have irreversible consequences for the social fabric and economic prospects of the Federal Republic.
2021-12-01T00:00:00ZEckner, Constantin ChristophThis thesis provides the first thorough analysis of the so-called “asylum debate” (Asyldebatte) in Germany in the 1980s and early 1990s. The debate revolved around the subject of asylum policy and, in a broader sense, immigration into Germany in general. The study is bookended by two key events: the inauguration of Helmut Kohl as West Germany’s new Chancellor in 1982 and the 1993 decision by the Bundestag and Bundesrat to tighten the constitutional right to asylum through an amendment of Article 16 of the German Grundgesetz. This decision marked the first time in Germany’s post-war history that one of the 19 fundamental rights in the Grundgesetz was limited in its scope.
What exactly caused the asylum debate? What stoked its heated nature? And what factors led to the decision for a constitutional amendment? In answering these questions, this thesis offers a detailed study of the arguments and discursive strategies of prominent actors involved in the debate, including politicians and parties on the federal and local level, intellectuals, scholars, and journalists. It uses newspaper articles and editorials, the minutes of political meetings, electoral propaganda, party pamphlets, and a range of other sources to reconstruct how these actors pushed their respective agendas.
This thesis should be understood as a contribution to the history of migration in Germany and Europe and to the late modern political history of Germany. It proves how the debate about asylum policy was impacted by a fundamental disagreement among political actors over whether Germany was in fact a “country of immigration” (Einwanderungsland) and whether the immigration of refugees would have irreversible consequences for the social fabric and economic prospects of the Federal Republic.“The Law is open on both sides.” : the contrasting British and Swedish interpretations of the Law of Nations and its impact on the role of perceptions and reputations in the East India trade of the 1730s-1740sSimons, Christinhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/237342021-08-10T13:50:36Z2021-07-01T00:00:00ZPrevious studies of the Swedish East India Company (SOIC) have consistently demonstrated the resentment of the ‘great maritime powers’, especially Great Britain, towards new competition emerging from Scandinavia. In response, the SOIC was forced to find a strategy to guarantee its survival and thereby avoid the fate of the recently abolished Ostend Company. While scholars have focused on the SOIC’s economic strategy, its legal strategy remains largely unexamined. This thesis explores the role of the Scot Colin Campbell (1686-1757) as a director of the SOIC, and how his knowledge of British law was a key component of Swedish success in the East India trade. Condemned as an ʽinterloperʼ by British legislation, his presence, viewed as hostile by other British subjects, naturally generated a response from Great Britain and the Honourable East India Company (EIC). The conflict culminated in the so-called Porto Novo affair of 1733, in which a 600-strong Franco-British force attacked the Swedish warehouse in the neutral town of Porto Novo on the Coromandel Coast. The ensuing eight-year-long lawsuit demonstrates the struggle between British exceptionalism and Swedish sovereignty, leading to the question: who owns the sea? Based on research into perceptions and reputations, this thesis contributes to the understanding of maritime conflicts in the absence of international maritime law and the impact of commercial treaties on the nationʼs sovereignty.
2021-07-01T00:00:00ZSimons, ChristinPrevious studies of the Swedish East India Company (SOIC) have consistently demonstrated the resentment of the ‘great maritime powers’, especially Great Britain, towards new competition emerging from Scandinavia. In response, the SOIC was forced to find a strategy to guarantee its survival and thereby avoid the fate of the recently abolished Ostend Company. While scholars have focused on the SOIC’s economic strategy, its legal strategy remains largely unexamined. This thesis explores the role of the Scot Colin Campbell (1686-1757) as a director of the SOIC, and how his knowledge of British law was a key component of Swedish success in the East India trade. Condemned as an ʽinterloperʼ by British legislation, his presence, viewed as hostile by other British subjects, naturally generated a response from Great Britain and the Honourable East India Company (EIC). The conflict culminated in the so-called Porto Novo affair of 1733, in which a 600-strong Franco-British force attacked the Swedish warehouse in the neutral town of Porto Novo on the Coromandel Coast. The ensuing eight-year-long lawsuit demonstrates the struggle between British exceptionalism and Swedish sovereignty, leading to the question: who owns the sea? Based on research into perceptions and reputations, this thesis contributes to the understanding of maritime conflicts in the absence of international maritime law and the impact of commercial treaties on the nationʼs sovereignty.Twilight of the princes : the fall and afterlife of monarchy in southern Germany, 1918-1934Triffitt, Jonathanhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/235082024-02-10T03:10:26Z2021-07-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis is a comparative investigation into the afterlives and legacies of dynastic monarchy in southern Germany. Within a few days in November 1918, Germany’s monarchical edifice collapsed, suddenly and completely. In all twenty-two of the Kaiserreich’s monarchical states, the sovereign was overthrown as councils of soldiers and workers assumed power and the people’s flag was unfurled in triumph from castle turrets. Despite spelling the end for an ancient social and political order—and concurrently creating the first German republic—these events and their consequences are curiously under-researched. As Karl Ferdinand Werner observed in 1985, they remain historiographical “non-events.” The present study addresses this lacuna by examining the processes, experiences, and consequences of what may be termed the ‘de-monarchification’ of Germany after 1918—namely, its transition from a patchwork of principalities to a centralised state of republican provinces. It asks how this change unfolded and under whose direction; how it was received by the deposed dynasties and their former subjects; which elements of the monarchy were repealed and replaced; and which were merely adopted and adapted. In short, by isolating how, when, and where the German people encountered and engaged with monarchy after 1918, the thesis seeks to determine how great a caesura the revolution truly was.
These questions are approached from three perspectives in three states—Hessen, Bavaria, and Württemberg. Chapters one to three firstly consider the republican leaders unexpectedly brought to power and faced with the herculean task of dismantling and replacing their monarchical inheritance. Chapters four and five then investigate how the deposed royal dynasties experienced the revolution and the republic, both as individuals and as members of a wider national and transnational social class. Chapter six, finally, considers popular responses to the upheaval and the fate of monarchism and dynastic loyalty amongst the German people. The thesis concludes that November 1918 did not signal the end for monarchy in Germany. Whether through the dynasties, who remained visible and active in their states, or through questions of de-monarchification, which dominated government agendas, monarchy remained present and demanded attention. At the constitutional level, its removal had been almost total, but its cultural roots remained strong and were, in some cases, institutionalised and made part of the new republican order. The revolution thus inaugurated the twilight of the princes; their formal influence and power had passed beyond the historical horizon, but they continued to cast a light by which historians may examine continuities in recent German history and the political culture of its most familiar and critical period.
2021-07-01T00:00:00ZTriffitt, JonathanThis thesis is a comparative investigation into the afterlives and legacies of dynastic monarchy in southern Germany. Within a few days in November 1918, Germany’s monarchical edifice collapsed, suddenly and completely. In all twenty-two of the Kaiserreich’s monarchical states, the sovereign was overthrown as councils of soldiers and workers assumed power and the people’s flag was unfurled in triumph from castle turrets. Despite spelling the end for an ancient social and political order—and concurrently creating the first German republic—these events and their consequences are curiously under-researched. As Karl Ferdinand Werner observed in 1985, they remain historiographical “non-events.” The present study addresses this lacuna by examining the processes, experiences, and consequences of what may be termed the ‘de-monarchification’ of Germany after 1918—namely, its transition from a patchwork of principalities to a centralised state of republican provinces. It asks how this change unfolded and under whose direction; how it was received by the deposed dynasties and their former subjects; which elements of the monarchy were repealed and replaced; and which were merely adopted and adapted. In short, by isolating how, when, and where the German people encountered and engaged with monarchy after 1918, the thesis seeks to determine how great a caesura the revolution truly was.
These questions are approached from three perspectives in three states—Hessen, Bavaria, and Württemberg. Chapters one to three firstly consider the republican leaders unexpectedly brought to power and faced with the herculean task of dismantling and replacing their monarchical inheritance. Chapters four and five then investigate how the deposed royal dynasties experienced the revolution and the republic, both as individuals and as members of a wider national and transnational social class. Chapter six, finally, considers popular responses to the upheaval and the fate of monarchism and dynastic loyalty amongst the German people. The thesis concludes that November 1918 did not signal the end for monarchy in Germany. Whether through the dynasties, who remained visible and active in their states, or through questions of de-monarchification, which dominated government agendas, monarchy remained present and demanded attention. At the constitutional level, its removal had been almost total, but its cultural roots remained strong and were, in some cases, institutionalised and made part of the new republican order. The revolution thus inaugurated the twilight of the princes; their formal influence and power had passed beyond the historical horizon, but they continued to cast a light by which historians may examine continuities in recent German history and the political culture of its most familiar and critical period.Toward a black God : Robert F. Kennedy and Civil Rights in the United States, 1960-1968White, Clare E.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/219972022-03-21T10:40:37Z2000-01-01T00:00:00ZOn June 6, 1968, Robert F. Kennedy was assassinated. Since then numerous works have been written on his life and career, some scholarly, others more like works of fiction. Most of these works were written by Kennedy's friends or members of his staff and portray a romanticised version of RFK. More recent works have tended to focus upon his feud with President Johnson, and his struggle to find a place for himself within the Democratic party, or upon his policies on the Vietnam conflict and his decision to run for the presidency in 1968. None, however, have focused in any depth upon Kennedy's involvement with the civil rights movement throughout the 1960s. This thesis provides the first detailed account of his actions in that area, starting in 1960 with his management of John F. Kennedy's presidential campaign, and running through his years as Attorney General and then Senator for New York. Within a decade RFK went from being an unknown quantity to black voters, with little relevance to their daily lives, to being the only white politician who they trusted to continue the process of change that had started with the Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1956. Kennedy's knowledge of civil rights was limited when he took office as Attorney General in his brother's administration. This thesis charts the growth in his understanding of the issues, as well as his growth as a politician.
2000-01-01T00:00:00ZWhite, Clare E.On June 6, 1968, Robert F. Kennedy was assassinated. Since then numerous works have been written on his life and career, some scholarly, others more like works of fiction. Most of these works were written by Kennedy's friends or members of his staff and portray a romanticised version of RFK. More recent works have tended to focus upon his feud with President Johnson, and his struggle to find a place for himself within the Democratic party, or upon his policies on the Vietnam conflict and his decision to run for the presidency in 1968. None, however, have focused in any depth upon Kennedy's involvement with the civil rights movement throughout the 1960s. This thesis provides the first detailed account of his actions in that area, starting in 1960 with his management of John F. Kennedy's presidential campaign, and running through his years as Attorney General and then Senator for New York. Within a decade RFK went from being an unknown quantity to black voters, with little relevance to their daily lives, to being the only white politician who they trusted to continue the process of change that had started with the Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1956. Kennedy's knowledge of civil rights was limited when he took office as Attorney General in his brother's administration. This thesis charts the growth in his understanding of the issues, as well as his growth as a politician.The role of internal and external capital in the economic development of NigeriaShields, Brianhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/219372022-02-23T15:51:38Z1962-01-01T00:00:00ZThe purpose of this study is to consider the sources and methods of financing economic growth available to a low income country as exemplified by the experience of Nigeria in the period since the second World War. During this period, virtually every country in the world has been preoccupied with the problems of economic growth, either in order to facilitate post war reconstruction or as a means of raising living standards in wretchedly poor territories. In the last decade, international attention has been attracted more and more to the attempts of the so-called underdeveloped countries to attain some measure of sustained economic growth. Similarly, academic debate on the problems of growth has centred mainly around the problems of creating an economic revolution in the economically backward areas of the world. It is of interest, therefore, to examine the problems of growth facing a particular low income territory and to consider the methods which may be adopted in order to solve those problems. This study will concentrate on the problems of capital supply and formation in Nigeria, although of necessity other factors will have to be examined so that the problem of financing economic development may be seen in its proper context. The work for this thesis was made possible by the grant of a Goldsmiths' Company scholarship for one year's residential study (during the academic year 1958 - 59) at University College, Ibadan. I am deeply grateful to the Company for the opportunity to do research at Ibadan and also take part in student life there. Since June 1959, I have been employed as an administrative officer in Eastern Nigeria.
1962-01-01T00:00:00ZShields, BrianThe purpose of this study is to consider the sources and methods of financing economic growth available to a low income country as exemplified by the experience of Nigeria in the period since the second World War. During this period, virtually every country in the world has been preoccupied with the problems of economic growth, either in order to facilitate post war reconstruction or as a means of raising living standards in wretchedly poor territories. In the last decade, international attention has been attracted more and more to the attempts of the so-called underdeveloped countries to attain some measure of sustained economic growth. Similarly, academic debate on the problems of growth has centred mainly around the problems of creating an economic revolution in the economically backward areas of the world. It is of interest, therefore, to examine the problems of growth facing a particular low income territory and to consider the methods which may be adopted in order to solve those problems. This study will concentrate on the problems of capital supply and formation in Nigeria, although of necessity other factors will have to be examined so that the problem of financing economic development may be seen in its proper context. The work for this thesis was made possible by the grant of a Goldsmiths' Company scholarship for one year's residential study (during the academic year 1958 - 59) at University College, Ibadan. I am deeply grateful to the Company for the opportunity to do research at Ibadan and also take part in student life there. Since June 1959, I have been employed as an administrative officer in Eastern Nigeria.The 1956 Suez Crisis : British reaction to United States policyMcGuinn, Brian J.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/219342022-02-23T15:22:13Z1971-01-01T00:00:00ZIn late October 1956 Israel crossed into Egyptian territory and the security of the Suez Canal became the world's concern. Forty-eight different nations had utilized the Canal during the previous year when more than one hundred million shipping tons were transitted. The Canal's location in the Middle East compounds the problem of security, for the Middle East combines many rivalries that could possibly effect the operation of the Canal: Arabs, Israeli, pro-Western, and Communist groups continually vie to promote their respective causes, A Middle East confrontation quickly ignites several factions and some of the strangest ad hoc agreements develop as each tries to protect his interests.
One critic termed the 1956 flare-up the "most inexcusable, ill-explained crisis of the mid-Twentieth Century," From a Western standpoint the Suez Crisis raised some fundamental questions in post world war problem solving. The crisis was ill-explained, not because historians were unable to reconstruct the events, but rather because the crisis educed reactions, which in retrospect, appear irrational and inexcusable. The breakdown in dialogue between the wartime allies, Great Britain and the United States, was a major divergence in Western relations. Neither country doubted the significance of the Atlantic Alliance during the two world wars, but suddenly, a small country nationalist, Colonel Abdel Nasser, challenged the strength of this relationship.
The focus of this work is the American influence upon British policy during the crisis. Prime Minister Anthony Eden premised his policy upon United States support; this contingency became increasingly imperative as negotiations lingered. In the end the rift between the two Governments cost the Prime Minister his position. To the writer, who is now serving in the armed services, Americans have failed to learn the lessons of the crisis in their own global policies.
1971-01-01T00:00:00ZMcGuinn, Brian J.In late October 1956 Israel crossed into Egyptian territory and the security of the Suez Canal became the world's concern. Forty-eight different nations had utilized the Canal during the previous year when more than one hundred million shipping tons were transitted. The Canal's location in the Middle East compounds the problem of security, for the Middle East combines many rivalries that could possibly effect the operation of the Canal: Arabs, Israeli, pro-Western, and Communist groups continually vie to promote their respective causes, A Middle East confrontation quickly ignites several factions and some of the strangest ad hoc agreements develop as each tries to protect his interests.
One critic termed the 1956 flare-up the "most inexcusable, ill-explained crisis of the mid-Twentieth Century," From a Western standpoint the Suez Crisis raised some fundamental questions in post world war problem solving. The crisis was ill-explained, not because historians were unable to reconstruct the events, but rather because the crisis educed reactions, which in retrospect, appear irrational and inexcusable. The breakdown in dialogue between the wartime allies, Great Britain and the United States, was a major divergence in Western relations. Neither country doubted the significance of the Atlantic Alliance during the two world wars, but suddenly, a small country nationalist, Colonel Abdel Nasser, challenged the strength of this relationship.
The focus of this work is the American influence upon British policy during the crisis. Prime Minister Anthony Eden premised his policy upon United States support; this contingency became increasingly imperative as negotiations lingered. In the end the rift between the two Governments cost the Prime Minister his position. To the writer, who is now serving in the armed services, Americans have failed to learn the lessons of the crisis in their own global policies.A study of Bertrand Barère and the French RevolutionShipley, Anne Elizabethhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/218962022-01-05T16:41:08Z1969-01-01T00:00:00Z1969-01-01T00:00:00ZShipley, Anne ElizabethThe metaphysical basis of R. G. Collingwood's 'Philosophy of history'Fell, Albert Priorhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/218272021-10-25T09:44:05Z1957-01-01T00:00:00Z1957-01-01T00:00:00ZFell, Albert PriorThe evolution of land tenure and the agrarian economy in nineteenth century and early twentieth century EgyptYaccob, Abdol Rauh Binhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/217922021-09-27T13:34:58Z1982-01-01T00:00:00ZWhen Muḥammad ‘Ali came to power in 1805, he undertook a drastic change in Egyptian land tenure. He abolished the iltizam or tax-farm system and seized all rizaq ahbasiya or religious endowments of agricultural land. When Muḥammad ‘Ali distributed land to the fellahin, he did not grant ownership rights over it. The feallahin, had to pay the tax called kharja which was impose don the village as a whole. By the end of Muḥammad ‘Ali’s reign, grants of large estates took place. These went to Muḥammad ‘Ali’s family, high officials and wealthy individuals. In Egypt, land was the principal resource of the economy particularly after the introduction of cotton as a cash crop from 1820. Thus, under Muḥammad ‘Ali, the state gained control of the land in Egypt, and secured the main source of revenue. Cotton became the major Egyptian export. In consequence, two changes occurred; the state revenue increased, but the gap between large and small landholders widened. Under Muḥammad ‘Ali, the peasant had to pay the land tax but did not own the land. The large landowners paid no tac and were able to inherit their land. Under Saïd, large estates, although subjected to ‘ushr tax were granted full ownership. The peasant land also underwent changes, in relation to purchase, mortgage and inheritance. But the state reserved the title of ownership over the land. During the American Civil War, the extension of cotton cultivation, led to a rise in land values and attracted foreign capital to Egypt. Through cotton, the capitalist economy came into Egypt. New techniques of production replaced the traditional methods of cultivation. The coming of foreigners into Egypt led to the introduction of capitalist practices such as mortgage and banking activities. Under Isma'il, the government’s need for cash gave impetus to the creation of private property from kharajiya land. Under the British occupation, the rights of property in all kinds of land were granted and a new equal rate of tax was introduced. This economic transformation led to the establishment of different classes of landowners in the country. By the end of the nineteenth century, a class of landless peasants and a news class of large landowners emerged. As a result of the rise in land values and the growth of private property in land, transactions in land occurred. Many foreigners, land companies and wealthy people acquired a considerable amount of land in this way.
1982-01-01T00:00:00ZYaccob, Abdol Rauh BinWhen Muḥammad ‘Ali came to power in 1805, he undertook a drastic change in Egyptian land tenure. He abolished the iltizam or tax-farm system and seized all rizaq ahbasiya or religious endowments of agricultural land. When Muḥammad ‘Ali distributed land to the fellahin, he did not grant ownership rights over it. The feallahin, had to pay the tax called kharja which was impose don the village as a whole. By the end of Muḥammad ‘Ali’s reign, grants of large estates took place. These went to Muḥammad ‘Ali’s family, high officials and wealthy individuals. In Egypt, land was the principal resource of the economy particularly after the introduction of cotton as a cash crop from 1820. Thus, under Muḥammad ‘Ali, the state gained control of the land in Egypt, and secured the main source of revenue. Cotton became the major Egyptian export. In consequence, two changes occurred; the state revenue increased, but the gap between large and small landholders widened. Under Muḥammad ‘Ali, the peasant had to pay the land tax but did not own the land. The large landowners paid no tac and were able to inherit their land. Under Saïd, large estates, although subjected to ‘ushr tax were granted full ownership. The peasant land also underwent changes, in relation to purchase, mortgage and inheritance. But the state reserved the title of ownership over the land. During the American Civil War, the extension of cotton cultivation, led to a rise in land values and attracted foreign capital to Egypt. Through cotton, the capitalist economy came into Egypt. New techniques of production replaced the traditional methods of cultivation. The coming of foreigners into Egypt led to the introduction of capitalist practices such as mortgage and banking activities. Under Isma'il, the government’s need for cash gave impetus to the creation of private property from kharajiya land. Under the British occupation, the rights of property in all kinds of land were granted and a new equal rate of tax was introduced. This economic transformation led to the establishment of different classes of landowners in the country. By the end of the nineteenth century, a class of landless peasants and a news class of large landowners emerged. As a result of the rise in land values and the growth of private property in land, transactions in land occurred. Many foreigners, land companies and wealthy people acquired a considerable amount of land in this way.Out for a walk : pedestrian practices & British preservationism, c.1850 - 1950Hinrichs, J. E.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/217832021-04-07T10:00:24Z2020-12-02T00:00:00ZThis thesis evaluates the connections between rural walking, modernity, and
preservationism in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Britain. During this period, the
expressed practices of rural walking were overt responses to change. Adherents of rural walking
used this bipedal gesture to limit the latitude of efficiency, espouse collectivism, remedy
prevailing illnesses, participate in modern applications of empiricism, and overcome
contemporary spiritual challenges. They also indicated that engagement with undeveloped areas
was fundamental to the benefits and functions of walking. Due to this interconnection of
walking with a particular type of environment, the reasons why walkers walked fortified
justifications for preserving rural environments. Although walking is an activity that has long
been used to engage the natural world, its ubiquity as an everyday movement of the body has
resulted in its under-representation in historical inquiry. This intellectual-environmental history
demonstrates that much can be discovered about human relationships with rural environments,
and efforts to preserve them, by evaluating walking historically.
2020-12-02T00:00:00ZHinrichs, J. E.This thesis evaluates the connections between rural walking, modernity, and
preservationism in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Britain. During this period, the
expressed practices of rural walking were overt responses to change. Adherents of rural walking
used this bipedal gesture to limit the latitude of efficiency, espouse collectivism, remedy
prevailing illnesses, participate in modern applications of empiricism, and overcome
contemporary spiritual challenges. They also indicated that engagement with undeveloped areas
was fundamental to the benefits and functions of walking. Due to this interconnection of
walking with a particular type of environment, the reasons why walkers walked fortified
justifications for preserving rural environments. Although walking is an activity that has long
been used to engage the natural world, its ubiquity as an everyday movement of the body has
resulted in its under-representation in historical inquiry. This intellectual-environmental history
demonstrates that much can be discovered about human relationships with rural environments,
and efforts to preserve them, by evaluating walking historically."If she was every inch a queen, she was also every inch a woman" : Victoria's queenship and constitutional monarchy in 19th-century BritainOkawa, Marikohttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/209342021-07-29T14:42:09Z2020-12-02T00:00:00ZThis thesis explores Queen Victoria’s queenship in nineteenth-century Britain, with a particular emphasis on the impact of her gender on her relationship with the Prime Minister in the context of the development of a constitutional monarchy operating alongside a growth in parliamentary democracy.
It will be argued that various sections of society regarded her gender as a positive resource for (re)fashioning the modern form of Britain’s monarchy. Femaleness was presented as facilitating orderly progress. Victoria’s queenship was not only operated by the Queen herself, but also by actors surrounding her showing an active interest in and support for the monarchical institution. Agents such as members of her court, her dynastic relatives and immediate family, Prime Ministers, and a growing and increasingly active public audience (not least the print media) shaped and influenced the style of her rule.
This thesis is structured chronologically, ranging from her early years, via the middle period until the last decades of her reign. Each chapter focuses on the premiership of one of three selected Prime Ministers while simultaneously engaging with three overarching themes (the notion of a symbiosis between femaleness of the sovereign and constitutional monarchy; the public feminisation of the monarch; the personal relationship between the Queen and the Prime Minister), thereby illuminating the transformations of the gender dimension of Victoria’s queenship over the course of her reign.
By analysing Victoria’s queenship through the lens of her relationship with her male chief ministers, this thesis seeks to shed light on the significance and wider implications of the sovereign’s gender on the evolving functions of Britain’s constitutional monarchy within the nation’s culture, society, political system, and Empire.
The thesis contributes to scholarly debates surrounding Britain’s monarchical persistence and popularity in a democratic age and to scholarship on women’s and gender history as well as on modern queenship.
2020-12-02T00:00:00ZOkawa, MarikoThis thesis explores Queen Victoria’s queenship in nineteenth-century Britain, with a particular emphasis on the impact of her gender on her relationship with the Prime Minister in the context of the development of a constitutional monarchy operating alongside a growth in parliamentary democracy.
It will be argued that various sections of society regarded her gender as a positive resource for (re)fashioning the modern form of Britain’s monarchy. Femaleness was presented as facilitating orderly progress. Victoria’s queenship was not only operated by the Queen herself, but also by actors surrounding her showing an active interest in and support for the monarchical institution. Agents such as members of her court, her dynastic relatives and immediate family, Prime Ministers, and a growing and increasingly active public audience (not least the print media) shaped and influenced the style of her rule.
This thesis is structured chronologically, ranging from her early years, via the middle period until the last decades of her reign. Each chapter focuses on the premiership of one of three selected Prime Ministers while simultaneously engaging with three overarching themes (the notion of a symbiosis between femaleness of the sovereign and constitutional monarchy; the public feminisation of the monarch; the personal relationship between the Queen and the Prime Minister), thereby illuminating the transformations of the gender dimension of Victoria’s queenship over the course of her reign.
By analysing Victoria’s queenship through the lens of her relationship with her male chief ministers, this thesis seeks to shed light on the significance and wider implications of the sovereign’s gender on the evolving functions of Britain’s constitutional monarchy within the nation’s culture, society, political system, and Empire.
The thesis contributes to scholarly debates surrounding Britain’s monarchical persistence and popularity in a democratic age and to scholarship on women’s and gender history as well as on modern queenship.The devotion of collecting : ministers and the culture of print in the seventeenth-century Dutch RepublicStrickland, Forresthttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/203622021-07-29T13:35:29Z2020-07-30T00:00:00ZThis project is the first to analyze the known corpus of seventeenth-century Dutch ministerial library catalogues, and it asks how these sources inform our understanding of the religious and cultural climate during the Dutch Golden Age. Thousands of ministers served local congregations in the Netherlands. They considered books and pamphlets necessary for a godly life, and they were avid collectors of print. Over 240 catalogues of ministerial libraries survive from the seventeenth century, all of which have been examined for this study. Fifty-five have been transcribed in full. Libraries of a hundred or more books were not uncommon even amongst ministers in small rural townships. Some ministerial libraries reached to multiple thousands of books. Their calling demanded that they pursue greater understanding of the Bible, and they used their books in the pursuit of truth. The ideal minister was one who was diligent in private study as an act of service to the church and the nation.
How did Protestant Dutch ministers use print in their efforts to bring the Republic into greater conformity with the biblical ideal? Ministers were central political and cultural figures in their communities, and they turned to books and print for the fulfillment of their pastoral charge. Knowledge of the books these ministers read sheds light on the history of the Netherlands, because it indicates the expectations placed upon them by their congregations and by their colleagues. Professors of theology, regional synods and even local congregations expected their ministers would continue to grow in knowledge and wisdom through the acquisition of books, and ministers in turn took the information they gathered from their libraries and sought to encourage greater godliness in all who would listen to their sermons or read their own printed texts. Protestant ministers worked under two primary assumptions: that Scripture was the final authority of faith and life, and that the Christian faith was an all-encompassing worldview. These assumptions induced many ministers to read books of nearly every variety, from those with whom they agreed and disagreed, and on all manner of topics. Because of their understanding that print was a powerful tool in the life of the godly, ministers devoted precious time and money to acquiring and writing books. They built libraries and they wrote books to fulfill their divine calling to guard the faith as it was entrusted to them and to encourage others in sound doctrine.
2020-07-30T00:00:00ZStrickland, ForrestThis project is the first to analyze the known corpus of seventeenth-century Dutch ministerial library catalogues, and it asks how these sources inform our understanding of the religious and cultural climate during the Dutch Golden Age. Thousands of ministers served local congregations in the Netherlands. They considered books and pamphlets necessary for a godly life, and they were avid collectors of print. Over 240 catalogues of ministerial libraries survive from the seventeenth century, all of which have been examined for this study. Fifty-five have been transcribed in full. Libraries of a hundred or more books were not uncommon even amongst ministers in small rural townships. Some ministerial libraries reached to multiple thousands of books. Their calling demanded that they pursue greater understanding of the Bible, and they used their books in the pursuit of truth. The ideal minister was one who was diligent in private study as an act of service to the church and the nation.
How did Protestant Dutch ministers use print in their efforts to bring the Republic into greater conformity with the biblical ideal? Ministers were central political and cultural figures in their communities, and they turned to books and print for the fulfillment of their pastoral charge. Knowledge of the books these ministers read sheds light on the history of the Netherlands, because it indicates the expectations placed upon them by their congregations and by their colleagues. Professors of theology, regional synods and even local congregations expected their ministers would continue to grow in knowledge and wisdom through the acquisition of books, and ministers in turn took the information they gathered from their libraries and sought to encourage greater godliness in all who would listen to their sermons or read their own printed texts. Protestant ministers worked under two primary assumptions: that Scripture was the final authority of faith and life, and that the Christian faith was an all-encompassing worldview. These assumptions induced many ministers to read books of nearly every variety, from those with whom they agreed and disagreed, and on all manner of topics. Because of their understanding that print was a powerful tool in the life of the godly, ministers devoted precious time and money to acquiring and writing books. They built libraries and they wrote books to fulfill their divine calling to guard the faith as it was entrusted to them and to encourage others in sound doctrine.Title redactedDunn, Sophie Dorotheahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/203492021-02-05T15:40:37Z2020-07-30T00:00:00Z2020-07-30T00:00:00ZDunn, Sophie DorotheaThe German newspaper in its first years of existenceHillgaertner, Janhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/197342021-07-26T15:39:51Z2020-06-25T00:00:00ZThis thesis traces the birth and spread of the newspaper in the Holy Roman Empire in the first half of the seventeenth century. It examines the emergence of the new form of communication between 1605, the year that Johann Carolus of Strasbourg published the first newspapers and 1650, when publishing periodical news had become firmly embedded in the European information world. The eventual success of the newspaper as the foremost purveyor of news was not foreordained. The newspapers made their way in an established news market, and drew their coverage from many of the established European news hubs, Vienna, Cologne, Amsterdam, Paris, Venice and Rome. As with the invention of printing, the fundamental problems connected with the first age of newspaper publishing were essentially economic: start-up capital, distribution, collecting subscriptions. Periodicity also introduced special challenges not familiar in the wider book world, such as the need for a steady supply of news, and the ethics of reporting. Formulating a set of rules and ethics that could govern all forms of reporting proved to be problematic. Newspaper in Germany ostentatiously avoided the bias and propagandistic rhetoric of established forms of news distribution, such as broadsheets and pamphlets. But this in turn meant that the absence of context and background made the purely factual reports favoured by the newspaper difficult for relatively inexperienced readers to understand. In the first part of this dissertation, based on the inspection and analysis of some 8,000 surviving issues, two chapters explore the emerging world of German newspapers, the distribution of new titles and their longevity. The second chapter refines our picture of the German news world, based on a detailed analysis of the places from which news was received, the ‘places of correspondence’. Two further chapters contextualise this broader treatment through an examination of the news reporting of two major events: the death of the Swedish king Gustavus Adolphus at the Battle of Lützen, and the execution of King Charles I of England in 1649. These case studies also provide the opportunity for a sustained comparison with the emerging newspaper markets of other parts of Europe, and with the provision of news through manuscript newsletters, still the gold standard for accuracy and reliability even in the age of printed news.
2020-06-25T00:00:00ZHillgaertner, JanThis thesis traces the birth and spread of the newspaper in the Holy Roman Empire in the first half of the seventeenth century. It examines the emergence of the new form of communication between 1605, the year that Johann Carolus of Strasbourg published the first newspapers and 1650, when publishing periodical news had become firmly embedded in the European information world. The eventual success of the newspaper as the foremost purveyor of news was not foreordained. The newspapers made their way in an established news market, and drew their coverage from many of the established European news hubs, Vienna, Cologne, Amsterdam, Paris, Venice and Rome. As with the invention of printing, the fundamental problems connected with the first age of newspaper publishing were essentially economic: start-up capital, distribution, collecting subscriptions. Periodicity also introduced special challenges not familiar in the wider book world, such as the need for a steady supply of news, and the ethics of reporting. Formulating a set of rules and ethics that could govern all forms of reporting proved to be problematic. Newspaper in Germany ostentatiously avoided the bias and propagandistic rhetoric of established forms of news distribution, such as broadsheets and pamphlets. But this in turn meant that the absence of context and background made the purely factual reports favoured by the newspaper difficult for relatively inexperienced readers to understand. In the first part of this dissertation, based on the inspection and analysis of some 8,000 surviving issues, two chapters explore the emerging world of German newspapers, the distribution of new titles and their longevity. The second chapter refines our picture of the German news world, based on a detailed analysis of the places from which news was received, the ‘places of correspondence’. Two further chapters contextualise this broader treatment through an examination of the news reporting of two major events: the death of the Swedish king Gustavus Adolphus at the Battle of Lützen, and the execution of King Charles I of England in 1649. These case studies also provide the opportunity for a sustained comparison with the emerging newspaper markets of other parts of Europe, and with the provision of news through manuscript newsletters, still the gold standard for accuracy and reliability even in the age of printed news.Early sole editorship of natural philosophical and scientific periodicals in the Holy Roman Empire and Britain, 1770s-1830sGielas, Anna Mariahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/197022021-04-12T11:01:41Z2019-12-04T00:00:00ZToday, editors of science journals exercise a significant power over academic careers and the production of scientific knowledge—their editorial influence is rooted in the period 1770-1830 and the advent of sole editorship (in contrast to group-based editorship at scientific societies and academies).
This dissertation focuses on six sole editors from Britain and the Holy Roman Empire to investigate why individuals founded natural philosophical periodicals, how their editorship played out on a day-to-day basis, and what it meant for their professional and personal lives.
The contrasting experiences of Johann Ernst Immanuel Walch, Lorenz Crell, Lorenz Oken and William Nicholson, Alexander Tilloch, William Thomas Brande demonstrate the importance of personal motivations and local contexts. In the German lands, monarchs and their administrative elites indirectly incentivised academics to assume natural philosophical editorship. On the British side, there were no such incentives and editorship challenged established natural philosophical infrastructures. This thesis discusses both national contexts and their influence on the editorship of the six editors.
This thesis also reveals a crucial transnational parallel for the first generation of sole editors between 1770 and 1810: editorship of natural philosophical journals could be used by those on the philosophical periphery to design a philosophical identity for themselves, at a time before the development of formalised mechanisms for becoming a man-of-science.
The experiences of editors after 1810 show that, even once sole editorship had become a familiar concept among men-of-science, it was not necessarily easier to be a successful editor than it had been for its pioneers: sole editorship could, in fact, be outright detrimental to scientific self-fashioning.
This thesis also investigates what contributed to the ‘success’ of sole editorship. It turns out that neither a supportive publisher, nor a steady stream of contributions, was as important as one might expect. While acknowledging that economic concerns did matter, this thesis demonstrates that sole editorship was a highly adaptable socio-cultural instrument. And that the editorial activities of sole editors were not as far distant from learned society publishing as has often been assumed.
2019-12-04T00:00:00ZGielas, Anna MariaToday, editors of science journals exercise a significant power over academic careers and the production of scientific knowledge—their editorial influence is rooted in the period 1770-1830 and the advent of sole editorship (in contrast to group-based editorship at scientific societies and academies).
This dissertation focuses on six sole editors from Britain and the Holy Roman Empire to investigate why individuals founded natural philosophical periodicals, how their editorship played out on a day-to-day basis, and what it meant for their professional and personal lives.
The contrasting experiences of Johann Ernst Immanuel Walch, Lorenz Crell, Lorenz Oken and William Nicholson, Alexander Tilloch, William Thomas Brande demonstrate the importance of personal motivations and local contexts. In the German lands, monarchs and their administrative elites indirectly incentivised academics to assume natural philosophical editorship. On the British side, there were no such incentives and editorship challenged established natural philosophical infrastructures. This thesis discusses both national contexts and their influence on the editorship of the six editors.
This thesis also reveals a crucial transnational parallel for the first generation of sole editors between 1770 and 1810: editorship of natural philosophical journals could be used by those on the philosophical periphery to design a philosophical identity for themselves, at a time before the development of formalised mechanisms for becoming a man-of-science.
The experiences of editors after 1810 show that, even once sole editorship had become a familiar concept among men-of-science, it was not necessarily easier to be a successful editor than it had been for its pioneers: sole editorship could, in fact, be outright detrimental to scientific self-fashioning.
This thesis also investigates what contributed to the ‘success’ of sole editorship. It turns out that neither a supportive publisher, nor a steady stream of contributions, was as important as one might expect. While acknowledging that economic concerns did matter, this thesis demonstrates that sole editorship was a highly adaptable socio-cultural instrument. And that the editorial activities of sole editors were not as far distant from learned society publishing as has often been assumed.The intellectual origins and social landscapes of Patrick Geddes, ca. 1880-1899Wyant, Cody Jameshttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/195482021-02-12T15:37:43Z2020-06-25T00:00:00ZThis thesis aims to examine the intellectual origins and social landscapes of Patrick
Geddes. It provides a scope for establishing a clearer picture of his initiatives in Edinburgh
between 1880 and 1899. Its contribution to Scottish history is highly valuable in fashioning a
critical evaluation of the historical figure through the lens of available archival
documentation. Most of this work has been derived from documents housed at the National
Library of Scotland and the vast collection of Patrick Geddes papers at the University of
Strathclyde. The great majority of archives that have been sourced have yet to be fully
assessed or published.
The scope of this research has been to reconstruct a narrative around Geddes’
intellectual origins in relation to the development of his early activity. It further intends to be
a starting-point for filling a large gap in Geddesian studies. Moreover, it traces the
construction of P.G.’s diverse social landscape through co-operative means and crafts a new
focus for assessing the Scottish context of his generalist philosophy. Furthermore, this thesis
furnishes a new perspective relating to his intellectual upbringing, professional evolution and
generalist practice. More broadly, this research firmly places Geddes in the tradition of
Scottish intellectual history.
2020-06-25T00:00:00ZWyant, Cody JamesThis thesis aims to examine the intellectual origins and social landscapes of Patrick
Geddes. It provides a scope for establishing a clearer picture of his initiatives in Edinburgh
between 1880 and 1899. Its contribution to Scottish history is highly valuable in fashioning a
critical evaluation of the historical figure through the lens of available archival
documentation. Most of this work has been derived from documents housed at the National
Library of Scotland and the vast collection of Patrick Geddes papers at the University of
Strathclyde. The great majority of archives that have been sourced have yet to be fully
assessed or published.
The scope of this research has been to reconstruct a narrative around Geddes’
intellectual origins in relation to the development of his early activity. It further intends to be
a starting-point for filling a large gap in Geddesian studies. Moreover, it traces the
construction of P.G.’s diverse social landscape through co-operative means and crafts a new
focus for assessing the Scottish context of his generalist philosophy. Furthermore, this thesis
furnishes a new perspective relating to his intellectual upbringing, professional evolution and
generalist practice. More broadly, this research firmly places Geddes in the tradition of
Scottish intellectual history.‘This distressing malady’ : childbirth and mental illness in Scotland 1820 – 1930Campbell, Morag Allanhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/195342021-07-23T10:50:53Z2020-06-25T00:00:00ZMy thesis explores the experiences of women who suffered from mental disorder related to childbirth and pregnancy, looking in particular at Dundee, Fife and Forfarshire in the north-east of Scotland, during the period 1820 to 1930. This study offers a new perspective on women’s lives, wellbeing and healthcare in this region by examining at a local level the ideas surrounding postpartum mental illness.
By the mid-nineteenth century, the term ‘puerperal insanity’ was widely known and much discussed and deliberated in medical literature. However, the day-to-day care and treatment of postpartum women suffering from mental disorder was not straightforward. My findings demonstrate that the diagnosis and treatment of postpartum mental illness in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Scotland was a complex issue influenced as much by social and economic factors as by medical ideas.
Using records from the chartered asylums at Montrose and Dundee, court and prison records, and newspaper accounts, I have uncovered how childbearing-related mental illness was recognised, accepted and supported by families, neighbours, friends and authorities. Within the asylum, I have revealed how physicians assessed their patients’ characters and status as much as their physical conditions, but nevertheless in many cases provided positive medical care and much-needed rest and nourishment. In criminal cases, my study has looked beyond legislation and verdicts to reveal a positive and constructive approach to the care and custody of women who had committed child murder.
Awareness of postpartum mental illness in the community was developed through a collaboration of medical and lay knowledge, acquired through interactions between physicians, families and communities, and filtered through pre-existing understandings and ideas. I have identified a lay understanding and accepted discourse which guided the ideas and actions of friends, family and community in dealing with the problems associated with mental illness among postpartum women.
2020-06-25T00:00:00ZCampbell, Morag AllanMy thesis explores the experiences of women who suffered from mental disorder related to childbirth and pregnancy, looking in particular at Dundee, Fife and Forfarshire in the north-east of Scotland, during the period 1820 to 1930. This study offers a new perspective on women’s lives, wellbeing and healthcare in this region by examining at a local level the ideas surrounding postpartum mental illness.
By the mid-nineteenth century, the term ‘puerperal insanity’ was widely known and much discussed and deliberated in medical literature. However, the day-to-day care and treatment of postpartum women suffering from mental disorder was not straightforward. My findings demonstrate that the diagnosis and treatment of postpartum mental illness in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Scotland was a complex issue influenced as much by social and economic factors as by medical ideas.
Using records from the chartered asylums at Montrose and Dundee, court and prison records, and newspaper accounts, I have uncovered how childbearing-related mental illness was recognised, accepted and supported by families, neighbours, friends and authorities. Within the asylum, I have revealed how physicians assessed their patients’ characters and status as much as their physical conditions, but nevertheless in many cases provided positive medical care and much-needed rest and nourishment. In criminal cases, my study has looked beyond legislation and verdicts to reveal a positive and constructive approach to the care and custody of women who had committed child murder.
Awareness of postpartum mental illness in the community was developed through a collaboration of medical and lay knowledge, acquired through interactions between physicians, families and communities, and filtered through pre-existing understandings and ideas. I have identified a lay understanding and accepted discourse which guided the ideas and actions of friends, family and community in dealing with the problems associated with mental illness among postpartum women.The printed rebellions of the princes : factional politics and pamphleteering in early modern France, 1614-1617Goi, Edwin Andrewhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/189662021-03-10T15:13:24Z2019-06-27T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the extensive political pamphleteering campaigns engendered by the
rebellions of the princes in France between February 1614 and April 1617. Situated between
the periods of rule of two larger-than-life figures of French history – Henri IV and ArmandJean
du
Plessis,
cardinal-duc
de
Richelieu
–
who
continue
to
monopolise
historical
research,
the
pamphleteering
campaigns
and
the
rebellions
which
gave
rise
to
them
have
received
relatively
little
attention.
Such
scholarly
neglect
is
unwarranted,
for
the
printed
pandemonium
of
1614-1617
was
comparable
to
that
of
the
Wars
of
Religion
and
the
Frondes
in
intensity,
and
the
political
characters
and
events
in
this
period
would
set
the
stage
for
the
dramatic
factional
struggles
throughout
Louis
XIII’s
personal
reign.
The
thesis
begins
with
an
investigation
into
the
underlying
causes
of
the
princely
rebellions
which
will
serve
as
an
important
reference
point
with
which
to
contextualise
and
analyse
the
pamphlets.
Chapter
two
reappraises
the
characteristics
of
the
pamphleteering
campaigns
and
discusses
the
often-overlooked
question
of
why
political
persuasion
was
even
necessary
during
the
rebellions,
and
how
it
was
compatible
with
the
unique
political
and
social
structures
of
seventeenth-century
France.
Chapter
three
explores
another
unacknowledged
aspect
of
French
political
pamphleteering;
it
demonstrates
how
the
contemporary
obsession
with
the
law
of
lèse-majesté
and
the
loss
of
aristocratic
honour
shaped
the
production,
distribution
and
contents
of
certain
types
of
pamphlets.
Chapter
four
examines
the
princes’
recourse
to
the
timeless
and
cynical
propaganda
tactics
of
demagoguery
and
mockery,
and
reconsiders
if
their
pamphlets
reflect
the
true
nature
of
their
ideology
and
political
agendas.
Chapter
five
explores
how
the
government
and
the
loyalists
responded
to
the
princes’
literature.
It
illuminates
how
they
circumvented
potential
diplomatic
backlashes,
gave
lie
to
the
princes’
accusations
and
played
on
noble
psychology.
Chapter
five
will
then
reveal,
for
the
first
time,
how
the
loyalist
pamphleteers
used
disinformation
to
nudge
the
political
nation
into
eschewing
the
princes’
rebellions.
In
drawing
together
all
these
strands,
the
thesis
will
not
only
present
a
fresh
and
more
nuanced
understanding
of
the
interdependence
between
politics,
government
and
pamphleteering
in
1614-1617,
it
will
throw
light
on
the
ethos
of
the
French
great
nobility
and
minister-favourites
and
the
nature
of
princely
rebellions.
In
the
process,
it
elucidates
the
entangled
relationship
between
power
and
the
media
as
well
as
public
and
private
interests
in
the
politics
of
the
era.
2019-06-27T00:00:00ZGoi, Edwin AndrewThis thesis examines the extensive political pamphleteering campaigns engendered by the
rebellions of the princes in France between February 1614 and April 1617. Situated between
the periods of rule of two larger-than-life figures of French history – Henri IV and ArmandJean
du
Plessis,
cardinal-duc
de
Richelieu
–
who
continue
to
monopolise
historical
research,
the
pamphleteering
campaigns
and
the
rebellions
which
gave
rise
to
them
have
received
relatively
little
attention.
Such
scholarly
neglect
is
unwarranted,
for
the
printed
pandemonium
of
1614-1617
was
comparable
to
that
of
the
Wars
of
Religion
and
the
Frondes
in
intensity,
and
the
political
characters
and
events
in
this
period
would
set
the
stage
for
the
dramatic
factional
struggles
throughout
Louis
XIII’s
personal
reign.
The
thesis
begins
with
an
investigation
into
the
underlying
causes
of
the
princely
rebellions
which
will
serve
as
an
important
reference
point
with
which
to
contextualise
and
analyse
the
pamphlets.
Chapter
two
reappraises
the
characteristics
of
the
pamphleteering
campaigns
and
discusses
the
often-overlooked
question
of
why
political
persuasion
was
even
necessary
during
the
rebellions,
and
how
it
was
compatible
with
the
unique
political
and
social
structures
of
seventeenth-century
France.
Chapter
three
explores
another
unacknowledged
aspect
of
French
political
pamphleteering;
it
demonstrates
how
the
contemporary
obsession
with
the
law
of
lèse-majesté
and
the
loss
of
aristocratic
honour
shaped
the
production,
distribution
and
contents
of
certain
types
of
pamphlets.
Chapter
four
examines
the
princes’
recourse
to
the
timeless
and
cynical
propaganda
tactics
of
demagoguery
and
mockery,
and
reconsiders
if
their
pamphlets
reflect
the
true
nature
of
their
ideology
and
political
agendas.
Chapter
five
explores
how
the
government
and
the
loyalists
responded
to
the
princes’
literature.
It
illuminates
how
they
circumvented
potential
diplomatic
backlashes,
gave
lie
to
the
princes’
accusations
and
played
on
noble
psychology.
Chapter
five
will
then
reveal,
for
the
first
time,
how
the
loyalist
pamphleteers
used
disinformation
to
nudge
the
political
nation
into
eschewing
the
princes’
rebellions.
In
drawing
together
all
these
strands,
the
thesis
will
not
only
present
a
fresh
and
more
nuanced
understanding
of
the
interdependence
between
politics,
government
and
pamphleteering
in
1614-1617,
it
will
throw
light
on
the
ethos
of
the
French
great
nobility
and
minister-favourites
and
the
nature
of
princely
rebellions.
In
the
process,
it
elucidates
the
entangled
relationship
between
power
and
the
media
as
well
as
public
and
private
interests
in
the
politics
of
the
era.Title redactedHanson, Brian L.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/185592019-09-25T12:18:53Z2017-06-13T00:00:00Z2017-06-13T00:00:00ZHanson, Brian L.From words to numbers : transfers, networks and the transformation of statistical thinking in Britain and the German lands, c. 1750s-1840sDunn, Adam Richardhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/183632023-07-11T02:06:13Z2019-12-04T00:00:00ZThis thesis explores the changes, evolution and developments of statistical thinking from the eighteenth to the nineteenth century. It maps how the perception, methodology and use of statistics shifted. It argues that statistical thought changed from a descriptive, narrative, mode to a more mathematical, scientific, and visual mode. Focusing on this evolution in Britain and the German lands this study explores the works of Sir John Sinclair and August Ludwig von Schlözer. It emphasises the crucial role of amateur statisticians, working beyond or on the margins of state mechanisms, in this development and explores an area that has been deeply neglected. It places these developments in a wider transnational framework to illuminate how networks, travels and transmission of texts between these amateur statisticians were pivotal to this evolution. The thesis argues that this evolution was founded in the works of these amateur statisticians whose ideas were born out of a number of different and intersecting trends. Their ideas increased in sophistication because they were marginal to the state and through their networks could spread more radical notions of statistical thought. By tracing these circulations and the connections of these men it highlights how their ideas became pivotal to the evolution in statistical thought and examines the transfer and transformation of these ideas and how they fit into the larger framework of statistics in the eighteenth and nineteenth century. By highlighting the role of the individual and the vast transnational networks they established it illuminates how statistics evolved from a descriptive discipline that hid the mathematics behind dense narrative to a more mathematically minded, visual discipline, that sought to use tables, maps, and numbers to illustrate its findings.
2019-12-04T00:00:00ZDunn, Adam RichardThis thesis explores the changes, evolution and developments of statistical thinking from the eighteenth to the nineteenth century. It maps how the perception, methodology and use of statistics shifted. It argues that statistical thought changed from a descriptive, narrative, mode to a more mathematical, scientific, and visual mode. Focusing on this evolution in Britain and the German lands this study explores the works of Sir John Sinclair and August Ludwig von Schlözer. It emphasises the crucial role of amateur statisticians, working beyond or on the margins of state mechanisms, in this development and explores an area that has been deeply neglected. It places these developments in a wider transnational framework to illuminate how networks, travels and transmission of texts between these amateur statisticians were pivotal to this evolution. The thesis argues that this evolution was founded in the works of these amateur statisticians whose ideas were born out of a number of different and intersecting trends. Their ideas increased in sophistication because they were marginal to the state and through their networks could spread more radical notions of statistical thought. By tracing these circulations and the connections of these men it highlights how their ideas became pivotal to the evolution in statistical thought and examines the transfer and transformation of these ideas and how they fit into the larger framework of statistics in the eighteenth and nineteenth century. By highlighting the role of the individual and the vast transnational networks they established it illuminates how statistics evolved from a descriptive discipline that hid the mathematics behind dense narrative to a more mathematically minded, visual discipline, that sought to use tables, maps, and numbers to illustrate its findings.A publishing monopoly in learned Europe : the Compagnie des libraires of Lyon, 1509-1562Cumby, Jamie Elizabethhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/181102023-12-19T13:32:57Z2018-12-07T00:00:00ZThis thesis is an in-depth exploration of a single sixteenth-century printing firm, the Compagnie
des libraires of Lyon. From their headquarters at the confluence of the Rhône and Saône rivers, the shareholders of the Compagnie managed a transnational publishing empire, focused on
controlling the market for large-format legal books. Its members came from families that had
their own well-established presences as merchant-publishers, providing the Compagnie with a
large arsenal of funds and an extensive distribution network. The Compagnie rose to power
concurrently with Lyon’s growing status in the European book world, turning sizeable profits by
the 1530s. Though they were major players, not only in Lyon’s book world, but in Europe more
broadly, there has been precious little work done on how the firm functioned.
The first section of this study considers the Compagnie at home, investigating their
finances, corporate structure, marketing, and production schedule within Lyon. It considers the
particular expenses associated with publishing the expensive editions that the Compagnie invested
in, alongside the surviving contracts that record specific business practices. The second section
turns to a case study in the Compagnie’s distribution practices, using the Spanish market to
explore how the books that the organisation published reached consumers. To answer this
question, it looks at a number of bodies of evidence, including booklists, court cases, and notarial
contracts that describe how the compagnons in Lyon used agents in Spain. The core throughline
of the thesis is a consideration of risk and incorporation: it attempts to answer how early modern
merchants understood the economic aspects of the book trade and how they protected themselves
from the caprice of the early book market.
A short title catalogue of about 1,500 editions published by the Compagnie between 1509
and 1562 has been provided as an appendix to the thesis. It is intended as a both a supplement to
the thesis and grounds for further study of the way the firm approached law book publishing.
2018-12-07T00:00:00ZCumby, Jamie ElizabethThis thesis is an in-depth exploration of a single sixteenth-century printing firm, the Compagnie
des libraires of Lyon. From their headquarters at the confluence of the Rhône and Saône rivers, the shareholders of the Compagnie managed a transnational publishing empire, focused on
controlling the market for large-format legal books. Its members came from families that had
their own well-established presences as merchant-publishers, providing the Compagnie with a
large arsenal of funds and an extensive distribution network. The Compagnie rose to power
concurrently with Lyon’s growing status in the European book world, turning sizeable profits by
the 1530s. Though they were major players, not only in Lyon’s book world, but in Europe more
broadly, there has been precious little work done on how the firm functioned.
The first section of this study considers the Compagnie at home, investigating their
finances, corporate structure, marketing, and production schedule within Lyon. It considers the
particular expenses associated with publishing the expensive editions that the Compagnie invested
in, alongside the surviving contracts that record specific business practices. The second section
turns to a case study in the Compagnie’s distribution practices, using the Spanish market to
explore how the books that the organisation published reached consumers. To answer this
question, it looks at a number of bodies of evidence, including booklists, court cases, and notarial
contracts that describe how the compagnons in Lyon used agents in Spain. The core throughline
of the thesis is a consideration of risk and incorporation: it attempts to answer how early modern
merchants understood the economic aspects of the book trade and how they protected themselves
from the caprice of the early book market.
A short title catalogue of about 1,500 editions published by the Compagnie between 1509
and 1562 has been provided as an appendix to the thesis. It is intended as a both a supplement to
the thesis and grounds for further study of the way the firm approached law book publishing.Title redactedSato, Tomochikahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/180092019-07-01T10:49:43Z2016-10-24T00:00:00Z2016-10-24T00:00:00ZSato, TomochikaCan I play with madness : American missionaries in Iran during the 1960s and 1970sHopkins, Philip Ohttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/178862021-03-24T15:49:58Z2019-06-27T00:00:00ZThis thesis studied the interaction of American Protestant missionaries with Iranians during
the 1960s and 1970s. It focused on the missionary activities of four American Protestant
groups: Presbyterians, Assemblies of God, International Missions, and Southern Baptists.
It argued that American missionaries’ predisposition toward their own culture confused
their message of the gospel and added to the negative perception of Christianity among
Iranians. This bias was seen primarily in the American missionaries’ desire to modernise
Iran through education and healthcare, and between the missionaries’ relationship with
Iranian Christians. Iranian attitudes towards missionary involvement in these areas were
investigated, as was the changing American missionary strategy from a traditional method
where missionaries had final say on most matters related to American and Iranian Christian
interaction to the beginnings of an indigenous system where a partnership developed
between the missionary and the Iranian Christian. Freedoms that American missionaries
were given under Mohammed Reza Shah to be overt in their evangelistic and discipleship
activities, and details of the amount of Christian material propagated, were investigated. As
missionaries eventually withdrew from Iran’s education and healthcare systems, more
opportunities to be involved in Christian and Western activities were given to Iranian
Christians. Finally, the state of the Iranian Church after 1979, when American missionaries
were expelled from the country, was contrasted with the Iranian Church during the Pahlavi
era. This section explained that while Iranian Christians were thankful for American
missionaries, they were also resentful because Iranian Christians wanted Christianity to fit
better within Iranian accepted norms and practices.
2019-06-27T00:00:00ZHopkins, Philip OThis thesis studied the interaction of American Protestant missionaries with Iranians during
the 1960s and 1970s. It focused on the missionary activities of four American Protestant
groups: Presbyterians, Assemblies of God, International Missions, and Southern Baptists.
It argued that American missionaries’ predisposition toward their own culture confused
their message of the gospel and added to the negative perception of Christianity among
Iranians. This bias was seen primarily in the American missionaries’ desire to modernise
Iran through education and healthcare, and between the missionaries’ relationship with
Iranian Christians. Iranian attitudes towards missionary involvement in these areas were
investigated, as was the changing American missionary strategy from a traditional method
where missionaries had final say on most matters related to American and Iranian Christian
interaction to the beginnings of an indigenous system where a partnership developed
between the missionary and the Iranian Christian. Freedoms that American missionaries
were given under Mohammed Reza Shah to be overt in their evangelistic and discipleship
activities, and details of the amount of Christian material propagated, were investigated. As
missionaries eventually withdrew from Iran’s education and healthcare systems, more
opportunities to be involved in Christian and Western activities were given to Iranian
Christians. Finally, the state of the Iranian Church after 1979, when American missionaries
were expelled from the country, was contrasted with the Iranian Church during the Pahlavi
era. This section explained that while Iranian Christians were thankful for American
missionaries, they were also resentful because Iranian Christians wanted Christianity to fit
better within Iranian accepted norms and practices.The exhibit that bombed : the Enola Gay controversy and the culture wars in the United StatesEken, Mattiashttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/178152021-03-09T16:27:27Z2019-06-26T00:00:00ZThis dissertation seeks to place the so-called Enola Gay controversy of 1994-5 into the wider context of the culture wars in the United States. The controversy surrounded the preparations for an exhibit of the Enola Gay – the aircraft that dropped the atomic bomb on Hiroshima – at the National Air and Space Museum in Washington, to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the end of World War II. The resulting dispute has traditionally been understood as a clash between commemorative and critical voices in the US. Although this is certainly part of the story, there has been no serious attempt at establishing the location of the controversy within the wider cultural battles in the US. This dissertation therefore seeks to understand how the controversy related to, and had had an impact upon, other debates in the culture wars such as those surrounding provocative art, sexual orientation, and the teaching of history in US schools.
This dissertation will argue that the controversy, as part of the wider culture wars, helped lead to a rejection of such notions as compromise and settling disputes through reasoned debate in American political and cultural discourse. Instead, the culture wars have given rise to a new climate for debate, one in which personal conviction based on strong emotions far outweigh any well-reasoned argument based on logic and dispassionate research. The eventual cancellation of the proposed exhibit should therefore be understood as indicative of far wider ideological battles in US culture. The cancellation set a worrying precedent for future debates in the US as it showed that some aspects of the nation’s history are beyond question and should not be challenged.
2019-06-26T00:00:00ZEken, MattiasThis dissertation seeks to place the so-called Enola Gay controversy of 1994-5 into the wider context of the culture wars in the United States. The controversy surrounded the preparations for an exhibit of the Enola Gay – the aircraft that dropped the atomic bomb on Hiroshima – at the National Air and Space Museum in Washington, to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the end of World War II. The resulting dispute has traditionally been understood as a clash between commemorative and critical voices in the US. Although this is certainly part of the story, there has been no serious attempt at establishing the location of the controversy within the wider cultural battles in the US. This dissertation therefore seeks to understand how the controversy related to, and had had an impact upon, other debates in the culture wars such as those surrounding provocative art, sexual orientation, and the teaching of history in US schools.
This dissertation will argue that the controversy, as part of the wider culture wars, helped lead to a rejection of such notions as compromise and settling disputes through reasoned debate in American political and cultural discourse. Instead, the culture wars have given rise to a new climate for debate, one in which personal conviction based on strong emotions far outweigh any well-reasoned argument based on logic and dispassionate research. The eventual cancellation of the proposed exhibit should therefore be understood as indicative of far wider ideological battles in US culture. The cancellation set a worrying precedent for future debates in the US as it showed that some aspects of the nation’s history are beyond question and should not be challenged.Title redactedListon-Kitzinger, Sara C.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/175052019-07-12T10:54:45Z2018-01-01T00:00:00Z2018-01-01T00:00:00ZListon-Kitzinger, Sara C.Jesuit confession and the private absolution of heresy in sixteenth-century ItalyDalton, Jessica M.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/172392023-11-15T03:07:35Z2018-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis offers the first extensive explanation of a unique papal privilege conceded to the Society of Jesus in 1551. This privilege allowed the new religious order to bring former heretics back into the Catholic Church in the absolute secrecy of sacramental confession. The thesis focuses on the use of this privilege on the Italian peninsula during the sixteenth century. There, the concession of the privilege was particularly remarkable as it conflicted with the jurisdiction of the Roman Inquisition, which had been established by Pope Paul III just a decade earlier. The Roman Inquisition used judicial processes to fight the spread of Protestant heresies in the Catholic heartlands. When popes throughout the sixteenth century granted Jesuits in Italy the privilege to absolve heresy, they gave the Society a jurisdiction that undermined their very own organ for stemming religious dissent.
This thesis traces the history of the privilege chronologically, using both normative documents and case studies reconstructed using material from the archives of the Society, Inquisition, papacy and temporal leaders. With this approach, the thesis corrects existing accounts of the privilege, which explain it according to the aims of individuals and institutions outside of the Society without integrating the objectives of the Jesuits who actually solicited the power. By incorporating all of these factors, the thesis offers the first detailed history of the privilege and uses that history to illuminate the early Society's relationships with the papacy and the Roman Inquisition, aspects of Jesuit history that have been subject to persistent mythologisation. By analysing the fluctuating pastoral and institutional priorities that dictated the course of the early modern Church, this thesis shows that the actions and interactions of three of the most important protagonists in early modern history - the Society, the papacy and the Inquisition - were characterised by a shared pragmatism, even if their priorities were only pushed into alignment by the crisis that the Church faced after the Protestant Reformation.
2018-01-01T00:00:00ZDalton, Jessica M.This thesis offers the first extensive explanation of a unique papal privilege conceded to the Society of Jesus in 1551. This privilege allowed the new religious order to bring former heretics back into the Catholic Church in the absolute secrecy of sacramental confession. The thesis focuses on the use of this privilege on the Italian peninsula during the sixteenth century. There, the concession of the privilege was particularly remarkable as it conflicted with the jurisdiction of the Roman Inquisition, which had been established by Pope Paul III just a decade earlier. The Roman Inquisition used judicial processes to fight the spread of Protestant heresies in the Catholic heartlands. When popes throughout the sixteenth century granted Jesuits in Italy the privilege to absolve heresy, they gave the Society a jurisdiction that undermined their very own organ for stemming religious dissent.
This thesis traces the history of the privilege chronologically, using both normative documents and case studies reconstructed using material from the archives of the Society, Inquisition, papacy and temporal leaders. With this approach, the thesis corrects existing accounts of the privilege, which explain it according to the aims of individuals and institutions outside of the Society without integrating the objectives of the Jesuits who actually solicited the power. By incorporating all of these factors, the thesis offers the first detailed history of the privilege and uses that history to illuminate the early Society's relationships with the papacy and the Roman Inquisition, aspects of Jesuit history that have been subject to persistent mythologisation. By analysing the fluctuating pastoral and institutional priorities that dictated the course of the early modern Church, this thesis shows that the actions and interactions of three of the most important protagonists in early modern history - the Society, the papacy and the Inquisition - were characterised by a shared pragmatism, even if their priorities were only pushed into alignment by the crisis that the Church faced after the Protestant Reformation.A 'well-wisher' to man-kind? : Joseph Townsend (1739-1816) and the problem of povertyMoorhouse, Paul Martinhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/171902019-08-06T14:51:45Z2018-01-01T00:00:00ZJoseph Townsend’s 1786 Dissertation on the Poor Laws has achieved iconic status as the archetypical argument for abolishing poor relief. It was dismissed by Townsend’s friend Jeremy Bentham as propounding the ‘no provision, or starvation principle’. Modern scholars treat the Dissertation one dimensionally. It is dismissed as an exposition of ‘market fundamentalism’ or praised as an inspired anticipation of JR Malthus’s population theory, isolated from its intellectual, social and political context.
Using an original combination of contextual intellectual history, and social analysis, focussed on Townsend’s context as rector in a Wiltshire parish over five decades, this thesis corrects this lacuna. It relates the Dissertation to Townsend’s other writings and wider debates concerning the economic and political rights of the poor during the five decades before the New Poor Law.
Chapters One and Two examine the relationship between the development of Townsend’s ideas and his life as rector in a Wiltshire parish over five decades. Particular attention is paid to the tension between local and national in Townsend’s writings: the Wiltshire context shaped Townsend’s thought, but he responded to national debates concerning taxation and the rights of the poor. Chapter Three relates Townsend’s arguments to the changing demands of the labouring poor themselves, reflected in the travelogues of two radical visitors to Wiltshire, John Thelwall and William Cobbett. Chapter Four also considers how travel shaped the eighteenth century science of society. In this case, examining Townsend’s own travels in Spain and those of the agriculturalist Arthur Young. Chapter Five examines poor provision in one Wiltshire parish, Bradford on Avon, between 1784 and 1834, demonstrating how Townsend’s ideas were recast in response to the growing perception of economic subsistence as a human right by the ‘labouring poor’.
This re-shaping of the British political landscape is interpreted as a consequence of the French Revolution and the wars which came in its wake, demonstrating how the New Poor Law met the needs of nineteenth century industrial capitalism.
2018-01-01T00:00:00ZMoorhouse, Paul MartinJoseph Townsend’s 1786 Dissertation on the Poor Laws has achieved iconic status as the archetypical argument for abolishing poor relief. It was dismissed by Townsend’s friend Jeremy Bentham as propounding the ‘no provision, or starvation principle’. Modern scholars treat the Dissertation one dimensionally. It is dismissed as an exposition of ‘market fundamentalism’ or praised as an inspired anticipation of JR Malthus’s population theory, isolated from its intellectual, social and political context.
Using an original combination of contextual intellectual history, and social analysis, focussed on Townsend’s context as rector in a Wiltshire parish over five decades, this thesis corrects this lacuna. It relates the Dissertation to Townsend’s other writings and wider debates concerning the economic and political rights of the poor during the five decades before the New Poor Law.
Chapters One and Two examine the relationship between the development of Townsend’s ideas and his life as rector in a Wiltshire parish over five decades. Particular attention is paid to the tension between local and national in Townsend’s writings: the Wiltshire context shaped Townsend’s thought, but he responded to national debates concerning taxation and the rights of the poor. Chapter Three relates Townsend’s arguments to the changing demands of the labouring poor themselves, reflected in the travelogues of two radical visitors to Wiltshire, John Thelwall and William Cobbett. Chapter Four also considers how travel shaped the eighteenth century science of society. In this case, examining Townsend’s own travels in Spain and those of the agriculturalist Arthur Young. Chapter Five examines poor provision in one Wiltshire parish, Bradford on Avon, between 1784 and 1834, demonstrating how Townsend’s ideas were recast in response to the growing perception of economic subsistence as a human right by the ‘labouring poor’.
This re-shaping of the British political landscape is interpreted as a consequence of the French Revolution and the wars which came in its wake, demonstrating how the New Poor Law met the needs of nineteenth century industrial capitalism.'The education of the modern king, the constitutional king' : raising heirs to the throne in nineteenth century SpainMeyer Forsting, Richardhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/167532022-07-21T02:02:41Z2017-06-04T00:00:00ZThis thesis analyses royal education in nineteenth-century, constitutional Spain. The main subjects of this investigations are Isabel II (1830-1904), Alfonso XII (1857-1885) and Alfonso XIII (1886-1941) during their time as monarchs-in-waiting. It will be argued that their upbringing was considered an opportunity to shape the future of Spain, reflected the political struggles that emerged in the course of the construction of a liberal state, and allowed for the modernisation of the monarchy. The upbringing of royal heirs was a subject taken seriously by contemporaries and at various points in time assumed a wider political, social and cultural significance. The thesis is structured around the three powerful groups that showed an active interest, influenced, and significantly shaped the education of heirs to the throne: the court, the military, and the public. The study aims to throw new light on the position of the Spanish monarchy in the constitutional state, its ability to adapt to social, political, and cultural change and its varied sources of legitimacy, power, and attraction. One of the central aims of the thesis is to contribute to scholars’ growing interest in nineteenth-century Spain and the re-establishment of the Peninsula’s history as an integral part of European historiography.
2017-06-04T00:00:00ZMeyer Forsting, RichardThis thesis analyses royal education in nineteenth-century, constitutional Spain. The main subjects of this investigations are Isabel II (1830-1904), Alfonso XII (1857-1885) and Alfonso XIII (1886-1941) during their time as monarchs-in-waiting. It will be argued that their upbringing was considered an opportunity to shape the future of Spain, reflected the political struggles that emerged in the course of the construction of a liberal state, and allowed for the modernisation of the monarchy. The upbringing of royal heirs was a subject taken seriously by contemporaries and at various points in time assumed a wider political, social and cultural significance. The thesis is structured around the three powerful groups that showed an active interest, influenced, and significantly shaped the education of heirs to the throne: the court, the military, and the public. The study aims to throw new light on the position of the Spanish monarchy in the constitutional state, its ability to adapt to social, political, and cultural change and its varied sources of legitimacy, power, and attraction. One of the central aims of the thesis is to contribute to scholars’ growing interest in nineteenth-century Spain and the re-establishment of the Peninsula’s history as an integral part of European historiography.'The future of Italy': the heirs to the Savola throne and the dissemination of Italianita, 1860-1900Marchi, Maria Christinahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/167502019-02-26T16:04:56Z2017-11-09T00:00:00ZThis thesis explores the role played by the heirs to the throne of Italy between 1860 and
1900. It focuses on the future kings Umberto I (1844-1900) and Vittorio Emanuele III (1869-1947), as well as their respective spouses, Margherita of Savoia (1851-1926) and Elena of
Montenegro (1873-1952). My analysis sheds light on the soft power the Italian royals were
attempting to generate, by identifying and examining four specific areas of monarchical
activity: (1) the heirs’ public role and the manner in which they attempted to craft an Italian
identity through a process of self-presentation; (2) the national, royal, linguistic and
military education of the heirs; (3) the promotion of a family-centred dynasty deploying
both male and female elements in the public realm; and (4) the readiness to embrace
different modes of mobility. The aim of this study is to illustrate the growing importance of
the functionalisation of royal heirs and of their performance on the public stage in post-Risorgimento Italy. The desire to equate crown with nation, to become examples of
italianità and to generate social consensus and legitimacy emerges as a driving factor for
the royals. This thesis explores how this Savoia strategy was laid out and how it competed
for space on a rather crowded national stage, whilst dealing with its own limitations. One
of the main aims is to highlight that although the Savoia struggled to become the unifying
force in the peninsula, they nonetheless focused on creating a national presence by utilising
all the resources at their disposal – including the specific contribution by the royal heirs. By
analysing the Savoia heirs through the lens of soft power, this thesis seeks to contribute to
the scholarship on the Savoia’s role in post-unification Italy and their influence in shaping
the contemporary understanding of italianità.
2017-11-09T00:00:00ZMarchi, Maria ChristinaThis thesis explores the role played by the heirs to the throne of Italy between 1860 and
1900. It focuses on the future kings Umberto I (1844-1900) and Vittorio Emanuele III (1869-1947), as well as their respective spouses, Margherita of Savoia (1851-1926) and Elena of
Montenegro (1873-1952). My analysis sheds light on the soft power the Italian royals were
attempting to generate, by identifying and examining four specific areas of monarchical
activity: (1) the heirs’ public role and the manner in which they attempted to craft an Italian
identity through a process of self-presentation; (2) the national, royal, linguistic and
military education of the heirs; (3) the promotion of a family-centred dynasty deploying
both male and female elements in the public realm; and (4) the readiness to embrace
different modes of mobility. The aim of this study is to illustrate the growing importance of
the functionalisation of royal heirs and of their performance on the public stage in post-Risorgimento Italy. The desire to equate crown with nation, to become examples of
italianità and to generate social consensus and legitimacy emerges as a driving factor for
the royals. This thesis explores how this Savoia strategy was laid out and how it competed
for space on a rather crowded national stage, whilst dealing with its own limitations. One
of the main aims is to highlight that although the Savoia struggled to become the unifying
force in the peninsula, they nonetheless focused on creating a national presence by utilising
all the resources at their disposal – including the specific contribution by the royal heirs. By
analysing the Savoia heirs through the lens of soft power, this thesis seeks to contribute to
the scholarship on the Savoia’s role in post-unification Italy and their influence in shaping
the contemporary understanding of italianità.The "sailor prince" in the age of empire : creating a monarchical brand in nineteenth-century EuropeSchneider, Miriam Magdalenahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/166272021-03-12T03:07:26Z2017-06-22T00:00:00ZThis study examines the systemic function and public role of “Sailor Princes” within the
context of the nineteenth-century revival of monarchy. It explores how, between 1850 and
1914, the reigning families of Britain, Denmark, Germany and Greece chose to educate
their younger sons in the navy and thereby created powerful links with a mythically
invested symbol of national identity and modernity, of bourgeois virtue, imperial
integration and exotic adventure. All four countries perceived themselves as maritime
powers defined by their long seafaring traditions and/or great hopes for a naval future, by
their possession of (in)formal seaborne colonial empires and/or by their substantial
imperial ambitions. By latching onto the prominent trend of the nineteenth-century lure of
the sea and of naval enthusiasm, the dynasties of Saxe-Coburg, Glücksborg and
Hohenzollern were able to adapt these mental geographies for their own purposes and thus
to generate an appealing brand image for the emerging political mass market. Prince
Alfred of Britain (1844-1900), Prince Heinrich of Prussia (1862-1929), Prince Valdemar
of Denmark (1858-1939) and Prince Georgios of Greece (1869-1957) all became
powerful personality brands of their respective monarchies. This study investigates the
mechanisms and the agents responsible for their success. It examines the role of the sea
and of maritime imageries in nineteenth-century national identities; the myths and realities
of naval education and naval professionalism; the processes by which seaborne colonial
empires and diaspora communities were integrated into larger imperial units and
represented to each other via interimperial diplomacy; as well as the public reception,
appropriation and recreation of the “Sailor Prince” brand in various popular media, e.g. family magazines, adventure fiction and consumer goods.
2017-06-22T00:00:00ZSchneider, Miriam MagdalenaThis study examines the systemic function and public role of “Sailor Princes” within the
context of the nineteenth-century revival of monarchy. It explores how, between 1850 and
1914, the reigning families of Britain, Denmark, Germany and Greece chose to educate
their younger sons in the navy and thereby created powerful links with a mythically
invested symbol of national identity and modernity, of bourgeois virtue, imperial
integration and exotic adventure. All four countries perceived themselves as maritime
powers defined by their long seafaring traditions and/or great hopes for a naval future, by
their possession of (in)formal seaborne colonial empires and/or by their substantial
imperial ambitions. By latching onto the prominent trend of the nineteenth-century lure of
the sea and of naval enthusiasm, the dynasties of Saxe-Coburg, Glücksborg and
Hohenzollern were able to adapt these mental geographies for their own purposes and thus
to generate an appealing brand image for the emerging political mass market. Prince
Alfred of Britain (1844-1900), Prince Heinrich of Prussia (1862-1929), Prince Valdemar
of Denmark (1858-1939) and Prince Georgios of Greece (1869-1957) all became
powerful personality brands of their respective monarchies. This study investigates the
mechanisms and the agents responsible for their success. It examines the role of the sea
and of maritime imageries in nineteenth-century national identities; the myths and realities
of naval education and naval professionalism; the processes by which seaborne colonial
empires and diaspora communities were integrated into larger imperial units and
represented to each other via interimperial diplomacy; as well as the public reception,
appropriation and recreation of the “Sailor Prince” brand in various popular media, e.g. family magazines, adventure fiction and consumer goods.Selling the republican ideal: state communication in the Dutch Golden Ageder Weduwen, Arthurhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/166122023-12-08T03:02:53Z2018-12-07T00:00:00ZThis study seeks to describe the public communication practices of the authorities in the Dutch Golden Age. It is a study of ‘state communication’: the manner in which the authorities sought to inform their citizens, publicise their laws, and engage publicly in quarrels with their political opponents. These communication strategies underpinned the political stability of the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic. Concerned about their decorous appearance, the regents who ruled the country always understated the extent to which they relied on the consent of their citizens. The regents shared a republican ideal which dismissed the agency of popular consent; but this was an ideal, like so many ideals in the Dutch Republic, which existed in art and literature, but was not practised in daily life.
The practicalities of governance demanded that the regents of the Dutch Republic adopt a sophisticated system of communication. The authorities employed town criers and bailiffs to speed through town and country to repeat proclamations; they instructed ministers to proclaim official prayer days at church; and they ensured that everywhere, on walls, doors, pillars and public boards, one could find the texts of ordinances, notices and announcements issued by the authorities. In the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic, politics was not the prerogative of the few. That this was due to the determined efforts of the authorities has never been appreciated. Far from withholding political information, the regents were finely attuned to the benefit of involving their citizens in the affairs of state. The Dutch public was exposed to a wealth of political literature, much of it published by the state. The widespread availability of government publications also exposed the law to prying, critical eyes; and it paved the way to make the state, and the bewildering wealth of legislation it communicated, more accountable.
2018-12-07T00:00:00Zder Weduwen, ArthurThis study seeks to describe the public communication practices of the authorities in the Dutch Golden Age. It is a study of ‘state communication’: the manner in which the authorities sought to inform their citizens, publicise their laws, and engage publicly in quarrels with their political opponents. These communication strategies underpinned the political stability of the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic. Concerned about their decorous appearance, the regents who ruled the country always understated the extent to which they relied on the consent of their citizens. The regents shared a republican ideal which dismissed the agency of popular consent; but this was an ideal, like so many ideals in the Dutch Republic, which existed in art and literature, but was not practised in daily life.
The practicalities of governance demanded that the regents of the Dutch Republic adopt a sophisticated system of communication. The authorities employed town criers and bailiffs to speed through town and country to repeat proclamations; they instructed ministers to proclaim official prayer days at church; and they ensured that everywhere, on walls, doors, pillars and public boards, one could find the texts of ordinances, notices and announcements issued by the authorities. In the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic, politics was not the prerogative of the few. That this was due to the determined efforts of the authorities has never been appreciated. Far from withholding political information, the regents were finely attuned to the benefit of involving their citizens in the affairs of state. The Dutch public was exposed to a wealth of political literature, much of it published by the state. The widespread availability of government publications also exposed the law to prying, critical eyes; and it paved the way to make the state, and the bewildering wealth of legislation it communicated, more accountable.Conversion and transformation : Prince Albert’s programme for a European monarchical orderJones, Charles Albert Muñozhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/165582023-10-05T15:41:32Z2018-06-28T00:00:00ZThis thesis will examine the political, legal, and philosophical beliefs of Albert, the Prince Consort, in the fields of governance, foreign policy and international affairs as well as the methods he used in his attempt to realise these ideas, both domestically and abroad. This “Albertine ambition” constituted a sophisticated and coherent political programme for a coordinated Conversion and Transformation during a period of rapid and profound socio-political change in Europe. His over-arching aim was to help to establish an integrated, co-operative and mutually supporting system of constitutional European monarchies. The absence of analyses of the prince’s personal role as a prime mover in foreign affairs is a puzzling gap in the rich literature on Victorian politics. Although there are references to his accomplishments within this sphere, the overall coherence of his approach and the characteristic methods he employed to achieve them have been left under-explored, if not completely neglected. Additionally, the wider context of the topic allows for a further exploration of the continuing relevance of monarchy and dynastic networks in 19th-century politics especially in the realm of foreign affairs. This endeavour will ultimately show that Albert was a prolific multinational figure, or to use Johannes Paulmann’s terminology, a “Royal International” who not only had the ambition to pursue his aims but also the creative ability and resources to do so.
2018-06-28T00:00:00ZJones, Charles Albert MuñozThis thesis will examine the political, legal, and philosophical beliefs of Albert, the Prince Consort, in the fields of governance, foreign policy and international affairs as well as the methods he used in his attempt to realise these ideas, both domestically and abroad. This “Albertine ambition” constituted a sophisticated and coherent political programme for a coordinated Conversion and Transformation during a period of rapid and profound socio-political change in Europe. His over-arching aim was to help to establish an integrated, co-operative and mutually supporting system of constitutional European monarchies. The absence of analyses of the prince’s personal role as a prime mover in foreign affairs is a puzzling gap in the rich literature on Victorian politics. Although there are references to his accomplishments within this sphere, the overall coherence of his approach and the characteristic methods he employed to achieve them have been left under-explored, if not completely neglected. Additionally, the wider context of the topic allows for a further exploration of the continuing relevance of monarchy and dynastic networks in 19th-century politics especially in the realm of foreign affairs. This endeavour will ultimately show that Albert was a prolific multinational figure, or to use Johannes Paulmann’s terminology, a “Royal International” who not only had the ambition to pursue his aims but also the creative ability and resources to do so.Religious directives of health, sickness and death: Church teachings on how to be well, how to be ill, and how to die in early modern EnglandElkins, Markhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/163962023-12-18T12:01:26Z2018-12-07T00:00:00ZIn broad terms, this thesis is a study of what Protestant theologians in early modern England taught regarding the interdependence between physical health and spirituality. More precisely, it examines the specific and complex doctrines taught regarding health-related issues in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and evaluates the consistency of these messages over time.
A component of the controversial Protestant-science hypothesis introduced in the early twentieth century is that advancements in science were driven by the Protestant ethic of needing to control nature and every aspect therein. This thesis challenges this notion. Within the context of health, sickness and death, the doctrine of providence evident in Protestant soteriology emphasised complete submission to God’s sovereign will. Rather, this overriding doctrine negated the need to assume any control. Moreover, this thesis affirms that the directives theologians delivered governing physical health remained consistent across this span, despite radical changes taking place in medicine during the same period. This consistency shows the stability and strength of this message.
Each chapter offers a comprehensive analysis on what Protestant theologians taught regarding the health of the body as well as the soul. The inclusion of more than one hundred seventy sermons and religious treatises by as many as one hundred twenty different authors spanning more than two hundred years laid a fertile groundwork for this study. The result of this work provides an extensive survey of theological teachings from these religious writers over a large span of time.
2018-12-07T00:00:00ZElkins, MarkIn broad terms, this thesis is a study of what Protestant theologians in early modern England taught regarding the interdependence between physical health and spirituality. More precisely, it examines the specific and complex doctrines taught regarding health-related issues in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and evaluates the consistency of these messages over time.
A component of the controversial Protestant-science hypothesis introduced in the early twentieth century is that advancements in science were driven by the Protestant ethic of needing to control nature and every aspect therein. This thesis challenges this notion. Within the context of health, sickness and death, the doctrine of providence evident in Protestant soteriology emphasised complete submission to God’s sovereign will. Rather, this overriding doctrine negated the need to assume any control. Moreover, this thesis affirms that the directives theologians delivered governing physical health remained consistent across this span, despite radical changes taking place in medicine during the same period. This consistency shows the stability and strength of this message.
Each chapter offers a comprehensive analysis on what Protestant theologians taught regarding the health of the body as well as the soul. The inclusion of more than one hundred seventy sermons and religious treatises by as many as one hundred twenty different authors spanning more than two hundred years laid a fertile groundwork for this study. The result of this work provides an extensive survey of theological teachings from these religious writers over a large span of time.Title redactedVarner, Jason R.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/163292019-07-11T09:12:44Z2017-05-31T00:00:00Z2017-05-31T00:00:00ZVarner, Jason R.Macmillan & Co. in New York : transatlantic publishing in the late nineteenth CenturyDeBlock, Elizabethhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/162952019-03-29T16:08:14Z2018-06-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis follows the British publisher Macmillan & Co. as it set up its first international
branch office in New York, from 1869 to the 1891. It outlines how Macmillan’s New York
Agency functioned in a distant market, at a time when international copyright law did not
exist. I investigate how the Agency navigated political, social, and economic challenges as it
sought to become the first successful branch offices of a British publisher on American soil.
First, I establish how Macmillan & Co. traded on a transatlantic level during the 1850s and
1860s, and ask why Alexander Macmillan, made the decision to open the branch office in
1867. Second, I reconstruct the opening of the Agency in 1869, its first few years in business,
and the hardships, challenges, and successes it endured in order to become economically
profitable to the mother-company. Lastly, I evaluate how the relationship between the
Agency and the London office shifted once a new generation of business management came
of age in the early 1890s, and as international copyright laws came into effect between
American and Great Britain. This is the first ever in-depth look at how a British publisher
agency operated on American soil. It offers new insights into how the transatlantic trade
operated, as well as shows how international businesses operated within new markets lacking
international laws.
2018-06-01T00:00:00ZDeBlock, ElizabethThis thesis follows the British publisher Macmillan & Co. as it set up its first international
branch office in New York, from 1869 to the 1891. It outlines how Macmillan’s New York
Agency functioned in a distant market, at a time when international copyright law did not
exist. I investigate how the Agency navigated political, social, and economic challenges as it
sought to become the first successful branch offices of a British publisher on American soil.
First, I establish how Macmillan & Co. traded on a transatlantic level during the 1850s and
1860s, and ask why Alexander Macmillan, made the decision to open the branch office in
1867. Second, I reconstruct the opening of the Agency in 1869, its first few years in business,
and the hardships, challenges, and successes it endured in order to become economically
profitable to the mother-company. Lastly, I evaluate how the relationship between the
Agency and the London office shifted once a new generation of business management came
of age in the early 1890s, and as international copyright laws came into effect between
American and Great Britain. This is the first ever in-depth look at how a British publisher
agency operated on American soil. It offers new insights into how the transatlantic trade
operated, as well as shows how international businesses operated within new markets lacking
international laws.Lyon publishing in the age of Catholic revival, 1565-1600Hall, Matthewhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/162762019-03-29T16:08:00Z2005-06-23T00:00:00ZThis PhD dissertation focuses upon the role of Lyon's printing industry in the revival of
Catholicism in the second half of the sixteenth century. Lyon was one of Europe's premier cities; booming trade and tolerant attitudes had been catalysts for its growth. It possessed
one of the finest and most renowned printing industries on the continent. Reputations were
turned upside down by the development of evangelical activism in the 1560s. By the late
1560s the city was once more firmly placed in the Roman Catholic camp. Lyon's presses
joined in the newly found Catholic sentiment. Presses produced a vast range of texts
necessary for the reconstruction of the Church. From the start, the commerce of the book
and the fate of Catholic revival were closely bound together. Within a decade of the fall of
the Protestant regime, Catholic authors and publishers produced steady streams of violent
pamphlet literature aimed towards the eradication of the Huguenot. With a powerful
combination of theological tomes and a flood of book and pamphlet literature addressed to
a wider audience, Lyon's printing presses held an important role in the progress of Catholic
revival.
Chapter one sketches core aspects of the history of the printing industry in Lyon from its
inception in the 1470s until 1600. Chapter two concentrates on the production of pamphlet
literature between 1565 and 1588, the years of Catholic victory and the period leading up to
the radical developments of the Holy Catholic League. Chapter three extends the survey of
the period 1565 until 1588 by addressing the body of larger religious books published.
Chapters four and five explore the role of pamphlet literature during Lyon's adherence to
the Leaguer, and then Royalist movement. Chapter six examines the production of larger
religious books throughout the years 1589 until 1600.
This study of Lyon's place in print culture demonstrates that our preconceptions of the
book culture - seen through the predominantly German model - cannot be accurately
imposed across European printing centres. Contrary to the German experience print culture
and the Counter-Reformation were inextricably linked. Moreover, French Catholic authors
were prepared to confront the evangelical movement in the medium of print. By doing so
Catholic authors and publishers fully utilised the weapons that had brought Protestantism
so much success, making them their own.
2005-06-23T00:00:00ZHall, MatthewThis PhD dissertation focuses upon the role of Lyon's printing industry in the revival of
Catholicism in the second half of the sixteenth century. Lyon was one of Europe's premier cities; booming trade and tolerant attitudes had been catalysts for its growth. It possessed
one of the finest and most renowned printing industries on the continent. Reputations were
turned upside down by the development of evangelical activism in the 1560s. By the late
1560s the city was once more firmly placed in the Roman Catholic camp. Lyon's presses
joined in the newly found Catholic sentiment. Presses produced a vast range of texts
necessary for the reconstruction of the Church. From the start, the commerce of the book
and the fate of Catholic revival were closely bound together. Within a decade of the fall of
the Protestant regime, Catholic authors and publishers produced steady streams of violent
pamphlet literature aimed towards the eradication of the Huguenot. With a powerful
combination of theological tomes and a flood of book and pamphlet literature addressed to
a wider audience, Lyon's printing presses held an important role in the progress of Catholic
revival.
Chapter one sketches core aspects of the history of the printing industry in Lyon from its
inception in the 1470s until 1600. Chapter two concentrates on the production of pamphlet
literature between 1565 and 1588, the years of Catholic victory and the period leading up to
the radical developments of the Holy Catholic League. Chapter three extends the survey of
the period 1565 until 1588 by addressing the body of larger religious books published.
Chapters four and five explore the role of pamphlet literature during Lyon's adherence to
the Leaguer, and then Royalist movement. Chapter six examines the production of larger
religious books throughout the years 1589 until 1600.
This study of Lyon's place in print culture demonstrates that our preconceptions of the
book culture - seen through the predominantly German model - cannot be accurately
imposed across European printing centres. Contrary to the German experience print culture
and the Counter-Reformation were inextricably linked. Moreover, French Catholic authors
were prepared to confront the evangelical movement in the medium of print. By doing so
Catholic authors and publishers fully utilised the weapons that had brought Protestantism
so much success, making them their own.Title redactedKriner, Lucashttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/161002022-04-18T09:53:54Z2017-04-24T00:00:00Z2017-04-24T00:00:00ZKriner, LucasRe-thinking mountains : ascents, aesthetics, and environment in early modern EuropeHollis, Dawn L.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/160982022-11-03T03:02:07Z2017-01-04T00:00:00ZMountains are among the most visible and culturally loaded landforms of the modern
world. From the late eighteenth century onwards they have, in western contexts, acted as
sites of nationalism, masculinity, heroism, and environmentalism, shaped largely by the
defining activity of modern mountaineering. This thesis will explore the position of
mountains in British and European culture before the apparent advent of climbing 'for its
own sake'. What did people think, feel, or know about mountains in the sixteenth,
seventeenth, and early eighteenth centuries? Did they ever climb mountains, and, if so,
for what reasons? What cultural associations - good or bad - were attached to the
mountains of the early modern mind?
Drawing upon natural philosophical debates, travellers' accounts, and poetry, this thesis
will examine the nature and contexts of early modern mountain knowledge, activities,
aesthetics, and literary representation. In so doing it will present a picture of varied and
often enthusiastic mountain engagement, whether on an intellectual or physical level,
which runs contrary to the accepted historiographical perception that mountains were
generally feared, disdained, and avoided before the advent of mountaineering. It will
therefore also interrogate the origins of the idea of premodern 'mountain gloom',
proposing that it is not so much a statement of historical fact as a key tenet of the modern
cultural discourse of mountain appreciation.
2017-01-04T00:00:00ZHollis, Dawn L.Mountains are among the most visible and culturally loaded landforms of the modern
world. From the late eighteenth century onwards they have, in western contexts, acted as
sites of nationalism, masculinity, heroism, and environmentalism, shaped largely by the
defining activity of modern mountaineering. This thesis will explore the position of
mountains in British and European culture before the apparent advent of climbing 'for its
own sake'. What did people think, feel, or know about mountains in the sixteenth,
seventeenth, and early eighteenth centuries? Did they ever climb mountains, and, if so,
for what reasons? What cultural associations - good or bad - were attached to the
mountains of the early modern mind?
Drawing upon natural philosophical debates, travellers' accounts, and poetry, this thesis
will examine the nature and contexts of early modern mountain knowledge, activities,
aesthetics, and literary representation. In so doing it will present a picture of varied and
often enthusiastic mountain engagement, whether on an intellectual or physical level,
which runs contrary to the accepted historiographical perception that mountains were
generally feared, disdained, and avoided before the advent of mountaineering. It will
therefore also interrogate the origins of the idea of premodern 'mountain gloom',
proposing that it is not so much a statement of historical fact as a key tenet of the modern
cultural discourse of mountain appreciation.Democrats into Nazis? : the radicalisation of the Bürgertum in Hof-an-der-Saale, 1918-1924Burkhardt, Alexhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/160292023-04-25T09:48:18Z2017-01-04T00:00:00ZThis thesis analyses the radicalisation of the bürgertum in a single Bavarian town, Hof-an-der-Saale, in the five years after the First World War. It is bookended by two important and enormously different elections. In the first of these – the January 1919 elections to the National Assembly – the bürgerliche districts of Hof voted almost entirely for the German Democratic Party, a left-liberal, pro-Republican party that called for a parliamentary democracy, the separation of church and state, rights for women, a renunciation of German militarism and a close collaboration with the Social Democrats. But just five years later, in the Reichstag elections of May 1924, these very same districts cast their votes for the Völkisch Block, a cover organisation for the then-banned Nazi Party. Within half a decade, then, Hof’s bürgerliche milieu had switched its allegiance from a party of left-liberal democrats to the most radical nationalists in German history.
Why did this dramatic and disturbing electoral turnaround occur? In an effort to answer this question, this thesis offers a detailed study of the narratives and discourses that circulated within Hof’s bürgerliche milieu during this five-year period. It uses newspaper editorials, the minutes of political meetings, electoral propaganda, the documents of civic associations and commercial organisations, the Protestant newsletter and a range of other sources in an effort to reconstruct what Hof’s Burghers thought, said and wrote between these two elections. What happened between January 1919 and May 1924 to transform Hof’s bürgerliche inhabitants from Democrat into Nazi voters, and how did this startling change manifest itself at the level of discourse and political culture?
2017-01-04T00:00:00ZBurkhardt, AlexThis thesis analyses the radicalisation of the bürgertum in a single Bavarian town, Hof-an-der-Saale, in the five years after the First World War. It is bookended by two important and enormously different elections. In the first of these – the January 1919 elections to the National Assembly – the bürgerliche districts of Hof voted almost entirely for the German Democratic Party, a left-liberal, pro-Republican party that called for a parliamentary democracy, the separation of church and state, rights for women, a renunciation of German militarism and a close collaboration with the Social Democrats. But just five years later, in the Reichstag elections of May 1924, these very same districts cast their votes for the Völkisch Block, a cover organisation for the then-banned Nazi Party. Within half a decade, then, Hof’s bürgerliche milieu had switched its allegiance from a party of left-liberal democrats to the most radical nationalists in German history.
Why did this dramatic and disturbing electoral turnaround occur? In an effort to answer this question, this thesis offers a detailed study of the narratives and discourses that circulated within Hof’s bürgerliche milieu during this five-year period. It uses newspaper editorials, the minutes of political meetings, electoral propaganda, the documents of civic associations and commercial organisations, the Protestant newsletter and a range of other sources in an effort to reconstruct what Hof’s Burghers thought, said and wrote between these two elections. What happened between January 1919 and May 1924 to transform Hof’s bürgerliche inhabitants from Democrat into Nazi voters, and how did this startling change manifest itself at the level of discourse and political culture?Title redactedGrimshaw, Adamhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/159282018-09-13T08:55:03Z2017-01-01T00:00:00Z2017-01-01T00:00:00ZGrimshaw, AdamDietrich von Hildebrand : a Catholic intellectual in the Weimar RepublicKitzinger, Denishttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/159082022-10-24T08:42:37Z2017-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the intellectual activity of the German Catholic philosopher Dietrich
von Hildebrand (1889-1977) during the Weimar Republic (1918-1933). It fills a gap both
in the Hildebrand scholarship and the history of Weimar Catholicism. It examines
Hildebrand as an intellectual (following Stefan Collini’s analytical concept), and argues
that he can most adequately be described as a neo-conservative Catholic intellectual.
Hildebrand was a profoundly religious person whose principal goal was the personal
sanctification of educated Catholics through the renewal of the Catholic ethos. To this
end he presented the Catholic worldview not in the form of neo-scholasticism as recently
initiated by Pope Leo XIII, but in a new form. At the center of his novel presentation
stood his Catholic personalism and his phenomenological value ethics.
After an introductory chapter that outlines Hildebrand’s upbringing, formation,
and education with an eye to his conversion to the Catholic faith in 1914, the thesis
situates and analyzes Hildebrand in the context of the four main discourses that he
participated in during the Weimar Republic: Chapter two examines Hildebrand’s
contribution to the discourse on Siegkatholizismus, the confidence of Catholics to re-
Christianize German and European culture after the First World War; chapter three
examines Hildebrand’s novel justification of Catholic teaching in the discourse on the
crisis of marriage and sexuality during the middle years of the Republic; chapter four
engages his social thought and his views on the relation between person and community
during the final period of Weimar Germany; and chapter five explores Hildebrand’s
transnational activity against the background of a growing transformation of Catholic
supranational identity through nationalism shortly before the Nazi takeover of power in
1933.
2017-01-01T00:00:00ZKitzinger, DenisThis thesis examines the intellectual activity of the German Catholic philosopher Dietrich
von Hildebrand (1889-1977) during the Weimar Republic (1918-1933). It fills a gap both
in the Hildebrand scholarship and the history of Weimar Catholicism. It examines
Hildebrand as an intellectual (following Stefan Collini’s analytical concept), and argues
that he can most adequately be described as a neo-conservative Catholic intellectual.
Hildebrand was a profoundly religious person whose principal goal was the personal
sanctification of educated Catholics through the renewal of the Catholic ethos. To this
end he presented the Catholic worldview not in the form of neo-scholasticism as recently
initiated by Pope Leo XIII, but in a new form. At the center of his novel presentation
stood his Catholic personalism and his phenomenological value ethics.
After an introductory chapter that outlines Hildebrand’s upbringing, formation,
and education with an eye to his conversion to the Catholic faith in 1914, the thesis
situates and analyzes Hildebrand in the context of the four main discourses that he
participated in during the Weimar Republic: Chapter two examines Hildebrand’s
contribution to the discourse on Siegkatholizismus, the confidence of Catholics to re-
Christianize German and European culture after the First World War; chapter three
examines Hildebrand’s novel justification of Catholic teaching in the discourse on the
crisis of marriage and sexuality during the middle years of the Republic; chapter four
engages his social thought and his views on the relation between person and community
during the final period of Weimar Germany; and chapter five explores Hildebrand’s
transnational activity against the background of a growing transformation of Catholic
supranational identity through nationalism shortly before the Nazi takeover of power in
1933.Democracy and representation in the French Directory, 1795–1799Kim, Minchulhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/158742023-12-04T16:16:42Z2018-11-01T00:00:00ZDemocracy was no more than a marginal force during the eighteenth century, unanimously denounced as a chimerical form of government unfit for passionate human beings living in commercial societies. Placed in this context this thesis studies the concept of ‘representative democracy’ during the French Revolution, particularly under the Directory (1795–1799). At the time the term was an oxymoron. It was a neologism strategically coined by the democrats at a time when ‘representative government’ and ‘democracy’ were understood to be diametrically opposed to each other. In this thesis the democrats’ political thought is simultaneously placed in several contexts. One is the rapidly changing political, economic and international circumstances of the French First Republic at war. Another is the anxiety about democratic decline emanating from the long-established intellectual traditions that regarded the history of Greece and Rome as proof that democracy and popular government inevitably led to anarchy, despotism and military government. Due to this anxiety the ruling republicans’ answer during the Directory to the predicament—how to avoid the return of the Terror, win the war, and stabilize the Republic without inviting military government—was crystalized in the notion of ‘representative government’, which defined a modern republic based on a firm rejection of ‘democratic’ politics. Condorcet is important at this juncture because he directly challenged the given notions of his own period (such as that democracy inevitably fosters military government). Building on this context of debate, the arguments for democracy put forth by Antonelle, Chaussard, Français de Nantes and others are analysed. These democrats devised plans to steer France and Europe to what they regarded as the correct way of genuinely ending the Revolution: the democratic republic. The findings of this thesis elucidate the elements of continuity and those of rupture between the Enlightenment and the French Revolution.
2018-11-01T00:00:00ZKim, MinchulDemocracy was no more than a marginal force during the eighteenth century, unanimously denounced as a chimerical form of government unfit for passionate human beings living in commercial societies. Placed in this context this thesis studies the concept of ‘representative democracy’ during the French Revolution, particularly under the Directory (1795–1799). At the time the term was an oxymoron. It was a neologism strategically coined by the democrats at a time when ‘representative government’ and ‘democracy’ were understood to be diametrically opposed to each other. In this thesis the democrats’ political thought is simultaneously placed in several contexts. One is the rapidly changing political, economic and international circumstances of the French First Republic at war. Another is the anxiety about democratic decline emanating from the long-established intellectual traditions that regarded the history of Greece and Rome as proof that democracy and popular government inevitably led to anarchy, despotism and military government. Due to this anxiety the ruling republicans’ answer during the Directory to the predicament—how to avoid the return of the Terror, win the war, and stabilize the Republic without inviting military government—was crystalized in the notion of ‘representative government’, which defined a modern republic based on a firm rejection of ‘democratic’ politics. Condorcet is important at this juncture because he directly challenged the given notions of his own period (such as that democracy inevitably fosters military government). Building on this context of debate, the arguments for democracy put forth by Antonelle, Chaussard, Français de Nantes and others are analysed. These democrats devised plans to steer France and Europe to what they regarded as the correct way of genuinely ending the Revolution: the democratic republic. The findings of this thesis elucidate the elements of continuity and those of rupture between the Enlightenment and the French Revolution.The Habsburg Empire under foreign eyes : experiences and encounters of nineteenth-century travellers, c. 1815-1869Schaller, Martinhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/156162021-10-06T02:01:44Z2017-01-01T00:00:00ZIn his seminal 1994 study ‘Inventing Eastern Europe’, Larry Wolff argued that Eastern Europe was created in the Enlightenment era and conceptualised along a dividing line stretching from Szczecin at the Baltic to Trieste at the Adriatic. This line would have divided the Habsburg Empire in eastern and western halves. This thesis asks how British and German travellers perceived the Habsburg Empire in the period between 1815 and 1869, when, according to Wolff, the division must have already been established.
By analysing published travelogues it is possible to gain a better understanding of where these travellers located ‘western’ and ‘Eastern Europe’ but also to examine the existence of other spatial concepts such as ‘northern’ and ‘Southern Europe’. Methodologically, this study ties together the concepts of transnational history since the travellers under examination ventured abroad, and comparative history due to the focus on two distinct groups, as well as spatial history in the form of mental maths.
The thesis argues that based on the analysis of travelogues it seems that there was no coherent view on the Habsburg Empire as being situated in ‘eastern Europe. Rather, the travellers seemed to have applied a ‘fragmented view’, singling out and assessing various regions of the Empire differently. Yet, for most travellers from ‘East’ was not found within the Habsburg Empire but rather beyond its frontiers, particularly emphasised by those who engaged with the concept of Germany. Based on these results, the thesis argues that instead of assuming that the division of Europe changed from ‘North-South to East-West, we should regard both spatial discourses in parallel, but with varying intensity.
2017-01-01T00:00:00ZSchaller, MartinIn his seminal 1994 study ‘Inventing Eastern Europe’, Larry Wolff argued that Eastern Europe was created in the Enlightenment era and conceptualised along a dividing line stretching from Szczecin at the Baltic to Trieste at the Adriatic. This line would have divided the Habsburg Empire in eastern and western halves. This thesis asks how British and German travellers perceived the Habsburg Empire in the period between 1815 and 1869, when, according to Wolff, the division must have already been established.
By analysing published travelogues it is possible to gain a better understanding of where these travellers located ‘western’ and ‘Eastern Europe’ but also to examine the existence of other spatial concepts such as ‘northern’ and ‘Southern Europe’. Methodologically, this study ties together the concepts of transnational history since the travellers under examination ventured abroad, and comparative history due to the focus on two distinct groups, as well as spatial history in the form of mental maths.
The thesis argues that based on the analysis of travelogues it seems that there was no coherent view on the Habsburg Empire as being situated in ‘eastern Europe. Rather, the travellers seemed to have applied a ‘fragmented view’, singling out and assessing various regions of the Empire differently. Yet, for most travellers from ‘East’ was not found within the Habsburg Empire but rather beyond its frontiers, particularly emphasised by those who engaged with the concept of Germany. Based on these results, the thesis argues that instead of assuming that the division of Europe changed from ‘North-South to East-West, we should regard both spatial discourses in parallel, but with varying intensity.The Bourbon monarchy and the cult of Saint Louis, 1589-1792Heath, Seanhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/156072019-08-27T11:32:12Z2017-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the relationship between religion and politics in France by looking at the cult of Saint Louis under the bourbon kings of the ‘ancien regime’, from the accession of Henri IV in 1589 to the abolition of the monarchy in 1792. As both a historical king whose reign was held to be the epitome of ideal Christian kingship and as a canonised saint of the church, Saint Louis was positioned at the very nexus of this relationship and his cult and memory had an important place in the political, religious and artistic culture of Bourbon France. Following a period of relative neglect since the Hundred Year’s War, the cult was revived under Henri IV and Louis XIII as part of their ‘recatholicisation’ of the French monarchy. Saint Louis began to emerge as a prominent theme in royal representation and as a symbol that could be used by flatterers throughout the bourbon period. Celebration of his feast was part of the texture of sacral monarchy that helped bind the monarchy to various elite groups - ecclesiastical, lay and military. His praise was generally harnessed to the glorification of his Bourbon descendants. However, there were limitations. His feast was never celebrated across the kingdom as comprehensively as the monarchy had hoped, and enough ambiguities remained in the relationship of sanctified ancestor to living descendant to allow opponents of the monarchy to use Saint Louis’s idealised image to criticise the reigning king. Moreover, broader changes in culture and intellectual life rendered a cult that had been re-established in the era of Catholic reform increasingly out of tune with contemporary sensibilities by the middle of the eighteenth century. Ultimately, this study of the cult of Saint Louis is a contribution to debaters about the nature of royal sacralty and the extent of both ‘resacralisation’ and ‘desacralisation’ across the period. It shows the ambiguities and difficulties created for the French monarchy by the weight of its sacral identity.
2017-01-01T00:00:00ZHeath, SeanThis thesis examines the relationship between religion and politics in France by looking at the cult of Saint Louis under the bourbon kings of the ‘ancien regime’, from the accession of Henri IV in 1589 to the abolition of the monarchy in 1792. As both a historical king whose reign was held to be the epitome of ideal Christian kingship and as a canonised saint of the church, Saint Louis was positioned at the very nexus of this relationship and his cult and memory had an important place in the political, religious and artistic culture of Bourbon France. Following a period of relative neglect since the Hundred Year’s War, the cult was revived under Henri IV and Louis XIII as part of their ‘recatholicisation’ of the French monarchy. Saint Louis began to emerge as a prominent theme in royal representation and as a symbol that could be used by flatterers throughout the bourbon period. Celebration of his feast was part of the texture of sacral monarchy that helped bind the monarchy to various elite groups - ecclesiastical, lay and military. His praise was generally harnessed to the glorification of his Bourbon descendants. However, there were limitations. His feast was never celebrated across the kingdom as comprehensively as the monarchy had hoped, and enough ambiguities remained in the relationship of sanctified ancestor to living descendant to allow opponents of the monarchy to use Saint Louis’s idealised image to criticise the reigning king. Moreover, broader changes in culture and intellectual life rendered a cult that had been re-established in the era of Catholic reform increasingly out of tune with contemporary sensibilities by the middle of the eighteenth century. Ultimately, this study of the cult of Saint Louis is a contribution to debaters about the nature of royal sacralty and the extent of both ‘resacralisation’ and ‘desacralisation’ across the period. It shows the ambiguities and difficulties created for the French monarchy by the weight of its sacral identity.Fighting the last war : Britain, the lost generation and the Second World WarTranter, Samuel J.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/156062018-09-12T15:28:43Z2018-01-01T00:00:00ZConcerted efforts to debunk popular myths about the Great War have resulted in cant attention being paid to the purpose and value of the lost generation myth within British society, particularly during times of further conflict such as the Second World War. This thesis reveals the benefits of reflecting on the previous conflict in ways connected with the concept of a lost generation during the years 1939-45. These benefits boiled down to the fact that myths exist for their utility as means of comprehending both past and present. This applied to the myth in its strictest sense as an explanatory narrative used to interpret demographic issues as well as psychological, spiritual and material ones. Notions of a missing generation and visions of the living lost are therefore used to demonstrate how the concept of a lost generation was used to make sense of the world. Also examined are the myth’s wider discursive effects. Other handy devices used to understand the past and to approach the present were powerful symbols and commemorative narratives closely connected to visions of a lost generation. Analysis of the myth-making power of major poets demonstrates how engagement with the iconic status and visions of Rupert Brooke, Wilfred Owen and Siegfried Sasoon was used to outline contemporary concerns. A detailed examination of the language surrounding the British Legion’s Poppy Appeal and the observance of Armistice Day also shows how these rituals were used not only to frame loss but also to understand and explain the renewal of international conflict. By exposing the utility of these related discourses and practices, as well as of the myth in its own right, this thesis ultimately illuminates a crucial phase in the myth’s endurance as a popular definition of what happened between 1914 and 1918.
2018-01-01T00:00:00ZTranter, Samuel J.Concerted efforts to debunk popular myths about the Great War have resulted in cant attention being paid to the purpose and value of the lost generation myth within British society, particularly during times of further conflict such as the Second World War. This thesis reveals the benefits of reflecting on the previous conflict in ways connected with the concept of a lost generation during the years 1939-45. These benefits boiled down to the fact that myths exist for their utility as means of comprehending both past and present. This applied to the myth in its strictest sense as an explanatory narrative used to interpret demographic issues as well as psychological, spiritual and material ones. Notions of a missing generation and visions of the living lost are therefore used to demonstrate how the concept of a lost generation was used to make sense of the world. Also examined are the myth’s wider discursive effects. Other handy devices used to understand the past and to approach the present were powerful symbols and commemorative narratives closely connected to visions of a lost generation. Analysis of the myth-making power of major poets demonstrates how engagement with the iconic status and visions of Rupert Brooke, Wilfred Owen and Siegfried Sasoon was used to outline contemporary concerns. A detailed examination of the language surrounding the British Legion’s Poppy Appeal and the observance of Armistice Day also shows how these rituals were used not only to frame loss but also to understand and explain the renewal of international conflict. By exposing the utility of these related discourses and practices, as well as of the myth in its own right, this thesis ultimately illuminates a crucial phase in the myth’s endurance as a popular definition of what happened between 1914 and 1918.Divergent timescapes : tracking a temporal revolution through the long nineteenth century (1750-1914)Ventura, Marie Jeannettehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/156042021-09-09T02:02:43Z2017-01-01T00:00:00ZDid nineteenth-century Britain experience a temporal revolution? If so, how can the course and impact of such a complex, primarily mental upheaval be effectively analysed from a focused, historical perspective?
This project investigates these questions from eight distinct angles by adapting the physics notion of ‘timescapes’ as a method of historical analysis. Each of the four main chapters focuses on two contemporaneous, yet differing temporal worldviews (timescapes), defining their nature and attributes then investigating key catalytic conflicts that fed the transition from one prevailing temporal outlook to another. Drawing on primarily British and American sources the aim is to demonstrate, not only the ongoing significance of the nineteenth century’s temporal revolution, but also the viability of ‘historical timescapes’ as a methodological, structural, and analytical took – one that can complement, rather than displace, the traditional chronological structure of history.
Ultimately, this project argues that Britain’s nineteenth-century temporal revolution was not indicative of a sharp, irreversible break in linear time between the pre-industrial and industrial world but, rather, of a multi-phased, ongoing conflict between layers of coexisting yet divergent ‘timescapes’: culturally informed spatiotemporal archetypes that, once supplanted, did not fade but continue to influence our current experience use, and expectation of time.
2017-01-01T00:00:00ZVentura, Marie JeannetteDid nineteenth-century Britain experience a temporal revolution? If so, how can the course and impact of such a complex, primarily mental upheaval be effectively analysed from a focused, historical perspective?
This project investigates these questions from eight distinct angles by adapting the physics notion of ‘timescapes’ as a method of historical analysis. Each of the four main chapters focuses on two contemporaneous, yet differing temporal worldviews (timescapes), defining their nature and attributes then investigating key catalytic conflicts that fed the transition from one prevailing temporal outlook to another. Drawing on primarily British and American sources the aim is to demonstrate, not only the ongoing significance of the nineteenth century’s temporal revolution, but also the viability of ‘historical timescapes’ as a methodological, structural, and analytical took – one that can complement, rather than displace, the traditional chronological structure of history.
Ultimately, this project argues that Britain’s nineteenth-century temporal revolution was not indicative of a sharp, irreversible break in linear time between the pre-industrial and industrial world but, rather, of a multi-phased, ongoing conflict between layers of coexisting yet divergent ‘timescapes’: culturally informed spatiotemporal archetypes that, once supplanted, did not fade but continue to influence our current experience use, and expectation of time.The influence of industrial technology and material procurement on the design, construction and development of H.M.S. VictoryGoodwin, Peterhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/151122019-03-29T16:08:34Z1998-06-01T00:00:00ZThe aim of this paper is to show how industrial technology and material procurement influenced the development of British warship design and construction for the period 1760 to 1830 using the construction of HMS Victory as and archaeological base to work from. While much has been written about ship construction, technology and materials, these subjects have to some degree remained divorced from each other and thus need to be analysed collectively. To achieve this, this dissertation has been formulated into two parts; Part I covers the initial orders to build the Victory, the concepts of ship design, construction technique, and the materials employed when she was initially built. It also covers the designer and his contribution to ship development at the period and the possibility that he was influenced by current French shipbuilding practices. In brief, this section highlights the implications and possible inadequacies of general ship design in C.1760. Part II discusses the actual technological and constructional development of the Victory throughout her active career. The issues raised through this examination show that she very much reflects general ship development at the time. Besides endorsing the significant influence of industrial expansion, this section also emphasises the point that much can be learnt by analysing the ship using the same techniques as employed on an archaeological site. Sadly, the latter point has long been neglected, therefore, one of the objectives of this paper is to demonstrate that by archaeological investigation of individual timbers, a new dimension can be added to our understanding of structural development and building practices. To achieve this, I have chosen to examine HMS Victory as the most suitable three dimensional source, as her active working life falls within the dates specified above.
1998-06-01T00:00:00ZGoodwin, PeterThe aim of this paper is to show how industrial technology and material procurement influenced the development of British warship design and construction for the period 1760 to 1830 using the construction of HMS Victory as and archaeological base to work from. While much has been written about ship construction, technology and materials, these subjects have to some degree remained divorced from each other and thus need to be analysed collectively. To achieve this, this dissertation has been formulated into two parts; Part I covers the initial orders to build the Victory, the concepts of ship design, construction technique, and the materials employed when she was initially built. It also covers the designer and his contribution to ship development at the period and the possibility that he was influenced by current French shipbuilding practices. In brief, this section highlights the implications and possible inadequacies of general ship design in C.1760. Part II discusses the actual technological and constructional development of the Victory throughout her active career. The issues raised through this examination show that she very much reflects general ship development at the time. Besides endorsing the significant influence of industrial expansion, this section also emphasises the point that much can be learnt by analysing the ship using the same techniques as employed on an archaeological site. Sadly, the latter point has long been neglected, therefore, one of the objectives of this paper is to demonstrate that by archaeological investigation of individual timbers, a new dimension can be added to our understanding of structural development and building practices. To achieve this, I have chosen to examine HMS Victory as the most suitable three dimensional source, as her active working life falls within the dates specified above.Flat floors and apple bows : evidence for the emergence of an improved merchant vessel type from the North of England during the eighteenth centuryBroadwater, John D.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/151112019-03-29T16:09:00Z1999-03-01T00:00:00ZThis study provides a detailed description of eighteenth-century English merchant vessels and tests the hypothesis posed in 1962 by Professor Ralph Davis that during the eighteenth century a significantly improved merchant vessel type emerged in England that required a smaller crew but carried more cargo than previous English vessels, thus boosting England's position as one of the world's greatest maritime nations. The study also develops vessel descriptions that will assist nautical archaeologists in identifying and classifying shipwreck remains. Merchant vessels were chosen for study because of the relative scarcity of scholarly publications on commercial vessels from the age of sail and because of the wealth of new archaeological data on English merchant vessels that has emerged during the past two decades. A wide range of historical and archaeological information was reviewed and, in spite of initial indications to the contrary, it was possible to amass an incredible wealth of information on seventeenth- and eighteenth-century merchant vessels built in England or her colonies. This study presents descriptions, illustrations and draughts of a variety of eighteenth-century English merchant vessels, along with a number of archaeological examples that demonstrate a richly diverse range of hull forms and rigs. Much of the detailed archaeological information was recovered from a group of sunken vessels from the Battle of Yorktown, 1781, especially site 44YO88, which proved to be an English collier built in 1772 and leased as a naval transport. There is much evidence to suggest that the highest quality, most capacious, most efficient, most long-lived, most stable and strongest merchant vessels in England during the eighteenth century were being produced in the northern ports where the primary export was coal. Rather than representing a radical new design, those colliers appear to have embodied the best compromise of qualities for a bulk cargo carrier, qualities that were already known and appreciated a century earlier, but which may have found a new harmony in the collier. Even with the many descriptions and widespread praise focused on the flat-floored, apple-bowed colliers of northern England, there does not appear to be sufficient evidence to assert that English colliers represented, in the eighteenth century, a radically improved vessel type. However, it seems reasonable to assume that those sturdy, reliable vessels successfully satisfied the economic needs of the times and provided a new source of pride for English shipbuilders. It also seems reasonable to speculate, in retrospect, that their appearance, in the large numbers that flowed out of northern yards in the eighteenth century, improved the overall efficiency and quality of the English merchant marine.
1999-03-01T00:00:00ZBroadwater, John D.This study provides a detailed description of eighteenth-century English merchant vessels and tests the hypothesis posed in 1962 by Professor Ralph Davis that during the eighteenth century a significantly improved merchant vessel type emerged in England that required a smaller crew but carried more cargo than previous English vessels, thus boosting England's position as one of the world's greatest maritime nations. The study also develops vessel descriptions that will assist nautical archaeologists in identifying and classifying shipwreck remains. Merchant vessels were chosen for study because of the relative scarcity of scholarly publications on commercial vessels from the age of sail and because of the wealth of new archaeological data on English merchant vessels that has emerged during the past two decades. A wide range of historical and archaeological information was reviewed and, in spite of initial indications to the contrary, it was possible to amass an incredible wealth of information on seventeenth- and eighteenth-century merchant vessels built in England or her colonies. This study presents descriptions, illustrations and draughts of a variety of eighteenth-century English merchant vessels, along with a number of archaeological examples that demonstrate a richly diverse range of hull forms and rigs. Much of the detailed archaeological information was recovered from a group of sunken vessels from the Battle of Yorktown, 1781, especially site 44YO88, which proved to be an English collier built in 1772 and leased as a naval transport. There is much evidence to suggest that the highest quality, most capacious, most efficient, most long-lived, most stable and strongest merchant vessels in England during the eighteenth century were being produced in the northern ports where the primary export was coal. Rather than representing a radical new design, those colliers appear to have embodied the best compromise of qualities for a bulk cargo carrier, qualities that were already known and appreciated a century earlier, but which may have found a new harmony in the collier. Even with the many descriptions and widespread praise focused on the flat-floored, apple-bowed colliers of northern England, there does not appear to be sufficient evidence to assert that English colliers represented, in the eighteenth century, a radically improved vessel type. However, it seems reasonable to assume that those sturdy, reliable vessels successfully satisfied the economic needs of the times and provided a new source of pride for English shipbuilders. It also seems reasonable to speculate, in retrospect, that their appearance, in the large numbers that flowed out of northern yards in the eighteenth century, improved the overall efficiency and quality of the English merchant marine.Ceramics carried by Spanish ships from the 16th to the 18th centuries with specific reference to collections recovered from shipwrecks in the Caribbean basin, Britain and BermudaMarken, Mitchell W.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/151072019-03-29T16:11:27Z1991-07-01T00:00:00ZThis paper records and analyses the common ware pottery finds from Spanish shipwrecks dated from the 16th to the 18th centuries. A chronological presentation of olive jar-type botijas (olive jars), Columbia Plain, and other coarse earthenware types from accurately dated shipwreck assemblages has provided the basis for reliable typologies, and helped to refine previous studies. The shipwreck collections utilised consist of 17 accurately dated wrecks. First hand recording of pottery is included for 13 of the assemblages. The collections of the ceramics are housed in locations in Britain, the Caribbean, Florida, Texas, and the state of Louisiana. The collections are all from ships which were engaged in Spain's New World colonisation and trade, either en route to the Indies or returning. The exception is the material from the Spanish Armada which is included because of its official nature and the fact that outfitting occurred at Seville, the primary port for the Indies trade. In addition to the primary material, reference is made to pottery finds from contemporaneous shipwrecks which have previously been recorded, in addition to inclusions of historical research. Availability of the collections for further study is also discussed. Ceramics have a tendency to change over relatively short periods of time and using pottery finds as primary dating evidence has proved effective. Some of the most common Spanish ceramic traditions found on New World colonial terrestrial sites, however, have proved difficult to analyse because they are usually undecorated and exhibit relatively little development over the period in question. The finds from shipwrecks include several intact vessels spanning the period and recording of the finds has proved to reveal several distinguishing characteristics which have formed the basis for constructing new typologies of the most common wares encountered.
1991-07-01T00:00:00ZMarken, Mitchell W.This paper records and analyses the common ware pottery finds from Spanish shipwrecks dated from the 16th to the 18th centuries. A chronological presentation of olive jar-type botijas (olive jars), Columbia Plain, and other coarse earthenware types from accurately dated shipwreck assemblages has provided the basis for reliable typologies, and helped to refine previous studies. The shipwreck collections utilised consist of 17 accurately dated wrecks. First hand recording of pottery is included for 13 of the assemblages. The collections of the ceramics are housed in locations in Britain, the Caribbean, Florida, Texas, and the state of Louisiana. The collections are all from ships which were engaged in Spain's New World colonisation and trade, either en route to the Indies or returning. The exception is the material from the Spanish Armada which is included because of its official nature and the fact that outfitting occurred at Seville, the primary port for the Indies trade. In addition to the primary material, reference is made to pottery finds from contemporaneous shipwrecks which have previously been recorded, in addition to inclusions of historical research. Availability of the collections for further study is also discussed. Ceramics have a tendency to change over relatively short periods of time and using pottery finds as primary dating evidence has proved effective. Some of the most common Spanish ceramic traditions found on New World colonial terrestrial sites, however, have proved difficult to analyse because they are usually undecorated and exhibit relatively little development over the period in question. The finds from shipwrecks include several intact vessels spanning the period and recording of the finds has proved to reveal several distinguishing characteristics which have formed the basis for constructing new typologies of the most common wares encountered.The weekly magazine : a studyWalker, Ian Cumminghttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/151062019-06-12T14:23:06Z1966-01-01T00:00:00ZAbstract not Provided
1966-01-01T00:00:00ZWalker, Ian CummingAbstract not ProvidedChristian and Marxian conceptions of history in the twentieth century : an evaluation of certain twentieth century interpretations of the Marxian conception of historyAnderson, Walter Wallacehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/146482019-08-05T10:54:25Z1965-01-01T00:00:00Z1965-01-01T00:00:00ZAnderson, Walter WallaceAn economic assessment of the Commonwealth sugar agreementRajcoomar, B.R.H.S.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/146252019-03-29T16:10:22Z1979-04-01T00:00:00ZThis study is concerned with assessing the impact of the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement (CSA) on sugar production and exports in the major exporting countries of the Commonwealth by concentrating on a detailed analysis of one of the principal exporting members of the Agreement as a case study - Mauritius. Since the Agreement expired in 1974 after 24 years of operation, a detailed examination of the CSA can be expected to shed light on the general question of the usefulness and desirability of commodity agreements in general, and on the more specific question of the response of producers to given price and market incentives. The general approach adopted in this study is aimed at a comprehensive examination of the various factors relevant to the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement; apart from assessing the development of the CSA itself, it was found useful to conduct an economic analysis of the world sugar economy as a whole in order to place the CSA in a more global context. The next obvious step was to assess critically the economic theory underlying international commodity agreements in general, and to examine the justification for their application. Since commodity agreements represent, in an important sense, a man-made barrier to free international trade, we examine the implications of various agricultural policies on international trade in primary commodities as well as in sugar. In an attempt to obtain quantitative measurements of the effects of the CSA on sugar production in Mauritius, we devise a simultaneous-equation model to explain a number of important variables in the Mauritian sugar industry. Since agricultural models usually involve lagged variables being used as explanatory variables, we critically examine the literature on distributed lag models and a number of studies using such results, as well as the (usual) econometric problems that these models invariably involve. We finally present our model and the results obtained from applying the two-stage least-squares method of estimation to most of the equations of the model. The main conclusion to emerge from the study is that producers tended to respond significantly to the prices they received, which were more closely related to the stable and high prices offered by the United Kingdom under the CSA than to the volatile prices prevailing on the world free market, even when International Sugar Agreements were operative. The implications for the future concern the pricing and quota policies to be implemented under the Lomé Convention between the EEC and the 46 (now 52) AGP countries; if the objective of the Convention is to promote the sugar industry in the exporting countries, then stable prices and guaranteed markets would appear to be an effective method.
1979-04-01T00:00:00ZRajcoomar, B.R.H.S.This study is concerned with assessing the impact of the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement (CSA) on sugar production and exports in the major exporting countries of the Commonwealth by concentrating on a detailed analysis of one of the principal exporting members of the Agreement as a case study - Mauritius. Since the Agreement expired in 1974 after 24 years of operation, a detailed examination of the CSA can be expected to shed light on the general question of the usefulness and desirability of commodity agreements in general, and on the more specific question of the response of producers to given price and market incentives. The general approach adopted in this study is aimed at a comprehensive examination of the various factors relevant to the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement; apart from assessing the development of the CSA itself, it was found useful to conduct an economic analysis of the world sugar economy as a whole in order to place the CSA in a more global context. The next obvious step was to assess critically the economic theory underlying international commodity agreements in general, and to examine the justification for their application. Since commodity agreements represent, in an important sense, a man-made barrier to free international trade, we examine the implications of various agricultural policies on international trade in primary commodities as well as in sugar. In an attempt to obtain quantitative measurements of the effects of the CSA on sugar production in Mauritius, we devise a simultaneous-equation model to explain a number of important variables in the Mauritian sugar industry. Since agricultural models usually involve lagged variables being used as explanatory variables, we critically examine the literature on distributed lag models and a number of studies using such results, as well as the (usual) econometric problems that these models invariably involve. We finally present our model and the results obtained from applying the two-stage least-squares method of estimation to most of the equations of the model. The main conclusion to emerge from the study is that producers tended to respond significantly to the prices they received, which were more closely related to the stable and high prices offered by the United Kingdom under the CSA than to the volatile prices prevailing on the world free market, even when International Sugar Agreements were operative. The implications for the future concern the pricing and quota policies to be implemented under the Lomé Convention between the EEC and the 46 (now 52) AGP countries; if the objective of the Convention is to promote the sugar industry in the exporting countries, then stable prices and guaranteed markets would appear to be an effective method.The industry of evangelism : printing for the Reformation in Martin Luther's WittenbergThomas, Drew B.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/145892023-11-01T03:08:00Z2018-06-28T00:00:00ZWhen Martin Luther supposedly nailed his Ninety-Five Theses in 1517 to the Castle Church door in Wittenberg, the small town had only a single printing press. By the end of the century, Wittenberg had published more books than any other city in the Holy Roman Empire. Of the leading print centres in early modern Europe, Wittenberg was the only one that was not a major centre of trade, politics, or culture. This thesis examines the rise of the Wittenberg printing industry and analyses how it overtook the Empire’s leading print centres. Luther’s controversy—and the publications it produced—attracted printers to Wittenberg who would publish tract after tract. In only a few years, Luther became the most published author since the invention of the printing press. This thesis investigates the workshops of the four leading printers in Wittenberg during Luther’s lifetime: Nickel Schirlentz, Josef Klug, Hans Lufft, and Georg Rhau. Together, these printers conquered the German print world. They were helped with the assistance of the famous Renaissance artist, Lucas Cranach the Elder, who lived in Wittenberg as court painter to the Elector of Saxony. His woodcut title page borders decorated the covers of Luther’s books and were copied throughout the Empire. Capitalising off the demand for Wittenberg books, many printers falsely printed that their books were from Wittenberg. Such fraud played a major role in the Reformation book trade, as printers in every major print centre made counterfeits of Wittenberg books. However, Reformation pamphlets were not the sole reason for Wittenberg’s success. Such items played only a marginal role in the local industry. It was the great Luther Bibles, spurred by Luther’s emphasis on Bible reading, that allowed Wittenberg’s printers to overcome the odds and become the largest print centre in early modern Germany.
2018-06-28T00:00:00ZThomas, Drew B.When Martin Luther supposedly nailed his Ninety-Five Theses in 1517 to the Castle Church door in Wittenberg, the small town had only a single printing press. By the end of the century, Wittenberg had published more books than any other city in the Holy Roman Empire. Of the leading print centres in early modern Europe, Wittenberg was the only one that was not a major centre of trade, politics, or culture. This thesis examines the rise of the Wittenberg printing industry and analyses how it overtook the Empire’s leading print centres. Luther’s controversy—and the publications it produced—attracted printers to Wittenberg who would publish tract after tract. In only a few years, Luther became the most published author since the invention of the printing press. This thesis investigates the workshops of the four leading printers in Wittenberg during Luther’s lifetime: Nickel Schirlentz, Josef Klug, Hans Lufft, and Georg Rhau. Together, these printers conquered the German print world. They were helped with the assistance of the famous Renaissance artist, Lucas Cranach the Elder, who lived in Wittenberg as court painter to the Elector of Saxony. His woodcut title page borders decorated the covers of Luther’s books and were copied throughout the Empire. Capitalising off the demand for Wittenberg books, many printers falsely printed that their books were from Wittenberg. Such fraud played a major role in the Reformation book trade, as printers in every major print centre made counterfeits of Wittenberg books. However, Reformation pamphlets were not the sole reason for Wittenberg’s success. Such items played only a marginal role in the local industry. It was the great Luther Bibles, spurred by Luther’s emphasis on Bible reading, that allowed Wittenberg’s printers to overcome the odds and become the largest print centre in early modern Germany.Not the end of history : the continuing role of national identity and state sovereignty in BritainKikas, Gabrielhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/145602019-03-29T16:12:02Z1996-07-01T00:00:00ZFrancis Fukuyama's End of History paradigm critiques the post-Coid War era. His premise is that liberal democracy is emerging as a global phenomenon because of the collapse of communism as a viable ideology. As a result, the states of the international system are then able to concentrate their efforts in economic maximization and in the building of an international consumer environment. Fukuyama's paradigm is compared to the integration scholarship of David Mitrany and Ernst B. Haas. As Fukuyama perceives nationalism becoming a less relevant issue in Western Europe because of the progressive elements of economic and political integration, Mitrany was one of the earlier political theorists to articulate that the purpose of politics was about the solving of practical problems of states through the development of functional international agencies. Haas believed that not only was nationalism dormant in Western Europe, but that its states would slowly but surely relinquish their sovereignty because of pressure from economic and political groups interested in the development of a supranational Europe. What Haas came to realize, however, was that the concepts of sovereignty and self-determination remain important variables in certain regions of Western Europe. The purpose of this dissertation, then, is to examine the clash between economic maximization and the role of ideas in Western Europe focusing particularly on a state not known for its nationalistic fervour. This dissertation examines the British Conservative Party's and the Scottish National Party's (SNP) position regarding devolution (the Union) and the future scope of the European Union. The SNP is important to analyse because it offers a radical alternative to the status quo and, moreover, this project examines the Party's internal divisions over the EU and its relevance to the devolution principle. There are certain factions within the Tory Party which perceive the establishment of a single currency as detrimental to parliamentary sovereignty and that there should be a repatriation of functions back to the member states. This empirical exercise adds credibility to the argument that despite the alleged and perceived benefits of further economic and political integration, there are political groups who perceive certain issues, like self-determination, worth defending. In a liberal democracy there can exist clashes over fundamental issues. This, thus, offers a sound contribution to the End of History debate.
1996-07-01T00:00:00ZKikas, GabrielFrancis Fukuyama's End of History paradigm critiques the post-Coid War era. His premise is that liberal democracy is emerging as a global phenomenon because of the collapse of communism as a viable ideology. As a result, the states of the international system are then able to concentrate their efforts in economic maximization and in the building of an international consumer environment. Fukuyama's paradigm is compared to the integration scholarship of David Mitrany and Ernst B. Haas. As Fukuyama perceives nationalism becoming a less relevant issue in Western Europe because of the progressive elements of economic and political integration, Mitrany was one of the earlier political theorists to articulate that the purpose of politics was about the solving of practical problems of states through the development of functional international agencies. Haas believed that not only was nationalism dormant in Western Europe, but that its states would slowly but surely relinquish their sovereignty because of pressure from economic and political groups interested in the development of a supranational Europe. What Haas came to realize, however, was that the concepts of sovereignty and self-determination remain important variables in certain regions of Western Europe. The purpose of this dissertation, then, is to examine the clash between economic maximization and the role of ideas in Western Europe focusing particularly on a state not known for its nationalistic fervour. This dissertation examines the British Conservative Party's and the Scottish National Party's (SNP) position regarding devolution (the Union) and the future scope of the European Union. The SNP is important to analyse because it offers a radical alternative to the status quo and, moreover, this project examines the Party's internal divisions over the EU and its relevance to the devolution principle. There are certain factions within the Tory Party which perceive the establishment of a single currency as detrimental to parliamentary sovereignty and that there should be a repatriation of functions back to the member states. This empirical exercise adds credibility to the argument that despite the alleged and perceived benefits of further economic and political integration, there are political groups who perceive certain issues, like self-determination, worth defending. In a liberal democracy there can exist clashes over fundamental issues. This, thus, offers a sound contribution to the End of History debate.American foreign policy : an imperative for presidential authority?McDonald, Audrey Patricia Helenhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/145522019-03-29T16:08:13Z1990-07-01T00:00:00ZThe American Constitution is over two hundred years old. It was the product of the times and reflects the two images of government, Presidential and Congressional. The memories of both the Continental Congress and George III played an important part. However, the imperative of strong leadership, more especially in the twentieth century as the United States withdrew from isolationism and confronted two world wars and an international depression, and a hostile environment, dictated that the President became the preeminent branch of government. For the most part political thinking and public opinion extolled this steadfast and virtuous leadership, while Congress largely submitted to Presidential domination. However, the Vietnam War, and later Watergate radically shook this consensus. The war was perceived to be the President's war; it was seen as the product of an "Imperial Presidency". The President was blamed for America's involvement in Indochina, and this together with Watergate, appeared to symbolise a Presidency out of control. Congress was shamed and felt responsible for the rise of the Imperial Presidency. Thus, in the wake of the Vietnam War and Watergate, Congress sought to assert its long eroded prerogatives. The 1970s witnessed a series of legislative initiatives intended to curb the Imperial Presidency in foreign policy. However, Congress reasserted itself with such fervour and determination that the whole future of American foreign policy was put to risk, especially with regard to coherence, continuity and flexibility. The 1970s legislation greatly limited the President's range of options in foreign policy. America, a superpower, cannot conduct a coherent foreign policy with two heads at the stern. The international system necessitates strong purposive leadership, leadership which can only be furnished by the President. Congress plays a vital role as regards discussion and consensus formation, but the time has come for Congress to recognise that it cannot compete with the President in foreign policy formulation and implementation. To try threatens the future success of American foreign policy.
1990-07-01T00:00:00ZMcDonald, Audrey Patricia HelenThe American Constitution is over two hundred years old. It was the product of the times and reflects the two images of government, Presidential and Congressional. The memories of both the Continental Congress and George III played an important part. However, the imperative of strong leadership, more especially in the twentieth century as the United States withdrew from isolationism and confronted two world wars and an international depression, and a hostile environment, dictated that the President became the preeminent branch of government. For the most part political thinking and public opinion extolled this steadfast and virtuous leadership, while Congress largely submitted to Presidential domination. However, the Vietnam War, and later Watergate radically shook this consensus. The war was perceived to be the President's war; it was seen as the product of an "Imperial Presidency". The President was blamed for America's involvement in Indochina, and this together with Watergate, appeared to symbolise a Presidency out of control. Congress was shamed and felt responsible for the rise of the Imperial Presidency. Thus, in the wake of the Vietnam War and Watergate, Congress sought to assert its long eroded prerogatives. The 1970s witnessed a series of legislative initiatives intended to curb the Imperial Presidency in foreign policy. However, Congress reasserted itself with such fervour and determination that the whole future of American foreign policy was put to risk, especially with regard to coherence, continuity and flexibility. The 1970s legislation greatly limited the President's range of options in foreign policy. America, a superpower, cannot conduct a coherent foreign policy with two heads at the stern. The international system necessitates strong purposive leadership, leadership which can only be furnished by the President. Congress plays a vital role as regards discussion and consensus formation, but the time has come for Congress to recognise that it cannot compete with the President in foreign policy formulation and implementation. To try threatens the future success of American foreign policy.The Suez Canal and the trends of British trade to and from the Middle and the Far East in the period 1854 - 1966Yousri, Abdel Rahmanhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/145082019-03-29T16:09:12Z1968-03-01T00:00:00Z1968-03-01T00:00:00ZYousri, Abdel RahmanMarriage, contract, and the stateBrake, Elizabethhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/144822019-03-29T16:08:25Z1999-08-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis is a work of applied moral and political philosophy which analyses the moral value of marriage and argues for a restructuring of the legal institution of marriage in accordance with principles of justice. The first section contains exegesis and criticism of Kant's and Hegel's accounts of marriage. Kant's focus is on the contractual exchange of rights, Hegel's on the nature of the relationship between the spouses. In the second section, I consider Kantian, Hegelian, and eudaimonistic accounts of the moral value of marriage and conclude that moral value is found in the relationship between the spouses, not in the rights established through the marriage contract. In order to defend the position that loving relationships have moral value, I elucidate what moral value love for a particular other has within a universalist ethics. While I argue that marriage has no moral value which is not to be found in such relationships, I defend a Hegelian account which locates social value in the institution of marriage precisely because it promotes such relationships. In the final section, I argue that the principle of liberal neutrality requires that the principle of freedom of contract should apply to marriage. While I defend the institution of marriage against certain feminist criticisms, I also argue that justice requires that the state recognize same-sex and polygamous unions as marriages. Freedom of contract may be limited under certain conditions in the interest of gender equality; I argue for an interpretation of Rawls' principle of equal opportunity which entails that liberalism is committed to addressing gender inequality even at the expense of freedom of contract.
1999-08-01T00:00:00ZBrake, ElizabethThis thesis is a work of applied moral and political philosophy which analyses the moral value of marriage and argues for a restructuring of the legal institution of marriage in accordance with principles of justice. The first section contains exegesis and criticism of Kant's and Hegel's accounts of marriage. Kant's focus is on the contractual exchange of rights, Hegel's on the nature of the relationship between the spouses. In the second section, I consider Kantian, Hegelian, and eudaimonistic accounts of the moral value of marriage and conclude that moral value is found in the relationship between the spouses, not in the rights established through the marriage contract. In order to defend the position that loving relationships have moral value, I elucidate what moral value love for a particular other has within a universalist ethics. While I argue that marriage has no moral value which is not to be found in such relationships, I defend a Hegelian account which locates social value in the institution of marriage precisely because it promotes such relationships. In the final section, I argue that the principle of liberal neutrality requires that the principle of freedom of contract should apply to marriage. While I defend the institution of marriage against certain feminist criticisms, I also argue that justice requires that the state recognize same-sex and polygamous unions as marriages. Freedom of contract may be limited under certain conditions in the interest of gender equality; I argue for an interpretation of Rawls' principle of equal opportunity which entails that liberalism is committed to addressing gender inequality even at the expense of freedom of contract.The influence of the Ulster Scots upon the achievement of religious liberty in the North American colonies of Virginia, North and South Carolina, 1720-1775Jones, Robert L.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/144682019-03-29T16:10:31Z1960-01-01T00:00:00ZWhen the federation of the thirteen English colonies into the United States of America was finally achieved in 1776, powerful influences had made it certain that this new nation would have religious freedom and that it would not maintain an established church. Among those influences was the influence of an overwhelming number of settlers known as Ulster Scots, or Scotch-Irish, who emigrated into the colonies from Northern Ireland between the years 1720 and 1775. They came as dissenters from the Established Church in northern Ireland and remained dissenters from the Established Church as they found it where they settled along the frontiers of the Southern Colonies of Virginia, North and South Carolina. From 1720, the year these Ulstermen emigrated to the colonies in any appreciable numbers, until 1775 at the outbreak of hostilities between the colonies and England, they exerted a significant influence upon the achievement of religious liberty. Although the Ulster Scots were the most widely distributed of immigrants except those from England, being found in all thirteen colonies at the time of the Revolution, their influence in achieving religious freedom was most effective in the Southern Colonies where their numbers were most effective in the Southern Colonies where their numbers were five times as large as in the north. The development of religious liberty in colonial America has been determined to have had its impetus in three factors. First, the large and influential number of sects in the colonies; second, the liberal philosophy of sects in the colonies; second, the liberal philosophy of the 18th century with its relationalistic temper coupled with a fervent evangelical zeal that is reflected in the revivalistic movement of the Great Awakening across the middle of the 18th century; and thirdly, the ecclesiastical and political influence and interference of England. The Ulster Scots were directly concerned with the first and second factors. The third factor, however, does not relate itself to them primarily because they were situated on the western frontier of the Southern Colonies and not directly connected with any major commercial interests which developed such a display of emotion as was to be found in such centers of commerce as Boston and Philadelphia. The effort on the part of some colonials to prevent the appointment of a resident Bishop of the Anglican Church in the colonies does not appear to have made much impression on the Ulster Scots in the Southern Colonies, as the opponents to such a move were confined principally to the New England and to a lesser extent in the Middle Colonies. Opposition in the Southern Colonies to the appointment of a resident Bishop was found among the Anglican planters who had, for all intents and purposes, control of the Establishment through the vestries and did not wish to lose it. Because the Ulster Scots were the largest group among the sects dissenting from the Establishment who settled in the Southern Colonies their influence was proportionately greater in the achievement of religious liberty in these colonies than any other. But equal in importance with their numerical strength was the site of their settlements in the Southern Colonies. Prevented largely from setting in the more well-established tidewater area of the colonies of Virginia and South Carolina, they were forced to push westward into what was called the back country, or the frontier settlements were initiated by the emigration of these Ulster Scots from the colony of Pennsylvania who came down the eastern and western valleys of the mountain range which extends across the western flank of the Southern Colonies. There, in the isolation of the wilderness, their influence for the achievement of religious liberty exerted itself along with other dessenters from the Establishment so as to hasten the disestablishment of the Anglican church in the Southern colonies at the outbreak of the revolution, and usher in religious liberty.
1960-01-01T00:00:00ZJones, Robert L.When the federation of the thirteen English colonies into the United States of America was finally achieved in 1776, powerful influences had made it certain that this new nation would have religious freedom and that it would not maintain an established church. Among those influences was the influence of an overwhelming number of settlers known as Ulster Scots, or Scotch-Irish, who emigrated into the colonies from Northern Ireland between the years 1720 and 1775. They came as dissenters from the Established Church in northern Ireland and remained dissenters from the Established Church as they found it where they settled along the frontiers of the Southern Colonies of Virginia, North and South Carolina. From 1720, the year these Ulstermen emigrated to the colonies in any appreciable numbers, until 1775 at the outbreak of hostilities between the colonies and England, they exerted a significant influence upon the achievement of religious liberty. Although the Ulster Scots were the most widely distributed of immigrants except those from England, being found in all thirteen colonies at the time of the Revolution, their influence in achieving religious freedom was most effective in the Southern Colonies where their numbers were most effective in the Southern Colonies where their numbers were five times as large as in the north. The development of religious liberty in colonial America has been determined to have had its impetus in three factors. First, the large and influential number of sects in the colonies; second, the liberal philosophy of sects in the colonies; second, the liberal philosophy of the 18th century with its relationalistic temper coupled with a fervent evangelical zeal that is reflected in the revivalistic movement of the Great Awakening across the middle of the 18th century; and thirdly, the ecclesiastical and political influence and interference of England. The Ulster Scots were directly concerned with the first and second factors. The third factor, however, does not relate itself to them primarily because they were situated on the western frontier of the Southern Colonies and not directly connected with any major commercial interests which developed such a display of emotion as was to be found in such centers of commerce as Boston and Philadelphia. The effort on the part of some colonials to prevent the appointment of a resident Bishop of the Anglican Church in the colonies does not appear to have made much impression on the Ulster Scots in the Southern Colonies, as the opponents to such a move were confined principally to the New England and to a lesser extent in the Middle Colonies. Opposition in the Southern Colonies to the appointment of a resident Bishop was found among the Anglican planters who had, for all intents and purposes, control of the Establishment through the vestries and did not wish to lose it. Because the Ulster Scots were the largest group among the sects dissenting from the Establishment who settled in the Southern Colonies their influence was proportionately greater in the achievement of religious liberty in these colonies than any other. But equal in importance with their numerical strength was the site of their settlements in the Southern Colonies. Prevented largely from setting in the more well-established tidewater area of the colonies of Virginia and South Carolina, they were forced to push westward into what was called the back country, or the frontier settlements were initiated by the emigration of these Ulster Scots from the colony of Pennsylvania who came down the eastern and western valleys of the mountain range which extends across the western flank of the Southern Colonies. There, in the isolation of the wilderness, their influence for the achievement of religious liberty exerted itself along with other dessenters from the Establishment so as to hasten the disestablishment of the Anglican church in the Southern colonies at the outbreak of the revolution, and usher in religious liberty.A cycle of American educational reform : Garfield and Bellingham High Schools in the state of Washington, 1958-1983Nuzum, Kathleen A.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/144672019-03-29T16:08:35Z2004-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the educational experience from 1958 to 1983 in two Washington State high schools: Bellingham High School and Garfield High School, Seattle. It focuses on what happened to the structure, curriculum content and environment within these schools, and also discusses the process of centralisation in Washington State educational administration. The period of study was bounded by two reports: James Bryant Conant's The American High School Today (January 1959), and A Nation at Risk (issued in 1983) by the U.S. Secretary of Education, Terrell Bell, and the National Commission on Excellence in Education, reports which were issued in response to the Cold War and to growing international economic competition. Conant and his generation of educators sought a system of secondary education that, by opening educational opportunities to all young Americans, would close the critical Soviet- US gap in missile and space technology, and would give the Cold War victory to the United States. However, national policies, state administration and socio-cultural change in American life all contributed to a shift in classroom emphasis away from traditional academics and measures of students' achievement during the quarter-century after Conant - a condition made clear by the National Commission in 1983. Whatever the other values of these educational reforms, they had a negative effect on student attitudes towards academic achievement, resulting in a disengagement from all aspects of school life. Despite cultural differences, the parallel institutional experiences of Bellingham and Garfield, and the similarities that emerged between the schools' administrative structures, educational goals, teaching strategies and learning styles, imply that class was also an important factor shaping the educational experience in the United States during the 1960s and 1970s.
2004-01-01T00:00:00ZNuzum, Kathleen A.This thesis examines the educational experience from 1958 to 1983 in two Washington State high schools: Bellingham High School and Garfield High School, Seattle. It focuses on what happened to the structure, curriculum content and environment within these schools, and also discusses the process of centralisation in Washington State educational administration. The period of study was bounded by two reports: James Bryant Conant's The American High School Today (January 1959), and A Nation at Risk (issued in 1983) by the U.S. Secretary of Education, Terrell Bell, and the National Commission on Excellence in Education, reports which were issued in response to the Cold War and to growing international economic competition. Conant and his generation of educators sought a system of secondary education that, by opening educational opportunities to all young Americans, would close the critical Soviet- US gap in missile and space technology, and would give the Cold War victory to the United States. However, national policies, state administration and socio-cultural change in American life all contributed to a shift in classroom emphasis away from traditional academics and measures of students' achievement during the quarter-century after Conant - a condition made clear by the National Commission in 1983. Whatever the other values of these educational reforms, they had a negative effect on student attitudes towards academic achievement, resulting in a disengagement from all aspects of school life. Despite cultural differences, the parallel institutional experiences of Bellingham and Garfield, and the similarities that emerged between the schools' administrative structures, educational goals, teaching strategies and learning styles, imply that class was also an important factor shaping the educational experience in the United States during the 1960s and 1970s.Insanity, idiocy and responsibility : criminal defences in northern England and southern Scotland, 1660-1830Adamson, David J.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/144622019-03-29T16:08:55Z2005-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis compares criminal defences of insanity and idiocy between 1660 and 1830 in northern England and southern Scotland, regions which have been neglected by the historiographies of British crime and "insanity defences". It is explained how and why English and Scottish theoretical principles differed or converged. In practice, however, courtroom participants could obtain to alternative conceptions of accountability and mental distraction. Quantitative and qualitative analyses are employed to reveal contemporary conceptions of mental afflictions and criminal responsibility, which provide inverse reflections of "normal" behaviour, speech and appearance. It is argued that the judiciary did not dictate the evaluation of prisoners' mental capacities at the circuit courts, as some historians have contended. Legal processes were determined by subtle, yet complex, interactions between "decision-makers". Jurors could reach conclusions independent from judicial coercion. Before 1830, verdicts of insanity could represent discord between bench and jury, rather than the concord emphasised by some scholars. The activities of counsel, testifiers and prisoners also impinged upon the assessment of a prisoner's mental condition and restricted the bench's dominance. Despite important evidentiary evolutions, the courtroom authentication of insanity and idiocy was not dominated by Britain's evolving medical professions (including "psychiatrists") before 1830. Lay, communal understandings of mental afflictions and criminal responsibility continued to inform and underpin the assessment of a prisoner's mental condition. Such decisions were affected by social dynamics, such as the social and economic status, gender, age and legal experience of key courtroom participants. Verdicts of insanity and the development of Britain's legal practices could both be shaped by micro- and macro-political considerations. This thesis opens new avenues of research for British "insanity defences", whilst offering comparisons to contemporary Continental legal procedures.
2005-01-01T00:00:00ZAdamson, David J.This thesis compares criminal defences of insanity and idiocy between 1660 and 1830 in northern England and southern Scotland, regions which have been neglected by the historiographies of British crime and "insanity defences". It is explained how and why English and Scottish theoretical principles differed or converged. In practice, however, courtroom participants could obtain to alternative conceptions of accountability and mental distraction. Quantitative and qualitative analyses are employed to reveal contemporary conceptions of mental afflictions and criminal responsibility, which provide inverse reflections of "normal" behaviour, speech and appearance. It is argued that the judiciary did not dictate the evaluation of prisoners' mental capacities at the circuit courts, as some historians have contended. Legal processes were determined by subtle, yet complex, interactions between "decision-makers". Jurors could reach conclusions independent from judicial coercion. Before 1830, verdicts of insanity could represent discord between bench and jury, rather than the concord emphasised by some scholars. The activities of counsel, testifiers and prisoners also impinged upon the assessment of a prisoner's mental condition and restricted the bench's dominance. Despite important evidentiary evolutions, the courtroom authentication of insanity and idiocy was not dominated by Britain's evolving medical professions (including "psychiatrists") before 1830. Lay, communal understandings of mental afflictions and criminal responsibility continued to inform and underpin the assessment of a prisoner's mental condition. Such decisions were affected by social dynamics, such as the social and economic status, gender, age and legal experience of key courtroom participants. Verdicts of insanity and the development of Britain's legal practices could both be shaped by micro- and macro-political considerations. This thesis opens new avenues of research for British "insanity defences", whilst offering comparisons to contemporary Continental legal procedures.The roles of the Scots and Scotch-Irishmen in the southern campaigns in the War of American Independence, 1780-1783Moss, Bobby G.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/144482018-07-18T23:18:44Z1979-01-01T00:00:00ZThe roles played by the Southern Scots and Scotch-Irish in the War of American Independence have been generally neglected by American and European historians. If any reference at all is made to persons of Scottish heritage, normally only high-ranking officers or government figures are mentioned. This study identifies men of Scottish origin on every level of life and illuminates their roles in the War. In 1775 and 1776, the Scots and Scotch-Irish in the Southern colonies were not uniform in their political, social, and religious ideologies, nor were they totally of one mind in their posture toward the growing demands for independence in the American colonies. Several factors--community relationships, family ties, economic interests, and religious convictions--influenced each individual in making his decision to support the Royal government or to join the Rebels. When the British invaded the South in 1780, the Rebels and the Loyalists rekindled the internecine war which had begun in 1775. The British victory at Charles Town encouraged the Loyalists to repay the Rebels for real and imagined injuries and insults. As a result, civil strife became widespread throughout the Carolines and Georgia. Although the populace was upset over the internal struggle, it was the introduction of terror tactics by British and Loyalist officers that caused the greatest alarm among the Up-Countrymen, who were chiefly Scottish and Scotch-Irish Presbyterians. These acts of unrestrained warfare caused numerous uncommitted Up-Countrymen to join the ranks of the Rebels. Unfortunately for Cornwallis, this mistake in tactics by his subordinates forced him to fight several long and costly campaigns. In order to disperse the Rebels, the British and their allies marched into the strongholds of the South Carolina Scotch-Irish Presbyterians. This development greatly alarmed the North Carolinians. The resulting uprising of the North Carolina Scotch-Irish masses on the one hand and the subsequent military engagements in South Carolina on the other postponed Cornwallis's invasion of North Carolina. Meanwhile, as Cornwallis attempted to regroup his army and to formulate a new strategy to meet the situation, the predominantly Scottish and Scotch-Irish Rebel forces won major victories at Kings Mountain and Cowpens. Once it was apparent that militia units could defeat British regular units, many Southerners, some of whom had remained uncommitted and some of whom renewed their resistance, entered the daily growing ranks of the Rebels. At the same time, the Loyalists became reluctant to further ally themselves with the British army. These unexpected developments doomed to failure Cornwallis's plan to subjugate the Carolinas. Instead, the chain of events begun at Kings Mountain and Cowpens ended with Cornwallis's surrender at Yorktown. This study, based primarily on the Whigs' personal accounts of military involvement recorded in the Federal pension claims, in memoirs and recollections of the soldiers on both sides, and in the audited accounts of the Loyalists, demonstrates that from the very beginning of the Revolution to its end Scots and Scotch-Irishmen on all levels played major and decisive roles in the outcome of the Southern campaigns in the War of American Independence.
1979-01-01T00:00:00ZMoss, Bobby G.The roles played by the Southern Scots and Scotch-Irish in the War of American Independence have been generally neglected by American and European historians. If any reference at all is made to persons of Scottish heritage, normally only high-ranking officers or government figures are mentioned. This study identifies men of Scottish origin on every level of life and illuminates their roles in the War. In 1775 and 1776, the Scots and Scotch-Irish in the Southern colonies were not uniform in their political, social, and religious ideologies, nor were they totally of one mind in their posture toward the growing demands for independence in the American colonies. Several factors--community relationships, family ties, economic interests, and religious convictions--influenced each individual in making his decision to support the Royal government or to join the Rebels. When the British invaded the South in 1780, the Rebels and the Loyalists rekindled the internecine war which had begun in 1775. The British victory at Charles Town encouraged the Loyalists to repay the Rebels for real and imagined injuries and insults. As a result, civil strife became widespread throughout the Carolines and Georgia. Although the populace was upset over the internal struggle, it was the introduction of terror tactics by British and Loyalist officers that caused the greatest alarm among the Up-Countrymen, who were chiefly Scottish and Scotch-Irish Presbyterians. These acts of unrestrained warfare caused numerous uncommitted Up-Countrymen to join the ranks of the Rebels. Unfortunately for Cornwallis, this mistake in tactics by his subordinates forced him to fight several long and costly campaigns. In order to disperse the Rebels, the British and their allies marched into the strongholds of the South Carolina Scotch-Irish Presbyterians. This development greatly alarmed the North Carolinians. The resulting uprising of the North Carolina Scotch-Irish masses on the one hand and the subsequent military engagements in South Carolina on the other postponed Cornwallis's invasion of North Carolina. Meanwhile, as Cornwallis attempted to regroup his army and to formulate a new strategy to meet the situation, the predominantly Scottish and Scotch-Irish Rebel forces won major victories at Kings Mountain and Cowpens. Once it was apparent that militia units could defeat British regular units, many Southerners, some of whom had remained uncommitted and some of whom renewed their resistance, entered the daily growing ranks of the Rebels. At the same time, the Loyalists became reluctant to further ally themselves with the British army. These unexpected developments doomed to failure Cornwallis's plan to subjugate the Carolinas. Instead, the chain of events begun at Kings Mountain and Cowpens ended with Cornwallis's surrender at Yorktown. This study, based primarily on the Whigs' personal accounts of military involvement recorded in the Federal pension claims, in memoirs and recollections of the soldiers on both sides, and in the audited accounts of the Loyalists, demonstrates that from the very beginning of the Revolution to its end Scots and Scotch-Irishmen on all levels played major and decisive roles in the outcome of the Southern campaigns in the War of American Independence.Impressions of Montserrat : a partial account of contesting realities on a British dependent territorySkinner, Jonathanhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/144432019-10-17T08:42:34Z1998-05-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis portrays a diversity of impressions of Montserrat, a British Dependent Territory (BDT) in the Eastern Caribbean. The thesis is a postmodern rejection of Grand Theory in the Social Sciences. First I interrogate the nature of social anthropology, both its theoretical and methodological assumptions. I then establish my own anthropology which is postmodern - partial, relative, uncomfortable and uncertain, and above all, impressionistic. The substantial chapters in the thesis support this postmodern impressionistic anthropology by referring to an ethnographic encounter with the competing and highly contested realities expressed by myself, some Montserratian poets, some calypsonians, some development workers, some local Montserratians, some tourists and the Montserratian Government and Tourist Board, and some travel writers. More precisely, the Preface reviews social anthropology as an uncomfortable and uncertain discipline. It also establishes and justifies my postmodern impressionistic anthropology which is thereafter illustrated by ethnographic vignettes in the following chapters. Via the anthropologist's impressions. Chapter One introduces the reader to the place and people of Montserrat. In Chapter Two, Montserrat is filtered through poets' impressions of the island and islanders, namely through the poets of the Maroons Creative Writing Group which is led by Dr. Howard Fergus. Chapter Three goes on to show that impressions of Montserrat, despite their highly contested nature, can be held not just singularly - as in the case of individual poets, but also plurally - as constellations such as the contrasting world-views of Montserratians and development workers on Montserrat. Chapters Four and Five continue my ethnographic impressions of Montserrat by presenting, respectively, the labours of several calypsonians on Montserrat who seek public recognition for their work, and, union leader, Chedmond Browne's struggle to maintain the trade union workers' employment at Plymouth Port. The final two chapters - Chapter Six and Chapter Seven - recede (ethnographically) from Montserrat: the first by considering the competing impressions and controversial histories of St. Patrick's Day, an annual celebration and commemoration on Montserrat; and the second by presenting a diverse selection of travel writers' impressions of Montserrat. The contentious content of both chapters affirms and reinforces the need for my postmodern and impressionistic approach to an anthropological investigation on Montserrat. Finally, the Conclusion to the thesis sums up the aforementioned chapters and makes general comments towards establishing a reflexive and sustainable postmodern impressionistic anthropology.
1998-05-01T00:00:00ZSkinner, JonathanThis thesis portrays a diversity of impressions of Montserrat, a British Dependent Territory (BDT) in the Eastern Caribbean. The thesis is a postmodern rejection of Grand Theory in the Social Sciences. First I interrogate the nature of social anthropology, both its theoretical and methodological assumptions. I then establish my own anthropology which is postmodern - partial, relative, uncomfortable and uncertain, and above all, impressionistic. The substantial chapters in the thesis support this postmodern impressionistic anthropology by referring to an ethnographic encounter with the competing and highly contested realities expressed by myself, some Montserratian poets, some calypsonians, some development workers, some local Montserratians, some tourists and the Montserratian Government and Tourist Board, and some travel writers. More precisely, the Preface reviews social anthropology as an uncomfortable and uncertain discipline. It also establishes and justifies my postmodern impressionistic anthropology which is thereafter illustrated by ethnographic vignettes in the following chapters. Via the anthropologist's impressions. Chapter One introduces the reader to the place and people of Montserrat. In Chapter Two, Montserrat is filtered through poets' impressions of the island and islanders, namely through the poets of the Maroons Creative Writing Group which is led by Dr. Howard Fergus. Chapter Three goes on to show that impressions of Montserrat, despite their highly contested nature, can be held not just singularly - as in the case of individual poets, but also plurally - as constellations such as the contrasting world-views of Montserratians and development workers on Montserrat. Chapters Four and Five continue my ethnographic impressions of Montserrat by presenting, respectively, the labours of several calypsonians on Montserrat who seek public recognition for their work, and, union leader, Chedmond Browne's struggle to maintain the trade union workers' employment at Plymouth Port. The final two chapters - Chapter Six and Chapter Seven - recede (ethnographically) from Montserrat: the first by considering the competing impressions and controversial histories of St. Patrick's Day, an annual celebration and commemoration on Montserrat; and the second by presenting a diverse selection of travel writers' impressions of Montserrat. The contentious content of both chapters affirms and reinforces the need for my postmodern and impressionistic approach to an anthropological investigation on Montserrat. Finally, the Conclusion to the thesis sums up the aforementioned chapters and makes general comments towards establishing a reflexive and sustainable postmodern impressionistic anthropology.The Scottish role in midlands America with particular reference to Wyoming, 1865-1895Edwards, Paul M.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/144362019-03-29T16:11:43Z1972-01-01T00:00:00Z1972-01-01T00:00:00ZEdwards, Paul M.The impact of European fur trade goods on some aspects of North American Indian clothing, 1560-1860Craw-Eismont, Beverleyhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/144232019-03-29T16:12:09Z1996-07-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the impact of European trade goods on some aspects of North American Indian clothing. Sources include historical archives, artefacts, and artistic representations as well as the conclusions of archaeologists and anthropologists. Part One considers the beaver fur trading background. Geographically, the area extended from the northern Atlantic seaboard, through the St. Lawrence River and Great Lakes, the northern Plains and into the Canadian Subarctic. The native population included Northeast Woodland, Plains, and Athapaskan/Subarctic peoples. European goods entered at different periods and varying rates. French and British traders depended for success upon the established trade network and the extensive goodwill of the Native American population. They found it essential to determine by trial and error and "market research" the types of goods which the experienced Indian consumers would accept in exchange for their furs. The Indians were discerning in their selection of items and made critical choices which have been under-rated or over-looked in the literature of the fur trade. In the past they were often represented as simple, passive and willing to accept any trifles which came their way. In fact, European men often adopted Indian clothing appropriately suited to the environment. They also carried popular items of Indian manufacture to trade alongside imported wares. Additionally, Indian traders expected that Euro-Americans would participate in their pre-existing reciprocal ceremonial bartering practices. Since cultural values differed widely they needed to find mutually accommodating methods for dealing with each other. Part Two, based extensively on artefactual examples examines the impact and influence of introduced trade goods, and to some extent French and British "styles" on Native American clothing manufacture of hats, coats, and shoes. Decorative materials such as cloth, blankets, ribbons, silverwork, braids, laces, and beads were adopted and ingeniously used in often unique ways. Steel needles, scissors, awls and knives came to play an important part in skin preparation. The potential of new materials was skilfully realised but elements of existing technological practise continued. It is difficult to establish a case for Indian dependency when acceptance of introduced items, contrary to Eurocentric accounts, was by no means wholesale. There was instead, a mutual inter-twining of cultures. In fact, trade goods were often used in conjunction with native materials and sometimes rejected altogether. Careful creative choices were made regarding such factors as colour, lustre, and sound. Trading was seldom a simple procedure since there were sometimes hidden nuances. Goods could fulfil expressive symbolic, magic, prestige or status functions poorly recorded and comprehended by Europeans. Paradoxically, far from becoming dependent or Europeanised, in the days of the declining fur trade, it will be evident from this thesis that Native Americans produced clothing which became flamboyantly ever more distinctive and innovative as their three hundred year period of usefulness in their own right to Europeans as fur traders ended.
1996-07-01T00:00:00ZCraw-Eismont, BeverleyThis thesis examines the impact of European trade goods on some aspects of North American Indian clothing. Sources include historical archives, artefacts, and artistic representations as well as the conclusions of archaeologists and anthropologists. Part One considers the beaver fur trading background. Geographically, the area extended from the northern Atlantic seaboard, through the St. Lawrence River and Great Lakes, the northern Plains and into the Canadian Subarctic. The native population included Northeast Woodland, Plains, and Athapaskan/Subarctic peoples. European goods entered at different periods and varying rates. French and British traders depended for success upon the established trade network and the extensive goodwill of the Native American population. They found it essential to determine by trial and error and "market research" the types of goods which the experienced Indian consumers would accept in exchange for their furs. The Indians were discerning in their selection of items and made critical choices which have been under-rated or over-looked in the literature of the fur trade. In the past they were often represented as simple, passive and willing to accept any trifles which came their way. In fact, European men often adopted Indian clothing appropriately suited to the environment. They also carried popular items of Indian manufacture to trade alongside imported wares. Additionally, Indian traders expected that Euro-Americans would participate in their pre-existing reciprocal ceremonial bartering practices. Since cultural values differed widely they needed to find mutually accommodating methods for dealing with each other. Part Two, based extensively on artefactual examples examines the impact and influence of introduced trade goods, and to some extent French and British "styles" on Native American clothing manufacture of hats, coats, and shoes. Decorative materials such as cloth, blankets, ribbons, silverwork, braids, laces, and beads were adopted and ingeniously used in often unique ways. Steel needles, scissors, awls and knives came to play an important part in skin preparation. The potential of new materials was skilfully realised but elements of existing technological practise continued. It is difficult to establish a case for Indian dependency when acceptance of introduced items, contrary to Eurocentric accounts, was by no means wholesale. There was instead, a mutual inter-twining of cultures. In fact, trade goods were often used in conjunction with native materials and sometimes rejected altogether. Careful creative choices were made regarding such factors as colour, lustre, and sound. Trading was seldom a simple procedure since there were sometimes hidden nuances. Goods could fulfil expressive symbolic, magic, prestige or status functions poorly recorded and comprehended by Europeans. Paradoxically, far from becoming dependent or Europeanised, in the days of the declining fur trade, it will be evident from this thesis that Native Americans produced clothing which became flamboyantly ever more distinctive and innovative as their three hundred year period of usefulness in their own right to Europeans as fur traders ended.Labour in the East Africa Protectorate, 1895-1918Clayton, Anthony H. Le Q.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/144162019-03-29T16:11:18Z1971-01-01T00:00:00Z1971-01-01T00:00:00ZClayton, Anthony H. Le Q.Religious change and continuity among the Ami of TaiwanHuang, Shiun-Weyhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/144122019-03-29T16:10:26Z1996-07-01T00:00:00ZWithin a few years of the end of World War Two Christianity had spread to every Taiwanese aboriginal group. Nowadays a variety of Christian churches play an important role in aboriginal society. This study is about conversion to Christianity and its aftermath in an aboriginal village. Fieldwork was conducted among the Ami (one of the nine Taiwanese aboriginal groups), in Iwan, a village on the eastern coastal of Taiwan. In this study the individual interests of social actors are emphasised. I suggest that not only political leaders had special motives (i.e. to pursue political power) in conversion, but also ordinary people had their own interests too (i.e. to pursue a better life in the future). In this sense we might say that the meanings, functions, purposes and aims imputed to religion by converts are arrived at through local dialogues. Religious conversion happened against a historical background of long and sustained contact with colonising immigrants (e.g. Japanese and Chinese). During colonial rule. Ami social life expanded radically and mass conversion took place, in the 1950s, when a common dissatisfaction with life was felt. I argue that relative deprivation was an important factor in this conversion and it became significant because of the emphasis put on it by local political leaders. The adoption of different Christian churches is best understood from the perspective of internal political relations and the careers of political leaders. In general I argue that through the articulations of prominent Ami leaders various external phenomena have been integrated into Ami life and successful articulations have also helped certain political leaders to pursue or maintain their authority.
1996-07-01T00:00:00ZHuang, Shiun-WeyWithin a few years of the end of World War Two Christianity had spread to every Taiwanese aboriginal group. Nowadays a variety of Christian churches play an important role in aboriginal society. This study is about conversion to Christianity and its aftermath in an aboriginal village. Fieldwork was conducted among the Ami (one of the nine Taiwanese aboriginal groups), in Iwan, a village on the eastern coastal of Taiwan. In this study the individual interests of social actors are emphasised. I suggest that not only political leaders had special motives (i.e. to pursue political power) in conversion, but also ordinary people had their own interests too (i.e. to pursue a better life in the future). In this sense we might say that the meanings, functions, purposes and aims imputed to religion by converts are arrived at through local dialogues. Religious conversion happened against a historical background of long and sustained contact with colonising immigrants (e.g. Japanese and Chinese). During colonial rule. Ami social life expanded radically and mass conversion took place, in the 1950s, when a common dissatisfaction with life was felt. I argue that relative deprivation was an important factor in this conversion and it became significant because of the emphasis put on it by local political leaders. The adoption of different Christian churches is best understood from the perspective of internal political relations and the careers of political leaders. In general I argue that through the articulations of prominent Ami leaders various external phenomena have been integrated into Ami life and successful articulations have also helped certain political leaders to pursue or maintain their authority.Lithuania : the rebirth of a nation, 1991-1994Ashbourne, Alexandra Elizabeth Godfreyhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/144062019-03-29T16:08:31Z1997-12-01T00:00:00ZThe thesis Lithuania: the Rebirth of a Nation, 1991-1994 examines the first years of the rebirth and regeneration of Lithuania in the face of the legacy of the Soviet Occupation. It studies the essential components of rebirth: the creation of domestic, foreign and security policies and the revitalising of the economy as Lithuania broke away from the USSR. The Soviet Occupation grafted the mentality of homo sovieticus onto the Lithuanian people and its effect is charted when observing the processes surrounding Lithuania's rejuvenation. An additional chapter examines the evolution of homo sovieticus itself, studying bureaucratic societies, such as the Habsburg Empire and the USSR. The chapter also shows the manifestation of homo sovieticus in works of literature, art, music and humour and explores the concept of 'internal exile'. The thesis commences with a condensed history of Lithuania, as this history has created the distinct national identity which sustained the Lithuanian people during the decades of occupation. After the chapter on the evolution of homo sovieticus, its legacy is studied in a survey of Lithuania's domestic politics between 1991-1994. This chapter, however, extends until 1996 to demonstrate the changing political fortunes during the first post-Soviet years. Interlinking chapters on foreign and security policy appraise Lithuania's attempts to rejoin the international community and acquire an effective security guarantee. The influence of the presence of homo sovieticus is again noted both here and in the final chapter, devoted to Lithuania's transition to a market economy. The thesis concludes that while enormous strides were taken between 1991-1994 to return Lithuania to her pre-Occupation status, the damage caused by fifty years of the Soviet Occupation had created unforeseen obstacles which led to complications in the process of rebirth, many of which will be unsurmountable in the immediate future.
1997-12-01T00:00:00ZAshbourne, Alexandra Elizabeth GodfreyThe thesis Lithuania: the Rebirth of a Nation, 1991-1994 examines the first years of the rebirth and regeneration of Lithuania in the face of the legacy of the Soviet Occupation. It studies the essential components of rebirth: the creation of domestic, foreign and security policies and the revitalising of the economy as Lithuania broke away from the USSR. The Soviet Occupation grafted the mentality of homo sovieticus onto the Lithuanian people and its effect is charted when observing the processes surrounding Lithuania's rejuvenation. An additional chapter examines the evolution of homo sovieticus itself, studying bureaucratic societies, such as the Habsburg Empire and the USSR. The chapter also shows the manifestation of homo sovieticus in works of literature, art, music and humour and explores the concept of 'internal exile'. The thesis commences with a condensed history of Lithuania, as this history has created the distinct national identity which sustained the Lithuanian people during the decades of occupation. After the chapter on the evolution of homo sovieticus, its legacy is studied in a survey of Lithuania's domestic politics between 1991-1994. This chapter, however, extends until 1996 to demonstrate the changing political fortunes during the first post-Soviet years. Interlinking chapters on foreign and security policy appraise Lithuania's attempts to rejoin the international community and acquire an effective security guarantee. The influence of the presence of homo sovieticus is again noted both here and in the final chapter, devoted to Lithuania's transition to a market economy. The thesis concludes that while enormous strides were taken between 1991-1994 to return Lithuania to her pre-Occupation status, the damage caused by fifty years of the Soviet Occupation had created unforeseen obstacles which led to complications in the process of rebirth, many of which will be unsurmountable in the immediate future.Conservatism in crisis : the provincial estates of Utrecht, 1576-1590Bannatyne, Joan Helenhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/143792019-03-29T16:11:38Z1982-05-01T00:00:00Z1982-05-01T00:00:00ZBannatyne, Joan HelenThe fortification of Malta by the order of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, 1530-1798, with special reference to Valletta and FlorianaBuchan, Alison Maryhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/143752019-03-29T16:11:10Z1970-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the documentary sources relating to construction of the fortifications built by the Order of St. John of Jerusalem in Malta between 1530 and 1798: The general pattern of building is outlined, and the development of the fortifications of Valletta and Floriana is studied in detail. As far as is possible, reasons are advanced why any particular building project was undertaken. An attempt is made to show the range of foreign engineers who visited Malta, their impact on the development of the fortifications and the attitude of both members of the Order and of other engineers to their recommendations. The contribution made by the Maltese to the fortification and defence of Malta is considered. The cost of the fortifications and the manner in which the Order was able to finance the work, is examined in the light of the extant records.
1970-01-01T00:00:00ZBuchan, Alison MaryThis thesis examines the documentary sources relating to construction of the fortifications built by the Order of St. John of Jerusalem in Malta between 1530 and 1798: The general pattern of building is outlined, and the development of the fortifications of Valletta and Floriana is studied in detail. As far as is possible, reasons are advanced why any particular building project was undertaken. An attempt is made to show the range of foreign engineers who visited Malta, their impact on the development of the fortifications and the attitude of both members of the Order and of other engineers to their recommendations. The contribution made by the Maltese to the fortification and defence of Malta is considered. The cost of the fortifications and the manner in which the Order was able to finance the work, is examined in the light of the extant records.The political and social thought of Jean-Paul MaratTipton, Pamela Helmickhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/143702019-03-29T16:09:49Z1975-05-01T00:00:00ZA study of the political and social thought of Jean-Paul Marat was undertaken in an attempt to establish whether this eighteenth-century personality, of notorious yet poorly understood proportions, might in any way be considered an original theorist. The clarification of this point is presented as one answer to the credibility of the historical and contemporary notion of “maratism” and the “maratiste” as representative of a distinctive theory. Respecting the chronology of Jean-Paul Marat’s writings, his first political treatise, The Chains of Slavery of 1774, is analyzed within the framework of its debt to English radicalism. Marat is then followed to France, where a decade before the Ancien Régime was to expire, the Plan de législation criminelle was written. Having discussed the rudiments of the pre-revolutionary’s political and social thought as epitomized by these works, the outbreak of the French Revolution introduces Jean-Paul Marat in his first and most important revolutionary vocation as the journalist of L’Ami du Peuple. Henceforward, the evolution of Marat’s revolutionary thought is first examined in the context of his professional capacity, where increasing intolerance and suspicion of other journalists testify to his radicalization. Next, consideration is given to the metamorphosis of his revolutionary ideal, or the discovery of the “people” and their requisite virtue of “esprit public”. This, in turn, raises the questions of how Marat proposed to achieve the revolution in the name of his new elite. His two principal methods of violence and dictatorship are therefore probed. And, in keeping with the pervading negative vein of Marat’s teachings, those whom he considered a permanent threat to any society are revealed as Marat, the Friend of the People, perceived them. Finally, the thought of Jean-Paul Marat is reviewed from the perspective of his relationship to the clubs and of his turbulent but short-lived career as a representative of the people, which was brought to a dramatic end by the knife of Charlotte Corday. On the basis of the foregoing analyses, it is concluded that although Marat was the first to synthesize many ideas subsequently to be adopted by the revolution, he was not an original theorist. It is contended, therefore, that the significance of the terms “maratism” or “maratiste” remains vacuous on a theoretical level.
1975-05-01T00:00:00ZTipton, Pamela HelmickA study of the political and social thought of Jean-Paul Marat was undertaken in an attempt to establish whether this eighteenth-century personality, of notorious yet poorly understood proportions, might in any way be considered an original theorist. The clarification of this point is presented as one answer to the credibility of the historical and contemporary notion of “maratism” and the “maratiste” as representative of a distinctive theory. Respecting the chronology of Jean-Paul Marat’s writings, his first political treatise, The Chains of Slavery of 1774, is analyzed within the framework of its debt to English radicalism. Marat is then followed to France, where a decade before the Ancien Régime was to expire, the Plan de législation criminelle was written. Having discussed the rudiments of the pre-revolutionary’s political and social thought as epitomized by these works, the outbreak of the French Revolution introduces Jean-Paul Marat in his first and most important revolutionary vocation as the journalist of L’Ami du Peuple. Henceforward, the evolution of Marat’s revolutionary thought is first examined in the context of his professional capacity, where increasing intolerance and suspicion of other journalists testify to his radicalization. Next, consideration is given to the metamorphosis of his revolutionary ideal, or the discovery of the “people” and their requisite virtue of “esprit public”. This, in turn, raises the questions of how Marat proposed to achieve the revolution in the name of his new elite. His two principal methods of violence and dictatorship are therefore probed. And, in keeping with the pervading negative vein of Marat’s teachings, those whom he considered a permanent threat to any society are revealed as Marat, the Friend of the People, perceived them. Finally, the thought of Jean-Paul Marat is reviewed from the perspective of his relationship to the clubs and of his turbulent but short-lived career as a representative of the people, which was brought to a dramatic end by the knife of Charlotte Corday. On the basis of the foregoing analyses, it is concluded that although Marat was the first to synthesize many ideas subsequently to be adopted by the revolution, he was not an original theorist. It is contended, therefore, that the significance of the terms “maratism” or “maratiste” remains vacuous on a theoretical level.Louis Philippe de Segur, 1753-1830Blackbourn-Van Horn, Françoise Denisehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/143612019-03-29T16:12:01Z1984-07-01T00:00:00Z1984-07-01T00:00:00ZBlackbourn-Van Horn, Françoise DeniseAbsolutism in action : Frederick William I and the government of East Prussia, 1709-1730Gothelf, Rodney Mischehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/143582019-03-29T16:08:07Z1998-05-01T00:00:00ZThis dissertation examines the operation of Hohenzollern government in the distant but crucial territory of East Prussia during the reign of Frederick William I, 1713-40 to determine what impact the establishment of the General Directory in late 1722 and early 1723 had upon day-to-day administration within the Kingdom of East Prussia. Particular attention is given to the role and operation of provincial and local government in East Prussia during the decades before and after the setting up of the General Directory (General-Ober-Finanz-Kriegs-und Domänen-Direktorium). This study is part of a broader historiographical tendency which questions both the extent and success of Hohenzollern state building and calls into question the validity of the traditional view which gives most attention to the positive role of central state structures and considers the establishment of the General Directory as the apex of the much-admired and widely-emulated Prussian administrative system. This study demonstrates that further governmental modifications were needed in the Kingdom before and after the General Directory's successful operation in the Kingdom in the 1720s and 1730s. The territorial and local levels were where the Hohenzollern rulers would find it crucial to establish their absolutist power. One difficulty Frederick William I faced was that a large corps of loyal officials was lacking in the Kingdom which was only partially remedied by the end of his reign. In addition, critical administrative disputes continued and new ones arose between the King's administrative agencies. Moreover, the powerful native elites who lived in the Kingdom retained significant authority at the provincial and local levels and resisted many reform attempts by a king who they saw as foreign. Their enduring importance helps to explain the distinctive manner in which absolutism developed over these decades. As a result, authority in the Kingdom still was less than securely established by the final decade of Frederick William I's reign.
1998-05-01T00:00:00ZGothelf, Rodney MischeThis dissertation examines the operation of Hohenzollern government in the distant but crucial territory of East Prussia during the reign of Frederick William I, 1713-40 to determine what impact the establishment of the General Directory in late 1722 and early 1723 had upon day-to-day administration within the Kingdom of East Prussia. Particular attention is given to the role and operation of provincial and local government in East Prussia during the decades before and after the setting up of the General Directory (General-Ober-Finanz-Kriegs-und Domänen-Direktorium). This study is part of a broader historiographical tendency which questions both the extent and success of Hohenzollern state building and calls into question the validity of the traditional view which gives most attention to the positive role of central state structures and considers the establishment of the General Directory as the apex of the much-admired and widely-emulated Prussian administrative system. This study demonstrates that further governmental modifications were needed in the Kingdom before and after the General Directory's successful operation in the Kingdom in the 1720s and 1730s. The territorial and local levels were where the Hohenzollern rulers would find it crucial to establish their absolutist power. One difficulty Frederick William I faced was that a large corps of loyal officials was lacking in the Kingdom which was only partially remedied by the end of his reign. In addition, critical administrative disputes continued and new ones arose between the King's administrative agencies. Moreover, the powerful native elites who lived in the Kingdom retained significant authority at the provincial and local levels and resisted many reform attempts by a king who they saw as foreign. Their enduring importance helps to explain the distinctive manner in which absolutism developed over these decades. As a result, authority in the Kingdom still was less than securely established by the final decade of Frederick William I's reign.Mathieu Dumas : a biographyDuncan, Kenneth A.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/143522019-03-29T16:08:22Z1974-10-01T00:00:00ZIn a career spanning nearly seven decades, Mathieu Dumas served France as either a soldier or a legislator under each successive government from Louis XV to Louis-Philippe. Born in 1753, he entered the infantry in 1773 as a sous-lieutenant. Although lacking a personal fortune and the backing of family influence, Dumas' energy and ability combined with the support of two powerful patrons, Castries and Puységur, gained him relatively rapid promotion. By 1789 he had served in America as an aide-de-camp to Rochambeau and had been appointed to replace Guibert as rapporteur to the Council of War. Drawn into the politics of the Revolution through his association with the, liberal nobility, principally Lafayette and the Lameths, Dumas became the parliamentary leader of the Feuillant party in the Legislative Assembly, a major critic of the war and one of Lafayette's most courageous defenders. However, he also worked to improve the French army and aided in the deference of Paris during the Prussian invasion. With the end of the Assembly, Dumas sought to serve 'the Republic, but public suspicion forced him to flee to Switzerland. There Dumas, Brémond and Theodore Lameth met with the British agent Wickham to discuss their plan for the restoration of the Constitution of 1791, but not of the émigrés. The Thermidorian Reaction led to Dumas' return to France and to his re-entry into politics as a deputy in the Council of Elders under the Directory. The leader of a revived Feuillant party, Dumas pursued a moderate policy, preferring the gradual repeal of revolutionary legislation and cooperation with the Directory to the restoration of an unreconciled Louis XVIII. Proscribed on 18 Fructidor V, he went to Hamburg and remained there, working on what was to become his magnum opus, the Précis des Événemens Militaires, until Bonaparte's seizure of power. Despite his mistrust of Dumas' political opinions, Napoleon could not overlook his administrative ability and he employed him in high positions throughout the Consulate and the Empire. Dumas' support of Napoleon during the Hundred Days resulted in his forced retirement under the Restoration which lasted, except- for a brief interval under St. Cyr's ministry until 1828. Elected to the Chamber of Deputies in that year, Dumas gave his support to the Liberals and to Louis-Philippe. He died in 1837, widely known and respected as a soldier and as a military historian. Although a military as well as a civil figure, Dumas exemplifies the fate of moderates caught in the Revolution and its aftermath.
1974-10-01T00:00:00ZDuncan, Kenneth A.In a career spanning nearly seven decades, Mathieu Dumas served France as either a soldier or a legislator under each successive government from Louis XV to Louis-Philippe. Born in 1753, he entered the infantry in 1773 as a sous-lieutenant. Although lacking a personal fortune and the backing of family influence, Dumas' energy and ability combined with the support of two powerful patrons, Castries and Puységur, gained him relatively rapid promotion. By 1789 he had served in America as an aide-de-camp to Rochambeau and had been appointed to replace Guibert as rapporteur to the Council of War. Drawn into the politics of the Revolution through his association with the, liberal nobility, principally Lafayette and the Lameths, Dumas became the parliamentary leader of the Feuillant party in the Legislative Assembly, a major critic of the war and one of Lafayette's most courageous defenders. However, he also worked to improve the French army and aided in the deference of Paris during the Prussian invasion. With the end of the Assembly, Dumas sought to serve 'the Republic, but public suspicion forced him to flee to Switzerland. There Dumas, Brémond and Theodore Lameth met with the British agent Wickham to discuss their plan for the restoration of the Constitution of 1791, but not of the émigrés. The Thermidorian Reaction led to Dumas' return to France and to his re-entry into politics as a deputy in the Council of Elders under the Directory. The leader of a revived Feuillant party, Dumas pursued a moderate policy, preferring the gradual repeal of revolutionary legislation and cooperation with the Directory to the restoration of an unreconciled Louis XVIII. Proscribed on 18 Fructidor V, he went to Hamburg and remained there, working on what was to become his magnum opus, the Précis des Événemens Militaires, until Bonaparte's seizure of power. Despite his mistrust of Dumas' political opinions, Napoleon could not overlook his administrative ability and he employed him in high positions throughout the Consulate and the Empire. Dumas' support of Napoleon during the Hundred Days resulted in his forced retirement under the Restoration which lasted, except- for a brief interval under St. Cyr's ministry until 1828. Elected to the Chamber of Deputies in that year, Dumas gave his support to the Liberals and to Louis-Philippe. He died in 1837, widely known and respected as a soldier and as a military historian. Although a military as well as a civil figure, Dumas exemplifies the fate of moderates caught in the Revolution and its aftermath.The IRA, Sinn Fein and the hunger strike of 1981Page, Michael von Tangenhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/143482019-03-29T16:12:13Z1993-07-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the 1981 hunger strike by republican prisoners in Northern Ireland against the removal of special category status from newly convicted paramilitary prisoners on 1 March 1976, the fast was part of a protest that began in 1976. The thesis opens with an examination of the origins of the Provisional Irish Republican Army in 1969 and the emergence of a younger leadership in the late 1970's, and evaluates the significance of the prisons in Irish history. The development of the prisoners protests ranging from the refusal to put on a uniform and perform prison work to the rejection of sanitary or washing facilities, is analysed. The prisoners demands are examined in the context of British and international law. The campaign in support of the republican prisoners conducted outside the Maze Prison, including the formation of the Relatives Action Committee and the National H-Block/Armagh Committee is surveyed, and the female "dirty" protest at Armagh Prison is examined. The medical, ethical, and moral dilemmas presented by hunger striking are identified and the thesis examines the debate whether the men who died were suicides or martyrs. The 1980 and 1981 hunger strikes are examined with particular attention to the efforts to bring about a compromise with the British government and the factors leading to a new hunger strike in 1981 and to the intervention of the Catholic Church with the prisoners relatives which ended the fast. The hunger strike is analysed regarding its effect internationally in building up republican support, and in the Province where it acted as the base for the future success of Provisional Sinn Fein later in the decade.
1993-07-01T00:00:00ZPage, Michael von TangenThis thesis examines the 1981 hunger strike by republican prisoners in Northern Ireland against the removal of special category status from newly convicted paramilitary prisoners on 1 March 1976, the fast was part of a protest that began in 1976. The thesis opens with an examination of the origins of the Provisional Irish Republican Army in 1969 and the emergence of a younger leadership in the late 1970's, and evaluates the significance of the prisons in Irish history. The development of the prisoners protests ranging from the refusal to put on a uniform and perform prison work to the rejection of sanitary or washing facilities, is analysed. The prisoners demands are examined in the context of British and international law. The campaign in support of the republican prisoners conducted outside the Maze Prison, including the formation of the Relatives Action Committee and the National H-Block/Armagh Committee is surveyed, and the female "dirty" protest at Armagh Prison is examined. The medical, ethical, and moral dilemmas presented by hunger striking are identified and the thesis examines the debate whether the men who died were suicides or martyrs. The 1980 and 1981 hunger strikes are examined with particular attention to the efforts to bring about a compromise with the British government and the factors leading to a new hunger strike in 1981 and to the intervention of the Catholic Church with the prisoners relatives which ended the fast. The hunger strike is analysed regarding its effect internationally in building up republican support, and in the Province where it acted as the base for the future success of Provisional Sinn Fein later in the decade.Robert Hadow : a case study of an appeaserMichie, Lindsay W.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/143422019-03-29T16:08:50Z1989-07-01T00:00:00ZHistorians differ over the origins of Britain's policy of appeasement, and many analyses concentrate on the objectives of policy using the growth of overseas obligations or more recent historical markers such as the Japanese invasion of Manchuria. The approach of this thesis involves relating appeasement to the personal beliefs and decisions of those responsible for foreign policy. By pin-pointing Robert Hadow, a First Secretary in the Foreign Office, as an example of an appeaser, such an approach demonstrates how intelligent and capable men in Britain fell victim to a policy which, in retrospect, appears blind and irrational. An examination of Hadow's fear of war, bias against bolshevism, and sympathy for the German minority in Czechoslovakia is made in this thesis through detailed research of Foreign Office despatches and Hadow's reports, memoranda, and personal correspondence. Much of this hitherto unpublished material sheds new light on the course of events from the collapse of the Kredit Anstalt in Austria to the outbreak of World War II. By following the course of Hadow's career during this period, this thesis seeks to explain the mentality that produced the foreign policy followed by Britain in the 1930s.
1989-07-01T00:00:00ZMichie, Lindsay W.Historians differ over the origins of Britain's policy of appeasement, and many analyses concentrate on the objectives of policy using the growth of overseas obligations or more recent historical markers such as the Japanese invasion of Manchuria. The approach of this thesis involves relating appeasement to the personal beliefs and decisions of those responsible for foreign policy. By pin-pointing Robert Hadow, a First Secretary in the Foreign Office, as an example of an appeaser, such an approach demonstrates how intelligent and capable men in Britain fell victim to a policy which, in retrospect, appears blind and irrational. An examination of Hadow's fear of war, bias against bolshevism, and sympathy for the German minority in Czechoslovakia is made in this thesis through detailed research of Foreign Office despatches and Hadow's reports, memoranda, and personal correspondence. Much of this hitherto unpublished material sheds new light on the course of events from the collapse of the Kredit Anstalt in Austria to the outbreak of World War II. By following the course of Hadow's career during this period, this thesis seeks to explain the mentality that produced the foreign policy followed by Britain in the 1930s.Fleet Street's dilemma : the British press and the Soviet Union, 1933-1941Nanson, Steffanie Jenniferhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/143032019-03-29T16:07:48Z1997-07-01T00:00:00ZBritish press opinion concerning the Soviet Union in the 1930s contributes to an understanding of the failed cooperation, prior to 1941, between the British and Soviet Governments. During the trial of six British engineers in Moscow in 1933, the conservative press jingoistically responded by demanding stringent economic action against the Soviet Union and possibly severing diplomatic cooperation. The liberal and labour press expected relations to improve to prevent similar trials of Britons in the future. Despite the strain in relations and ideological differences, between 1934 and 1935, Britain and the USSR worked for collective security. The quality conservative press was willing to support a closer relationship, though popular conservative newspapers remained anti-Soviet. The liberal and labour press, though hoping for more, expressed relief that Britain was improving relations with the Soviet Union. The Spanish Civil War led the conservative press to resume its non-collective beliefs and to become ideologically critical of the Soviet Union. The provincial conservative newspapers were the exceptions. Liberal and labour papers were annoyed with the British refusal to cooperate with the USSR over Spain and became disappointed by the Government's decision to support appeasement rather than collective action. While the British Government reviewed the benefits of collective security, the Moscow show trials damaged Britain's belief in the stability of the USSR. All papers realised there was something seriously wrong in the Soviet Union. The conservative press advocated avoiding cooperation with a country weakened by purging. The liberal and labour press, though concerned about the image of the USSR, realised that Britain required an East European ally and called for an improvement of existing relations. In 1939 nearly every newspaper demanded the British Government form an alliance with the USSR against Hitler's aggression and criticised both governments for wasting time. Condemnation of the Soviet Union's signing of the Nazi-Soviet pact and role in the partition of Poland was relatively limited as hope remained that Britain and the USSR would collaborate to defeat Hitler. However, the Winter War strained these hopes and led to intense press condemnation of the Soviet attack on Finland. Nevertheless, in July 1940 newspapers became interested in the emerging conflict of interests between Germany and the USSR. Despite criticism of Soviet expansion in Eastern Europe, the press accepted that Britain's security depended on the Soviet Union. All newspapers welcomed the alliance in 1941 and ignored ideological issues.
1997-07-01T00:00:00ZNanson, Steffanie JenniferBritish press opinion concerning the Soviet Union in the 1930s contributes to an understanding of the failed cooperation, prior to 1941, between the British and Soviet Governments. During the trial of six British engineers in Moscow in 1933, the conservative press jingoistically responded by demanding stringent economic action against the Soviet Union and possibly severing diplomatic cooperation. The liberal and labour press expected relations to improve to prevent similar trials of Britons in the future. Despite the strain in relations and ideological differences, between 1934 and 1935, Britain and the USSR worked for collective security. The quality conservative press was willing to support a closer relationship, though popular conservative newspapers remained anti-Soviet. The liberal and labour press, though hoping for more, expressed relief that Britain was improving relations with the Soviet Union. The Spanish Civil War led the conservative press to resume its non-collective beliefs and to become ideologically critical of the Soviet Union. The provincial conservative newspapers were the exceptions. Liberal and labour papers were annoyed with the British refusal to cooperate with the USSR over Spain and became disappointed by the Government's decision to support appeasement rather than collective action. While the British Government reviewed the benefits of collective security, the Moscow show trials damaged Britain's belief in the stability of the USSR. All papers realised there was something seriously wrong in the Soviet Union. The conservative press advocated avoiding cooperation with a country weakened by purging. The liberal and labour press, though concerned about the image of the USSR, realised that Britain required an East European ally and called for an improvement of existing relations. In 1939 nearly every newspaper demanded the British Government form an alliance with the USSR against Hitler's aggression and criticised both governments for wasting time. Condemnation of the Soviet Union's signing of the Nazi-Soviet pact and role in the partition of Poland was relatively limited as hope remained that Britain and the USSR would collaborate to defeat Hitler. However, the Winter War strained these hopes and led to intense press condemnation of the Soviet attack on Finland. Nevertheless, in July 1940 newspapers became interested in the emerging conflict of interests between Germany and the USSR. Despite criticism of Soviet expansion in Eastern Europe, the press accepted that Britain's security depended on the Soviet Union. All newspapers welcomed the alliance in 1941 and ignored ideological issues.The Conservative Party crisis, 1929-1931Ball, Stuart Ryanhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/142982019-03-29T16:10:37Z1983-07-01T00:00:00ZThe thesis covers the politics of the Conservative Party from the general election defeat of May 1929 to the formation of the National Government in August 1931. It relates the internal crisis in the Party to the pressures of the Party rank and file, and to the general political and economic situation, in order to analyse the process by which Party policy evolved. Debate centred upon two questions: protection and India. In the case of the former, the role of its advocates in the press is discussed. Overall, the thesis emphasised the power of the position of the Party Leader, Baldwin. The Party crisis passed through six distinct phases. In the first (May-August 1929) the status quo in policy was preserved; but during the second (September 1929-March 1930), the balance tilted in the direction of advance over protection, but was restrained by the reluctance of the northern regions. A truce with the press followed (March-June 1930) but collapsed in mid-summer, leaving the leaders dangerously out of touch with their followers' views during the fourth phase of acute crisis (July-October 1930). At the end of the latter period the leaders accommodated their position, appeasing all but a small minority of dissidents, and isolating the press campaign. However, the fifth phase (October 1930-March 1931) saw a renewed outbreak of unease, due to the question of India and the leadership failures of Baldwin himself. In the final phase (March-August 1931) Baldwin re-established his position, and the Conservatives seemed set for electoral victory, having united around the policy of reducing government expenditure. The Party did not seek Coalition, but was diverted into joining the National Government by the sudden and serious financial crisis, believing it to be a temporary emergency expedient.
1983-07-01T00:00:00ZBall, Stuart RyanThe thesis covers the politics of the Conservative Party from the general election defeat of May 1929 to the formation of the National Government in August 1931. It relates the internal crisis in the Party to the pressures of the Party rank and file, and to the general political and economic situation, in order to analyse the process by which Party policy evolved. Debate centred upon two questions: protection and India. In the case of the former, the role of its advocates in the press is discussed. Overall, the thesis emphasised the power of the position of the Party Leader, Baldwin. The Party crisis passed through six distinct phases. In the first (May-August 1929) the status quo in policy was preserved; but during the second (September 1929-March 1930), the balance tilted in the direction of advance over protection, but was restrained by the reluctance of the northern regions. A truce with the press followed (March-June 1930) but collapsed in mid-summer, leaving the leaders dangerously out of touch with their followers' views during the fourth phase of acute crisis (July-October 1930). At the end of the latter period the leaders accommodated their position, appeasing all but a small minority of dissidents, and isolating the press campaign. However, the fifth phase (October 1930-March 1931) saw a renewed outbreak of unease, due to the question of India and the leadership failures of Baldwin himself. In the final phase (March-August 1931) Baldwin re-established his position, and the Conservatives seemed set for electoral victory, having united around the policy of reducing government expenditure. The Party did not seek Coalition, but was diverted into joining the National Government by the sudden and serious financial crisis, believing it to be a temporary emergency expedient.The Court of Star Chamber, 1629-1641Dalla Lana, Steven Carlhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/142932019-03-29T16:08:58Z1988-07-01T00:00:00ZThe Court of Star Chamber was abolished by the Long Parliament for reasons, as yet, not clearly established. Most recent research has shown that the court retained its popularity with litigants until the 1640's. Three reasons for the court's downfall have also been suggested; namely, that the Star Chamber meted out severe corporal punishments, that Charles I's government made use of the court to support controversial religious and economic policies. However, this research has not clearly established a link between these three factors and the dissolution of the court of Star Chamber. It also failed to show how the court could nonetheless remain popular until the late 1630's and only then be hastily abolished in 1641. Historians, with hind-sight, have sought to blame the actions of the court during the 1630's for its abrogation. They have presented only a limited cause and effect relationship. How did the actions of the court from 1629 - 1640 result in a call for its dissolution? The research to be presented herein begins with a review of the cliche reason, that the court had exceeded its statutory rights. By showing that the court had no real statutory foundation and by examining the attitudes of various historians on this aspect, one can understand how this viewpoint became possible and how it eventually was found to be a false viewpoint. Next, a review of the actions of the Court during 1629 to 1641 was undertaken to seek possible causes for the dissolution of the Court. Upon failing to find any conclusive evidence for such causes, an in-depth analysis of the Long Parliament during 1640 - 1641 seemed appropriate. It is here that one sees what truly influenced the decision of the Long Parliament to dissolve the Star Chamber. Re-examination of those cases which Parliament had reviewed shows clearly why Parliament felt it to be necessary to abrogate the Court of Star Chamber. Parliament examined the most notorious cases from the period, 1629 - 1640. These cases influenced Parliament's eventual decision because they indicated that the Court was extending its mandate beyond some undefined boundaries. The reasons for its dissolution were, and still remain, the same but when these reasons are analyzed in the context of Parliament's review of the Star Chamber, the cause for the dissolution becomes apparent. I believe that it was the influence of the petitions of Walter Long, Richard Chambers, Alexander Leighton, William Prynne, David Foulis, John Corbet, John Williams, Richard Wiseman, Pierce Crosby, John Bastwicke, and John Burton that directly initiated the review of the Court and, subsequently, indirectly, caused the dissolution of the Court.
1988-07-01T00:00:00ZDalla Lana, Steven CarlThe Court of Star Chamber was abolished by the Long Parliament for reasons, as yet, not clearly established. Most recent research has shown that the court retained its popularity with litigants until the 1640's. Three reasons for the court's downfall have also been suggested; namely, that the Star Chamber meted out severe corporal punishments, that Charles I's government made use of the court to support controversial religious and economic policies. However, this research has not clearly established a link between these three factors and the dissolution of the court of Star Chamber. It also failed to show how the court could nonetheless remain popular until the late 1630's and only then be hastily abolished in 1641. Historians, with hind-sight, have sought to blame the actions of the court during the 1630's for its abrogation. They have presented only a limited cause and effect relationship. How did the actions of the court from 1629 - 1640 result in a call for its dissolution? The research to be presented herein begins with a review of the cliche reason, that the court had exceeded its statutory rights. By showing that the court had no real statutory foundation and by examining the attitudes of various historians on this aspect, one can understand how this viewpoint became possible and how it eventually was found to be a false viewpoint. Next, a review of the actions of the Court during 1629 to 1641 was undertaken to seek possible causes for the dissolution of the Court. Upon failing to find any conclusive evidence for such causes, an in-depth analysis of the Long Parliament during 1640 - 1641 seemed appropriate. It is here that one sees what truly influenced the decision of the Long Parliament to dissolve the Star Chamber. Re-examination of those cases which Parliament had reviewed shows clearly why Parliament felt it to be necessary to abrogate the Court of Star Chamber. Parliament examined the most notorious cases from the period, 1629 - 1640. These cases influenced Parliament's eventual decision because they indicated that the Court was extending its mandate beyond some undefined boundaries. The reasons for its dissolution were, and still remain, the same but when these reasons are analyzed in the context of Parliament's review of the Star Chamber, the cause for the dissolution becomes apparent. I believe that it was the influence of the petitions of Walter Long, Richard Chambers, Alexander Leighton, William Prynne, David Foulis, John Corbet, John Williams, Richard Wiseman, Pierce Crosby, John Bastwicke, and John Burton that directly initiated the review of the Court and, subsequently, indirectly, caused the dissolution of the Court.Lord Liverpool's administration, 1815-1822Cookson, John E.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/142802019-03-29T16:11:03Z1969-01-01T00:00:00Z1969-01-01T00:00:00ZCookson, John E.An account of the returned exiles of 1553-1558 in England and ScotlandKup, Alexander Peterhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/142752019-03-29T16:11:24Z1952-09-01T00:00:00Z1952-09-01T00:00:00ZKup, Alexander PeterCrown finance and governance under James I : projects and fiscal policy 1603-1625Cramsie, John R.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/142682019-03-29T16:11:00Z1997-06-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis is a fundamental reassessment of Jacobean crown finance and its importance in the early-modern English polity. The concurrent focuses are the Jacobean conceptualization of crown finance in terms of projects and the analysis of fiscal policy. Fiscal policy was dominated by attempts to balance the consumptive demands of the patronage culture with the fiscal needs of meeting the state's responsibilities of governance. The introduction describes the origins of projects and their relationship to the Jacobean patronage culture; it also discusses the importance of fiscal policy as a jumping-off point for a reassessment of the Jacobean polity. The structures of policymaking are examined in Chapter 1 with special emphasis on the process of counsel and the central role of James I in the responsibilities of governance. The conceptualization of crown finance in terms of entrepreneurial-like projects is fully explored in chapter 2 as is the importance of the doctrine of necessity in fiscal policy. Chapter 3 examines the nature of projects using a case-study of fishing fleet initiatives. The most significant challenge to the project basis of finance occurred in the parliament of 1621; the consequences of these events, long misunderstood as an attack on monopolies, are re-examined in Chapter 4. Origins of opposition to projects in popular culture, among James' ministers, and in parliament preface this chapter. The three chapters making up section II of the thesis seek to rehabilitate fiscal policy with a focus on policymaking and governance. Robert Cecil's project for fiscal refoundation would have established a precedent of public taxation to support the crown. Its collapse is subjected to a reinterpretation in Chapter 5 which challenges Revisionist orthodoxy on Jacobean parliamentary politics and political philosophy. Chapter 6 examines a number of attempts through conciliar policymaking (1611-1617) to meet ongoing financial challenges which ultimately influenced fiscal policy for the rest of James' reign. The concluding chapter recreates Lionel Cranfield's formulation and application of the abstract ideal of the public good in fiscal policy. Cranfield represents the sharpest Jacobean example of a minister seeking to balance the demands of serving the king and the state in their own rights; and the challenges of so doing. The conclusion places the thesis into a wider perspective of early- modern governance and our understanding of the Jacobean polity.
1997-06-01T00:00:00ZCramsie, John R.This thesis is a fundamental reassessment of Jacobean crown finance and its importance in the early-modern English polity. The concurrent focuses are the Jacobean conceptualization of crown finance in terms of projects and the analysis of fiscal policy. Fiscal policy was dominated by attempts to balance the consumptive demands of the patronage culture with the fiscal needs of meeting the state's responsibilities of governance. The introduction describes the origins of projects and their relationship to the Jacobean patronage culture; it also discusses the importance of fiscal policy as a jumping-off point for a reassessment of the Jacobean polity. The structures of policymaking are examined in Chapter 1 with special emphasis on the process of counsel and the central role of James I in the responsibilities of governance. The conceptualization of crown finance in terms of entrepreneurial-like projects is fully explored in chapter 2 as is the importance of the doctrine of necessity in fiscal policy. Chapter 3 examines the nature of projects using a case-study of fishing fleet initiatives. The most significant challenge to the project basis of finance occurred in the parliament of 1621; the consequences of these events, long misunderstood as an attack on monopolies, are re-examined in Chapter 4. Origins of opposition to projects in popular culture, among James' ministers, and in parliament preface this chapter. The three chapters making up section II of the thesis seek to rehabilitate fiscal policy with a focus on policymaking and governance. Robert Cecil's project for fiscal refoundation would have established a precedent of public taxation to support the crown. Its collapse is subjected to a reinterpretation in Chapter 5 which challenges Revisionist orthodoxy on Jacobean parliamentary politics and political philosophy. Chapter 6 examines a number of attempts through conciliar policymaking (1611-1617) to meet ongoing financial challenges which ultimately influenced fiscal policy for the rest of James' reign. The concluding chapter recreates Lionel Cranfield's formulation and application of the abstract ideal of the public good in fiscal policy. Cranfield represents the sharpest Jacobean example of a minister seeking to balance the demands of serving the king and the state in their own rights; and the challenges of so doing. The conclusion places the thesis into a wider perspective of early- modern governance and our understanding of the Jacobean polity.Steps on the road of appeasement : British foreign policy-making 1931-1939Shen, Peijianhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/142622019-03-29T16:10:47Z1997-06-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis studies the step-by-step process of foreign policy making within the British Government from 1931 to 1939. It aims to pin-point the origin, evolution and nature of appeasement, the principal policy-makers' viewpoints and activities in policy formulating and their responsibility for encouraging the aggressive powers. In the Introduction, the subjective and objective roots of appeasement are explored, and the Author examines the reasons why it was pursued for nine years without change. Highlighting the shortcomings in the past and current research on the subject, a summary of the approaches used in the thesis is given. The First Chapter surveys policy-making during the Manchurian crisis of 1931, not only a starting point for appeasement, but also to a large extent the main reason for the European appeasement. The Second Chapter shows how the British Government appeased Mussolini in the Italo-Abyssinian conflict of 1935-36, and how appeasement in the Far East started to cause appeasement in Europe. Chapters Three, Four and Five indicate the development of appeasement policy towards Germany during 1936 - 1939, namely, how it was hatched during the Rhineland crisis of 1936, and how it was, through the Anschluss, brought to a climax at Munich in 1938. Chapter Six analyses the policy of the guarantee to Poland and of the Three Power conversations in 1939 with the observation that these represented the Chamberlain Government's efforts to change their policy within the scope of appeasement, but that appeasement led to their failure. In the Conclusion, the various arguments in favour of appeasement are criticised and lessons drawn from that disastrous age.
1997-06-01T00:00:00ZShen, PeijianThis thesis studies the step-by-step process of foreign policy making within the British Government from 1931 to 1939. It aims to pin-point the origin, evolution and nature of appeasement, the principal policy-makers' viewpoints and activities in policy formulating and their responsibility for encouraging the aggressive powers. In the Introduction, the subjective and objective roots of appeasement are explored, and the Author examines the reasons why it was pursued for nine years without change. Highlighting the shortcomings in the past and current research on the subject, a summary of the approaches used in the thesis is given. The First Chapter surveys policy-making during the Manchurian crisis of 1931, not only a starting point for appeasement, but also to a large extent the main reason for the European appeasement. The Second Chapter shows how the British Government appeased Mussolini in the Italo-Abyssinian conflict of 1935-36, and how appeasement in the Far East started to cause appeasement in Europe. Chapters Three, Four and Five indicate the development of appeasement policy towards Germany during 1936 - 1939, namely, how it was hatched during the Rhineland crisis of 1936, and how it was, through the Anschluss, brought to a climax at Munich in 1938. Chapter Six analyses the policy of the guarantee to Poland and of the Three Power conversations in 1939 with the observation that these represented the Chamberlain Government's efforts to change their policy within the scope of appeasement, but that appeasement led to their failure. In the Conclusion, the various arguments in favour of appeasement are criticised and lessons drawn from that disastrous age.A study of Anglo-Scottish relations, 1637-43Menzies, Elizabeth Alexandrahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/141542019-03-29T16:13:13Z1954-12-01T00:00:00Z1954-12-01T00:00:00ZMenzies, Elizabeth AlexandraThe development of regulations for preventing collisions in inland, inshore, and open waters of the UK during the first half of the nineteenth centuryBahr, Rudigerhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/140842019-03-29T16:11:26Z1998-01-01T00:00:00ZThis work shows how the regulations to avoid collisions developed from local rules and unwritten agreements to Government law for steam-vessels within 75 years until 1850. The chaotic state of shipping on rivers and increasingly in coastal and open waters since the introduction of steam propulsion and of the shipping industry in general was evidence of several reports which also made suggestions to remedy the evil. But this was not followed by legislative measures. The advantages of steam seemed to have forbidden any regulative interference including into safety matters (surveying vessels, passenger's safety, speed, lights, &c.). Bills to put steam navigation under law failed. Local regulations were drawn up but contradicted each other. The numerous suggestions and inventions to lights and sound signals ranged from useless, impossible, or even dangerous to very effective. Only as late as 1839 the Admiralty published an order of steering regulations for H.M. steamers which were soon adopted by the Trinity House, London for the whole of the U.K., contradicting well established practice but recognised in Court. The Steam Navigation Act, 1846 contained safety issues and steering regulations and empowered the Admiralty to make regulations as to lights which came in operation in July 1848. They also approved of a set of lamps and surveying the lights was discussed. The repeal of the Navigation Laws in 1848 was accompanied by discussions on state interference into shipping matters and trade policies. "The Mercantile Marine Act, 1850." which established the Board of Trade as the central and first body entirely concerned with shipping industry and trade also established local Marine Boards as out-posts. It regulated examination proceedings as well as health issues, log-books, inquiries into accidents, &c. and marked the beginning of more legislative and regulative interference into shipping industry. Once principal disputes became more and more subject to only technical improvements. "The Merchant Shipping Act, 1854." with over 500 clauses was the final consolidation of state interference.
1998-01-01T00:00:00ZBahr, RudigerThis work shows how the regulations to avoid collisions developed from local rules and unwritten agreements to Government law for steam-vessels within 75 years until 1850. The chaotic state of shipping on rivers and increasingly in coastal and open waters since the introduction of steam propulsion and of the shipping industry in general was evidence of several reports which also made suggestions to remedy the evil. But this was not followed by legislative measures. The advantages of steam seemed to have forbidden any regulative interference including into safety matters (surveying vessels, passenger's safety, speed, lights, &c.). Bills to put steam navigation under law failed. Local regulations were drawn up but contradicted each other. The numerous suggestions and inventions to lights and sound signals ranged from useless, impossible, or even dangerous to very effective. Only as late as 1839 the Admiralty published an order of steering regulations for H.M. steamers which were soon adopted by the Trinity House, London for the whole of the U.K., contradicting well established practice but recognised in Court. The Steam Navigation Act, 1846 contained safety issues and steering regulations and empowered the Admiralty to make regulations as to lights which came in operation in July 1848. They also approved of a set of lamps and surveying the lights was discussed. The repeal of the Navigation Laws in 1848 was accompanied by discussions on state interference into shipping matters and trade policies. "The Mercantile Marine Act, 1850." which established the Board of Trade as the central and first body entirely concerned with shipping industry and trade also established local Marine Boards as out-posts. It regulated examination proceedings as well as health issues, log-books, inquiries into accidents, &c. and marked the beginning of more legislative and regulative interference into shipping industry. Once principal disputes became more and more subject to only technical improvements. "The Merchant Shipping Act, 1854." with over 500 clauses was the final consolidation of state interference.The 'Cosmographia' of Sebastian MünsterMcLean, Matthewhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/139022019-03-29T16:09:16Z2005-01-01T00:00:00ZThe sixteenth century was a time in which knowledge about the world grew exponentially in both its material content and the enthusiasm with which works treating of it were received. One of the most popular, long-lived and influential books of the kind was Sebastian Munster's Cosmographia, printed from 1544 to 1628, in 35 editions and five languages. The Cosmographia attempted nothing less than a geography of the whole known world, an encyclopaedia of its contents and a history of all its peoples. Based upon a close reading of the Latin 1550 edition of the Cosmographia. and supported by Munster's correspondence and other primary texts, this study examines several aspects of Munster's great work. A biographical chapter describes his Hebrew scholarship, the ethos of his humanist community and their influence upon his cosmography. The genre of cosmography, its ancient origins and development, are traced in the following chapter, as too are the alternative formulations favoured by his contemporaries. An account of the means by which Munster assembled the information for his book is next constructed, attending especially to his own empirical surveys and his creation of a learned network of those willing to do likewise. This chapter also surveys the printing, editions and reception of the Cosmographia. The final two chapters examine the contents and values of the book. They describe the organisation of the material and Munster's treatment of geography, history, ethnography, zoology and of prodigies of nature. The understanding of the world which emerges is analysed, addressing tolerance, identity, the high esteem of learning, and the reconciliation of faith with a burgeoning science. Also examined is Munster's concept of providence, which admonished the reader with the lessons of the fallen civilisations described in his Cosmographia, designed as a book of the world, an ark for its knowledge, and a Wunderkammer for its glories.
2005-01-01T00:00:00ZMcLean, MatthewThe sixteenth century was a time in which knowledge about the world grew exponentially in both its material content and the enthusiasm with which works treating of it were received. One of the most popular, long-lived and influential books of the kind was Sebastian Munster's Cosmographia, printed from 1544 to 1628, in 35 editions and five languages. The Cosmographia attempted nothing less than a geography of the whole known world, an encyclopaedia of its contents and a history of all its peoples. Based upon a close reading of the Latin 1550 edition of the Cosmographia. and supported by Munster's correspondence and other primary texts, this study examines several aspects of Munster's great work. A biographical chapter describes his Hebrew scholarship, the ethos of his humanist community and their influence upon his cosmography. The genre of cosmography, its ancient origins and development, are traced in the following chapter, as too are the alternative formulations favoured by his contemporaries. An account of the means by which Munster assembled the information for his book is next constructed, attending especially to his own empirical surveys and his creation of a learned network of those willing to do likewise. This chapter also surveys the printing, editions and reception of the Cosmographia. The final two chapters examine the contents and values of the book. They describe the organisation of the material and Munster's treatment of geography, history, ethnography, zoology and of prodigies of nature. The understanding of the world which emerges is analysed, addressing tolerance, identity, the high esteem of learning, and the reconciliation of faith with a burgeoning science. Also examined is Munster's concept of providence, which admonished the reader with the lessons of the fallen civilisations described in his Cosmographia, designed as a book of the world, an ark for its knowledge, and a Wunderkammer for its glories.The history of London Town, Maryland : a case study of an eighteenth-century Chesapeake tobacco port and its role in the colonial maritime economyKerns-Nocerito, Mechelle L.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/139012019-03-29T16:10:40Z2003-01-01T00:00:00ZPresented herein is a detailed study of London Town, a tobacco port in Anne Arundel County, Maryland established during the British colonial period in North America. Long defunct, the town has been the subject of archaeological excavations since 1995. This research was undertaken to answer questions regarding the town's history, economic system, and its role in the local economy: what was the nature of the town; who lived in the town; and what were the forces that caused the town to grow and subsequently fail? Answering these questions has revealed a comprehensive portrait of London Town's undocumented past. This research proves that London Town played an important role in the economic development of Maryland and Anne Arundel County. It was one of many towns established in 1683 by the Maryland Assembly in the "Act for the Advancement of Trade." Only a small number of these towns survived beyond the colonial period. Those tobacco towns that have disappeared have been labelled the "lost towns" of Maryland by local historians and archaeologists: few of these towns have been studied in any detail. This study of London Town combines historical and archaeological research to illustrate the impact that outside forces such as war, market pressures, and regional development had on its growth and existence. This work documents the history of London Town and its role in the colonial mercantile system during the eighteenth century and is presented as a case study for future comparison.
2003-01-01T00:00:00ZKerns-Nocerito, Mechelle L.Presented herein is a detailed study of London Town, a tobacco port in Anne Arundel County, Maryland established during the British colonial period in North America. Long defunct, the town has been the subject of archaeological excavations since 1995. This research was undertaken to answer questions regarding the town's history, economic system, and its role in the local economy: what was the nature of the town; who lived in the town; and what were the forces that caused the town to grow and subsequently fail? Answering these questions has revealed a comprehensive portrait of London Town's undocumented past. This research proves that London Town played an important role in the economic development of Maryland and Anne Arundel County. It was one of many towns established in 1683 by the Maryland Assembly in the "Act for the Advancement of Trade." Only a small number of these towns survived beyond the colonial period. Those tobacco towns that have disappeared have been labelled the "lost towns" of Maryland by local historians and archaeologists: few of these towns have been studied in any detail. This study of London Town combines historical and archaeological research to illustrate the impact that outside forces such as war, market pressures, and regional development had on its growth and existence. This work documents the history of London Town and its role in the colonial mercantile system during the eighteenth century and is presented as a case study for future comparison.'Oradores' and 'defensores' : death in fifteenth-century CastileVivanco, Laurahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/138462019-03-29T16:11:46Z2001-01-01T00:00:00ZIn this thesis I have sought to investigate the attitudes towards death held by the elite of Castilian secular and ecclesiastical society in fifteenth-century Castile, the defensores and oradores. Although many wide-ranging studies of death in the Middle Ages exist, previous studies of death in this region and period have tended to be limited in scope and used a relatively narrow source-base. Possible differences in ideology between defensores and oradores have largely been ignored and these two estates have tended to be grouped together, inasmuch as they are thought to have formed an elite of society, and contrasted with the mass of the population, the labradores. Using a variety of literary, historical and legal texts I have examined the way in which types of death were classified, their expected consequences in the afterlife and the responses of the bereaved. I have sought to demonstrate that oradores and defensores had two distinct and coherent ideologies which manifested themselves in their approaches to death.
2001-01-01T00:00:00ZVivanco, LauraIn this thesis I have sought to investigate the attitudes towards death held by the elite of Castilian secular and ecclesiastical society in fifteenth-century Castile, the defensores and oradores. Although many wide-ranging studies of death in the Middle Ages exist, previous studies of death in this region and period have tended to be limited in scope and used a relatively narrow source-base. Possible differences in ideology between defensores and oradores have largely been ignored and these two estates have tended to be grouped together, inasmuch as they are thought to have formed an elite of society, and contrasted with the mass of the population, the labradores. Using a variety of literary, historical and legal texts I have examined the way in which types of death were classified, their expected consequences in the afterlife and the responses of the bereaved. I have sought to demonstrate that oradores and defensores had two distinct and coherent ideologies which manifested themselves in their approaches to death.'Preparing for government?' : Wilhelm Frick as Thuringia's Nazi Minister of the Interior and of Education, 23 January 1930 - 1 April 1931Crichton, Kevin Johnhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/138162019-03-29T16:09:03Z2002-01-01T00:00:00Z2002-01-01T00:00:00ZCrichton, Kevin JohnSolving the 'Highland problem' : Frank Fraser Darling and the West Highland Survey, 1943-1955Brokaw, Margaretta S.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/137782021-04-07T09:36:59Z2004-01-01T00:00:00ZBetween 1944 and 1951, Dr. Frank Fraser Darling conducted the West Highland Survey for the Department of Agriculture for Scotland with grants from the Development Commission. He sought to solve die 'Highland problem', a persistent demographic and economic problem in the West Highlands and Islands with centuries-old roots, but he was disappointed when the Survey failed to influence policy. It was not altogether a failure, however. It was a novel attempt to bridge the gap between the natural and social sciences. Fraser Darling attempted to use ecology to understand and solve the Highland problem, leading him to subtitle the report 'an essay in human ecology'. Reducing the problem to an ecological base, he contended that 'the Highlands are a devastated countryside, and that is the plain primary reason why there are now few people and why there is a constant economic problem'. The theories of Frederick Clements and W.C. Allee made him view the Highlands as a super-organism, the organic and inorganic constituents of which had achieved a delicate equilibrium over centuries. He contended that modern capitalist society disrupted and destroyed this stability through deforestation, the concept of private property, and the market economy. He used the Survey to criticize modern culture and to idealize traditional rural life. For rehabilitation he prescribed conservation as 'applied ecology' to regain eco-stability and cultural evolution to withstand the conforming pressure of modern society. The Survey failed for a number of reasons. The Department of Agriculture was suspicious of Fraser Darling, and his rehabilitative plan was ill-defined and impracticable because it was idealistic and based upon flawed history and science. But, it did not fail completely; it was an early forum for Fraser Darling's environmental philosophy, which later propelled him to great success in North America and Britain.
2004-01-01T00:00:00ZBrokaw, Margaretta S.Between 1944 and 1951, Dr. Frank Fraser Darling conducted the West Highland Survey for the Department of Agriculture for Scotland with grants from the Development Commission. He sought to solve die 'Highland problem', a persistent demographic and economic problem in the West Highlands and Islands with centuries-old roots, but he was disappointed when the Survey failed to influence policy. It was not altogether a failure, however. It was a novel attempt to bridge the gap between the natural and social sciences. Fraser Darling attempted to use ecology to understand and solve the Highland problem, leading him to subtitle the report 'an essay in human ecology'. Reducing the problem to an ecological base, he contended that 'the Highlands are a devastated countryside, and that is the plain primary reason why there are now few people and why there is a constant economic problem'. The theories of Frederick Clements and W.C. Allee made him view the Highlands as a super-organism, the organic and inorganic constituents of which had achieved a delicate equilibrium over centuries. He contended that modern capitalist society disrupted and destroyed this stability through deforestation, the concept of private property, and the market economy. He used the Survey to criticize modern culture and to idealize traditional rural life. For rehabilitation he prescribed conservation as 'applied ecology' to regain eco-stability and cultural evolution to withstand the conforming pressure of modern society. The Survey failed for a number of reasons. The Department of Agriculture was suspicious of Fraser Darling, and his rehabilitative plan was ill-defined and impracticable because it was idealistic and based upon flawed history and science. But, it did not fail completely; it was an early forum for Fraser Darling's environmental philosophy, which later propelled him to great success in North America and Britain.Realism, rationalism and revolutionism in Iran’s foreign policy : the West, the state and IslamGomari-Luksch, Lalehhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/137192019-03-29T16:08:44Z2018-06-28T00:00:00ZIran’s foreign policy is consistent and is fundamentally realist with a revolutionist vision while the means are rationalist is the central argument of this dissertation. I make use of the English Schools three traditions of realism, rationalism and revolutionism in analyzing the speeches of Iranian statesmen to identify the ways in which the dynamics of the three traditions have evolved since 1997 and what it means for interpreting the developments of Iran’s foreign policy ventures. I utilize both quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis in examining the speeches of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, the presidents since 1997. The quantitative method employs a customized software generating figures that represent the recurrence of realist, rationalist and revolutionist terminologies in all the documents downloaded from the official websites of the Iranian statesmen as well as the United Nations and select news agencies and affiliates. The quantitative phase of the analysis, meanwhile, carefully examined selected statements of the supreme leader and the presidents uncovering the foreign policy argumentations and justifications, which were studied alongside foreign policy actions and classified under the three traditions. The findings suggest that Iran’s foreign policy is the same as in the other states of international society – it is consistent and dynamic. It is simultaneously realist, rationalist and revolutionist with each tradition serving a specific purpose, which cannot be disentangled from the other two.
2018-06-28T00:00:00ZGomari-Luksch, LalehIran’s foreign policy is consistent and is fundamentally realist with a revolutionist vision while the means are rationalist is the central argument of this dissertation. I make use of the English Schools three traditions of realism, rationalism and revolutionism in analyzing the speeches of Iranian statesmen to identify the ways in which the dynamics of the three traditions have evolved since 1997 and what it means for interpreting the developments of Iran’s foreign policy ventures. I utilize both quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis in examining the speeches of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, the presidents since 1997. The quantitative method employs a customized software generating figures that represent the recurrence of realist, rationalist and revolutionist terminologies in all the documents downloaded from the official websites of the Iranian statesmen as well as the United Nations and select news agencies and affiliates. The quantitative phase of the analysis, meanwhile, carefully examined selected statements of the supreme leader and the presidents uncovering the foreign policy argumentations and justifications, which were studied alongside foreign policy actions and classified under the three traditions. The findings suggest that Iran’s foreign policy is the same as in the other states of international society – it is consistent and dynamic. It is simultaneously realist, rationalist and revolutionist with each tradition serving a specific purpose, which cannot be disentangled from the other two.Histories of concepts after the linguistic turnBrorson, Kristine Synnøvehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/136662019-03-29T16:08:33Z2005-01-01T00:00:00ZThe turn of the nineteenth century saw a philosophy directed towards linguistic epistemology and when this influence reached academia in general it became known as the linguistic turn. In historiography this turn happened in die second half of the twentieth century and one direction was towards semantics and concepts. The focus on concepts can be seen as an essential focus in historiography after the linguistic turn because concepts carry meaning and are thus the link between language (text) and historical reality (context). A conceptual analysis is a reliable source for past meaning. It is not only the German tradition of Begriffsgeschichte that can be seen as the history of concepts, although this is the traditional understanding of conceptual history. Histories of concepts can be socio-political as Begriffsgeschichte and works by Skinner, Pocock, Jonathan Clark and Stedman Jones, but also cultural like works by Stuart Clark, Foucault and Sandmo. In addition, there are similarities between gender history and conceptual history. Gender history is also a consequence of the linguistic turn and identity analysis of gender includes conceptual analysis. Notable academics in this field include Denise Riley, Judith Butler, John Boswell and Foucault. These approaches have in common a belief in the power of essential concepts power over society and social changes. Reinhart Koselleck and Michel Foucault are two historians with awareness of linguistics and their own conceptual methodology. Their approaches are, nevertheless, quite different and they use conceptual history for different purposes. Koselleck's writing is linked to his ideas on modernity and he finds Begriffsgeschichte the most suitable method to describe changes. Modernity can be seen as a conceptualisation process. Foucault sees language as power, and thus conceptual analysis is a critical method he uses to find the truth behind given power structures. Histories of concepts will always be critical disciplines.
2005-01-01T00:00:00ZBrorson, Kristine SynnøveThe turn of the nineteenth century saw a philosophy directed towards linguistic epistemology and when this influence reached academia in general it became known as the linguistic turn. In historiography this turn happened in die second half of the twentieth century and one direction was towards semantics and concepts. The focus on concepts can be seen as an essential focus in historiography after the linguistic turn because concepts carry meaning and are thus the link between language (text) and historical reality (context). A conceptual analysis is a reliable source for past meaning. It is not only the German tradition of Begriffsgeschichte that can be seen as the history of concepts, although this is the traditional understanding of conceptual history. Histories of concepts can be socio-political as Begriffsgeschichte and works by Skinner, Pocock, Jonathan Clark and Stedman Jones, but also cultural like works by Stuart Clark, Foucault and Sandmo. In addition, there are similarities between gender history and conceptual history. Gender history is also a consequence of the linguistic turn and identity analysis of gender includes conceptual analysis. Notable academics in this field include Denise Riley, Judith Butler, John Boswell and Foucault. These approaches have in common a belief in the power of essential concepts power over society and social changes. Reinhart Koselleck and Michel Foucault are two historians with awareness of linguistics and their own conceptual methodology. Their approaches are, nevertheless, quite different and they use conceptual history for different purposes. Koselleck's writing is linked to his ideas on modernity and he finds Begriffsgeschichte the most suitable method to describe changes. Modernity can be seen as a conceptualisation process. Foucault sees language as power, and thus conceptual analysis is a critical method he uses to find the truth behind given power structures. Histories of concepts will always be critical disciplines.Taming debauchery : church discipline in the Presbytery of St Andrews and the American colonies of New Jersey and New York, 1750-1800Huntley, Heather Maurinehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/136632020-11-05T13:56:15Z2004-01-01T00:00:00ZCreating moralistic societies was a concern of the churches and the governments of Scotland and the American colonies of New York and New Jersey in the eighteenth century. However, church and state relations in Scotland and the American colonies were dissimilar and the differences manifested themselves in the various approaches taken by each body to suppress the immoral behaviour that existed in both countries. By examining the disciplinary procedures and cases in the parishes of the Presbytery of St Andrews and the Presbyterian churches in the colonies of New York and New Jersey, these divergences emerge and illuminate the relationship between church and state. The Church of Scotland was recognized as the established church by the state and was allowed to implement its own Presbyterian system of government and discipline according to its ecclesiastical doctrines and theological beliefs. The state utilized its legal systems to punish and correct immoral behaviour. In Scotland, the two systems had defined boundaries and complemented one another in their efforts to suppress immorality. However, not only did the American colonies lack a centralized state until 1776, but the colonies also lacked an established church. Alternatively, each colony had its own governing bodies, judicial systems, and a variety of church denominations. The Presbyterian Church, one of the many churches in the colonies of New York and New Jersey, utilised a Presbyterian system of ecclesiastical discipline in order to supplement the judicial systems' attempts to suppress immorality within the colonies.
2004-01-01T00:00:00ZHuntley, Heather MaurineCreating moralistic societies was a concern of the churches and the governments of Scotland and the American colonies of New York and New Jersey in the eighteenth century. However, church and state relations in Scotland and the American colonies were dissimilar and the differences manifested themselves in the various approaches taken by each body to suppress the immoral behaviour that existed in both countries. By examining the disciplinary procedures and cases in the parishes of the Presbytery of St Andrews and the Presbyterian churches in the colonies of New York and New Jersey, these divergences emerge and illuminate the relationship between church and state. The Church of Scotland was recognized as the established church by the state and was allowed to implement its own Presbyterian system of government and discipline according to its ecclesiastical doctrines and theological beliefs. The state utilized its legal systems to punish and correct immoral behaviour. In Scotland, the two systems had defined boundaries and complemented one another in their efforts to suppress immorality. However, not only did the American colonies lack a centralized state until 1776, but the colonies also lacked an established church. Alternatively, each colony had its own governing bodies, judicial systems, and a variety of church denominations. The Presbyterian Church, one of the many churches in the colonies of New York and New Jersey, utilised a Presbyterian system of ecclesiastical discipline in order to supplement the judicial systems' attempts to suppress immorality within the colonies.Scots burgh finances prior to 1707Pryde, George S.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/136272019-03-29T16:11:46Z1926-01-01T00:00:00Z1926-01-01T00:00:00ZPryde, George S.Registration and control of fishing boats in the nineteenth centuryTanner, Matthewhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/135782019-03-29T16:10:53Z1994-07-01T00:00:00ZControlling fishermen at sea has been a difficult problem for British and continental Governments alike. This study shows how legislation was introduced during the nineteenth century whereby a framework was created to allow the authorities to control the behaviour of individuals at sea. The goals of the study are three-fold. Firstly to identify the problems facing the fishermen and the legislators in the nineteenth century. Conflicts and depredations between fishermen at sea were common during the nineteenth century and they can be divided into certain categories. Secondly to describe in detail the practical application and working of the measures which were applied to remedy them. The system of fishing boat registration and the numbering and lettering of fishing boats was the key to any successful policing system. And thirdly, to study the detailed working of a fishing boat register. For this purpose samples were taken from the Dundee and Arbroath register to understand the system and to consider the value of the fishing boat registers as a historical resource. These registers are an under-used resource which hold much specific information about individual boats and owners; this information does not appear in the well-known Fishery Board Reports, and it can answer questions on the patterns of boat use and ownership at the individual or regional level.
1994-07-01T00:00:00ZTanner, MatthewControlling fishermen at sea has been a difficult problem for British and continental Governments alike. This study shows how legislation was introduced during the nineteenth century whereby a framework was created to allow the authorities to control the behaviour of individuals at sea. The goals of the study are three-fold. Firstly to identify the problems facing the fishermen and the legislators in the nineteenth century. Conflicts and depredations between fishermen at sea were common during the nineteenth century and they can be divided into certain categories. Secondly to describe in detail the practical application and working of the measures which were applied to remedy them. The system of fishing boat registration and the numbering and lettering of fishing boats was the key to any successful policing system. And thirdly, to study the detailed working of a fishing boat register. For this purpose samples were taken from the Dundee and Arbroath register to understand the system and to consider the value of the fishing boat registers as a historical resource. These registers are an under-used resource which hold much specific information about individual boats and owners; this information does not appear in the well-known Fishery Board Reports, and it can answer questions on the patterns of boat use and ownership at the individual or regional level.Northwest Germany, Lippe, and the empire in early modern times : an analysis of small states and of federalism in the later Holy Roman EmpireBenecke, Gerhardhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/134512019-03-29T16:09:35Z1970-01-01T00:00:00Z1970-01-01T00:00:00ZBenecke, GerhardSurviving the Holocaust : experiences of emigration, deportation and forced labourStrachan, Gareth J.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/134382019-03-29T16:10:43Z2001-01-01T00:00:00ZThis is a study of survival and the 'Final Solution', taking its perspective from over
One hundred-and-fifty eyewitness Jewish testimonies from the Wiener Library Archive. The importance of the victims' perspective is clear in that the majority of historiography uses a
Nazi perspective in its analysis, leaving the Jews to tell of their experiences in separate
autobiographies. In this way, the archive has largely been ignored by historians, yet
provides some challenging insights into the three central aspects of the Holocaust of
emigration, deportation, and forced labour.
These aspects serve as the framework for analysis and focus on four key themes of
survival. Firstly, the awareness of Jews as to the true nature of the Nazi regime. Secondly,
how these Jews were treated by European non-Jews who have often been criticized in
secondary literature for being anti-Semitic. Thirdly, how the various German regions were
inconsistent in dealing with European Jews; sometimes indifferent to the low status of Jews
in the Nazi hierarchy and other times imposing extensive and vicious procedures to further
the policy of making Germany Judenfrei. Fourthly, the extent of pure luck in saving many
Jews from the death centres.
Ultimately, this study sets out both to analyse these four key themes individually
and to discover how they influenced survival in combination. This will demonstrate the
complexity of everyday existence in the Holocaust and how adapting to it often required
more than just a single moment of adjustment to its severity.
2001-01-01T00:00:00ZStrachan, Gareth J.This is a study of survival and the 'Final Solution', taking its perspective from over
One hundred-and-fifty eyewitness Jewish testimonies from the Wiener Library Archive. The importance of the victims' perspective is clear in that the majority of historiography uses a
Nazi perspective in its analysis, leaving the Jews to tell of their experiences in separate
autobiographies. In this way, the archive has largely been ignored by historians, yet
provides some challenging insights into the three central aspects of the Holocaust of
emigration, deportation, and forced labour.
These aspects serve as the framework for analysis and focus on four key themes of
survival. Firstly, the awareness of Jews as to the true nature of the Nazi regime. Secondly,
how these Jews were treated by European non-Jews who have often been criticized in
secondary literature for being anti-Semitic. Thirdly, how the various German regions were
inconsistent in dealing with European Jews; sometimes indifferent to the low status of Jews
in the Nazi hierarchy and other times imposing extensive and vicious procedures to further
the policy of making Germany Judenfrei. Fourthly, the extent of pure luck in saving many
Jews from the death centres.
Ultimately, this study sets out both to analyse these four key themes individually
and to discover how they influenced survival in combination. This will demonstrate the
complexity of everyday existence in the Holocaust and how adapting to it often required
more than just a single moment of adjustment to its severity.The administration of Scotland under the Duke of Lauderdale, 1660-1680Thomson, Edith E. B.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/132982021-04-27T02:08:06Z1928-01-01T00:00:00Z1928-01-01T00:00:00ZThomson, Edith E. B.The General Assembly of the Kirk as a rival of the Scottish ParliamentMacQueen, Edith Edgarhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/132952019-03-29T13:40:32Z1926-01-01T00:00:00ZThe accompanying thesis forms a study of the General Assembly as an influence not only upon Scottish
Politics but upon Scottish Representative Institutions.
The majority of writers upon the history of the Scottish
Church stress the private influence of individuals, which while interesting in itself was in many cases extraneous to the general movements both in the Kirk and in the development of the representative principle both as applied
to Kirk institutions and to Parliament and Conventions.
Several writers have seen in the General Assembly
a thoroughly democratic institution, which represented all
classes of social life and which prepared the way for the
ideal of a universal franchise. I have endeavoured to show
that the General Assembly for the greater part of its
development had little of this universal character and
was rather the expression of an "Opposition" which was
no more democratic in actual composition than the Parliament
itself.
The period 1560-1618 represents only part of the
period upon which I originally began investigation. To cope
with the century 1560-1660 I found that it would have been
necessary to omit much manuscript material which was
valuable for purposes of detail. I therefore limited the
present thesis to the 58 years after the Reformation
which saw the rise of the Assembly to full power 1592-96
and its subsequent decline, both as a political force and as a representative institution.
1926-01-01T00:00:00ZMacQueen, Edith EdgarThe accompanying thesis forms a study of the General Assembly as an influence not only upon Scottish
Politics but upon Scottish Representative Institutions.
The majority of writers upon the history of the Scottish
Church stress the private influence of individuals, which while interesting in itself was in many cases extraneous to the general movements both in the Kirk and in the development of the representative principle both as applied
to Kirk institutions and to Parliament and Conventions.
Several writers have seen in the General Assembly
a thoroughly democratic institution, which represented all
classes of social life and which prepared the way for the
ideal of a universal franchise. I have endeavoured to show
that the General Assembly for the greater part of its
development had little of this universal character and
was rather the expression of an "Opposition" which was
no more democratic in actual composition than the Parliament
itself.
The period 1560-1618 represents only part of the
period upon which I originally began investigation. To cope
with the century 1560-1660 I found that it would have been
necessary to omit much manuscript material which was
valuable for purposes of detail. I therefore limited the
present thesis to the 58 years after the Reformation
which saw the rise of the Assembly to full power 1592-96
and its subsequent decline, both as a political force and as a representative institution.Johann Sleidan and the Protestant vision of historyKess, Alexandra H.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/132382019-03-29T16:07:50Z2004-01-01T00:00:00ZThe main focus of interest in this PhD dissertation is the Reformation historian and diplomat Johann Sleidan (1506-1556). Born in Schleiden and brought up together with Strasbourg's famous Jean Sturm, Sleidan soon entered a period of active political life with his employment at the chancellory of Cardinal Jean Du Bellay in Paris in the mid-1530s. There and later in Strasbourg his main concern was to encourage a rapprochement or possible alliance between France and the German Protestants. It was also in Paris that Sleidan discovered history as his second passion. After translating key French historians into Latin, Sleidan moved on to produce his own works of a political-historical nature. His main work, De statu religionis et reipublicae Carolo Quinto Caesare commentarii, 'Commentaries on religion and state under Emperor Charles V', published in 1555, was initially commissioned by the Schmalkaldic League as the official history of the Reformation. Despite early hostile reactions, this history was an immediate success with the buying public, published in numerous editions and by the year 1560 circulated in six different languages. Chapters one to three explore Sleidan's biography in depth. The collection and analysis of contemporary correspondence has provided the cornerstone for a new narrative of Sleidan's life in the second half of this thesis I move to a detailed study of his principal published works. Chapter four concentrates on Sleidan's main work, the Commentaries. After placing this history in the context of contemporary German history writing, I examine this work in detail, treating its genesis, character, and methodology. I examine the unexpectedly hostile reactions to the first edition and its very rapid success with purchasers. I then move on to consider the longer-term reaction to Sleidan's great work, first in Germany and then in France. I explore the controversies aroused by Sleidan's work, among both Catholics and Protestants, and in contrast, the great respect for his scholarship that also straddled the religious confessions. Sleidan provided the context through which I have been able to analyse the life of a scholar in the sixteenth century, and the works of one of the foremost historians of the new evangelical movement. His life and his works have not, until this point, been placed in a broader context. His work as a translator and historian provides an excellent example of the movement of text around the cultural communities of Europe. Sleidan played a vital part in this process by offering Latin translations of leading French historians which would later be translated into other languages, and by publishing his own works in German or Latin, which were then translated into many other vernaculars. But Sleidan was also engaged in the world of public affairs. Sleidan's position in Du Bellay's chancellery in Paris has provided a new picture of French evangelism. This contact was not given up when Sleidan moved to Strasbourg. The Franco-imperial city has been shown again as one of the cultural centres of Europe from where an intellectual and political elite operated on a cross-national and cross-confessional level. Strasbourg with its francophone scholars was also the Schmalkaldic League's gateway to France. Sleidan's connections as a diplomat linked Germany and France, and have formed the basis for a new study of those in the Franco-German world who shared Sleidan's concerns to promote peace across the religious divide.
2004-01-01T00:00:00ZKess, Alexandra H.The main focus of interest in this PhD dissertation is the Reformation historian and diplomat Johann Sleidan (1506-1556). Born in Schleiden and brought up together with Strasbourg's famous Jean Sturm, Sleidan soon entered a period of active political life with his employment at the chancellory of Cardinal Jean Du Bellay in Paris in the mid-1530s. There and later in Strasbourg his main concern was to encourage a rapprochement or possible alliance between France and the German Protestants. It was also in Paris that Sleidan discovered history as his second passion. After translating key French historians into Latin, Sleidan moved on to produce his own works of a political-historical nature. His main work, De statu religionis et reipublicae Carolo Quinto Caesare commentarii, 'Commentaries on religion and state under Emperor Charles V', published in 1555, was initially commissioned by the Schmalkaldic League as the official history of the Reformation. Despite early hostile reactions, this history was an immediate success with the buying public, published in numerous editions and by the year 1560 circulated in six different languages. Chapters one to three explore Sleidan's biography in depth. The collection and analysis of contemporary correspondence has provided the cornerstone for a new narrative of Sleidan's life in the second half of this thesis I move to a detailed study of his principal published works. Chapter four concentrates on Sleidan's main work, the Commentaries. After placing this history in the context of contemporary German history writing, I examine this work in detail, treating its genesis, character, and methodology. I examine the unexpectedly hostile reactions to the first edition and its very rapid success with purchasers. I then move on to consider the longer-term reaction to Sleidan's great work, first in Germany and then in France. I explore the controversies aroused by Sleidan's work, among both Catholics and Protestants, and in contrast, the great respect for his scholarship that also straddled the religious confessions. Sleidan provided the context through which I have been able to analyse the life of a scholar in the sixteenth century, and the works of one of the foremost historians of the new evangelical movement. His life and his works have not, until this point, been placed in a broader context. His work as a translator and historian provides an excellent example of the movement of text around the cultural communities of Europe. Sleidan played a vital part in this process by offering Latin translations of leading French historians which would later be translated into other languages, and by publishing his own works in German or Latin, which were then translated into many other vernaculars. But Sleidan was also engaged in the world of public affairs. Sleidan's position in Du Bellay's chancellery in Paris has provided a new picture of French evangelism. This contact was not given up when Sleidan moved to Strasbourg. The Franco-imperial city has been shown again as one of the cultural centres of Europe from where an intellectual and political elite operated on a cross-national and cross-confessional level. Strasbourg with its francophone scholars was also the Schmalkaldic League's gateway to France. Sleidan's connections as a diplomat linked Germany and France, and have formed the basis for a new study of those in the Franco-German world who shared Sleidan's concerns to promote peace across the religious divide.Britain and Corsica 1728-1796 : political intervention and the myth of libertyLong, Lukehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/132322019-07-11T13:34:19Z2018-06-28T00:00:00ZBritain’s foreign relations formed a crucial component of the political nation during the eighteenth century. Foreign affairs were a key issue of state, and perceived failure within European power politics could cause the fall of government ministries. Britain’s foreign relations with the main European powers, and especially France and Spain, have been extensively recorded. Britain’s unique relationship with Corsica has been neglected. Corsica can appear to be insignificant compared to other European states. Many British writers, however, government officials, naval and military officers, considered Corsica to be of the highest importance within eighteenth-century foreign affairs. Corsica was especially important within the larger sphere of Anglo-French rivalry. Corsica was one of the few territories that was ruled by both nations during the eighteenth century. This thesis reveals that Britain’s relations with Corsica were far more significant than has been previously realised. Britain’s relations and interactions with Corsica remained relatively consistent throughout the period from 1728 up until 1796. The two main developments to occur between Britain and Corsica during the eighteenth century were, firstly, the ‘Corsican crisis’ (1768-1769) and, secondly, the establishment of an Anglo-Corsican Kingdom (1794-1796). These are discussed in chapter 2 and chapter 4 of the thesis respectively. Both of these ‘events’ have been studied as being separate from each other and as confined to their respective periods of time. This thesis aims to link and to compare these two key developments for the first time, and to show that the Corsican crisis directly influenced the Anglo-Corsican constitution in 1794.Corsica was the largest European territory to be ruled by Britain during the eighteenth century. The Anglo-Corsican Kingdom provides a unique insight into how Britain might rule conquered territories in Europe. The thesis charts and explains Britain’s relations with Corsica against the background of the second hundred years war against France.
2018-06-28T00:00:00ZLong, LukeBritain’s foreign relations formed a crucial component of the political nation during the eighteenth century. Foreign affairs were a key issue of state, and perceived failure within European power politics could cause the fall of government ministries. Britain’s foreign relations with the main European powers, and especially France and Spain, have been extensively recorded. Britain’s unique relationship with Corsica has been neglected. Corsica can appear to be insignificant compared to other European states. Many British writers, however, government officials, naval and military officers, considered Corsica to be of the highest importance within eighteenth-century foreign affairs. Corsica was especially important within the larger sphere of Anglo-French rivalry. Corsica was one of the few territories that was ruled by both nations during the eighteenth century. This thesis reveals that Britain’s relations with Corsica were far more significant than has been previously realised. Britain’s relations and interactions with Corsica remained relatively consistent throughout the period from 1728 up until 1796. The two main developments to occur between Britain and Corsica during the eighteenth century were, firstly, the ‘Corsican crisis’ (1768-1769) and, secondly, the establishment of an Anglo-Corsican Kingdom (1794-1796). These are discussed in chapter 2 and chapter 4 of the thesis respectively. Both of these ‘events’ have been studied as being separate from each other and as confined to their respective periods of time. This thesis aims to link and to compare these two key developments for the first time, and to show that the Corsican crisis directly influenced the Anglo-Corsican constitution in 1794.Corsica was the largest European territory to be ruled by Britain during the eighteenth century. The Anglo-Corsican Kingdom provides a unique insight into how Britain might rule conquered territories in Europe. The thesis charts and explains Britain’s relations with Corsica against the background of the second hundred years war against France.A study in the history of the development of British public opinion on Anglo-American relations from the year 1805 to 1812Currie, David Ramagehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/130852019-03-29T16:09:52Z1935-01-01T00:00:00Z1935-01-01T00:00:00ZCurrie, David RamageSex, salvation, and the city : the monastery of Sant'Elisabetta delle Convertite as a civic institution in Florence, 1329-1627Jack, Gillianhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/126542023-07-03T11:34:15Z2018-06-28T00:00:00ZThis thesis reassesses the importance of Sant'Elisabetta delle Convertite, a monastery for repentant prostitutes, in Florence from its foundation in 1329 to 1627 after the Grand Duke became the monastery’s protector. Although it was one of the oldest and most populous female houses in the city, historians have tended to underestimate its importance to municipal authorities. This thesis reframes the monastery as a civic institution with a key role in changing municipal responses to prostitution.
The thesis makes extensive use of primary source material from the monastery itself, including ricordi (record books), accounts, and contracts, as well as from civic magistrates, particularly the Ufficiali dell’Onestà. Legislative sources from the late thirteenth to the early seventeenth centuries also show how the funding of Sant’Elisabetta reflected the city’s changing responses to the regulation of prostitution, and the funding of Sant’Elisabetta.
This thesis argues that the monastery of repentant prostitutes was an important civic institution in late medieval and early modern Florence and became so as a result of civic funding provided in consequence of changing municipal strategies to control prostitution. Successive Florentine municipal administrations acted to ensure the monastery’s survival and stability in response to petitions from the Convertite claiming poverty. The priors’ solutions varied between ad hoc direct funding, portions of the fines and penalties levied by magistrates, and a quarter of prostitutes’ estates, redirected to Sant’Elisabetta until ultimately, the monastery would be brought under the direct control of the Grand Ducal administration in 1620. They also restricted admissions to the monastery, which had the effect of ensuring its longevity by preserving its unique place among the city’s welfare institutions.
By tracing municipal interest and intervention in Sant’Elisabetta delle Convertite, this study contributes to knowledge of the significance of the civic role played by the monastery.
2018-06-28T00:00:00ZJack, GillianThis thesis reassesses the importance of Sant'Elisabetta delle Convertite, a monastery for repentant prostitutes, in Florence from its foundation in 1329 to 1627 after the Grand Duke became the monastery’s protector. Although it was one of the oldest and most populous female houses in the city, historians have tended to underestimate its importance to municipal authorities. This thesis reframes the monastery as a civic institution with a key role in changing municipal responses to prostitution.
The thesis makes extensive use of primary source material from the monastery itself, including ricordi (record books), accounts, and contracts, as well as from civic magistrates, particularly the Ufficiali dell’Onestà. Legislative sources from the late thirteenth to the early seventeenth centuries also show how the funding of Sant’Elisabetta reflected the city’s changing responses to the regulation of prostitution, and the funding of Sant’Elisabetta.
This thesis argues that the monastery of repentant prostitutes was an important civic institution in late medieval and early modern Florence and became so as a result of civic funding provided in consequence of changing municipal strategies to control prostitution. Successive Florentine municipal administrations acted to ensure the monastery’s survival and stability in response to petitions from the Convertite claiming poverty. The priors’ solutions varied between ad hoc direct funding, portions of the fines and penalties levied by magistrates, and a quarter of prostitutes’ estates, redirected to Sant’Elisabetta until ultimately, the monastery would be brought under the direct control of the Grand Ducal administration in 1620. They also restricted admissions to the monastery, which had the effect of ensuring its longevity by preserving its unique place among the city’s welfare institutions.
By tracing municipal interest and intervention in Sant’Elisabetta delle Convertite, this study contributes to knowledge of the significance of the civic role played by the monastery.Patterns of recruitment of the Highland regiments of the British Army, 1756-1815MacDonald Carpenter, Stanley Deanhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/126332019-03-29T16:07:44Z1977-01-01T00:00:00ZIn the years following the military defeat of Jacobitism in 1746 and the legal destruction of the Highland clan system, the Highlands of Scotland provided many thousands of troops for service in the British army and especially in the numerous Highland corps, both Fencible and regular of line as well as Volunteer and Militia, which were raised after 1756.
Although other Highland corps, the Argyleshire Highlanders raised in 1689, the Black Watch composed of the amalgamated Independent Companies in 1739 and Loudon’s Highlanders embodied in 1745, had been raised prior to 1756, the great fear of Jacobite activity and of arming the Highlanders on the part of the English political nation, prevented the extensive use of Highlanders in the British army throughout the first half of the 18th century. With the renewal of war with France in 1756, however, the need for troops was crucial. William Pitt the Elder succeeded in persuading the Cabinet and King George of the great advantages of employing Highlanders in army service. Not only did this action remove the disaffected Highlanders from the country and employed them against the foreign enemies, the policy opened up a storehouse of willing, aggressive, loyal and first-rate troops for the wars of the 18th and early 19th centuries.
Thousands of Highlanders enlisted in the Highland regiments and as many as 100,000 men served from 1793 to 1815, a figure out of proportion to the population of the region in the 18th century. Not only the pressures of a rapidly rising population and unemployment, but also the appeals to clan loyalty and duty to one’s superior served to bring out the Highlanders in great numbers. The area of heaviest recruitment proved to be the northwest Highlands and Islands where the pressures of population and unemployment were most heavily felt. This region was also the most conservative and traditional, a phenomenon brought about by the relative isolation from the modernizing influences of Lowland Scotland.
The over-recruiting of the Highlands, especially after 1800, led to the eventual collapse of Highland recruiting. Not only was the surplus manpower severely drained, but appeals to clan loyalty had diminished in strength, especially under the impact of a changing economy and the growing alienation of clan chieftains to their tenants and the erosion of the patriarchal social system.
Several factors were of importance to the patterns of the recruitment of the Highland regiments such as the matter of financial arrangements. Bounties became increasingly important as the recruiting efforts began to falter. The growing dependence on non-Highlanders, particularly Lowlanders and Irish, clearly indicates the breakdown of Highland recruiting. This thesis, then, examines in detail these major themes and patterns of recruiting for the Highland regiments from the beginning of the Seven Years’ War to the final defeat of Napoleonic France in 1815.
1977-01-01T00:00:00ZMacDonald Carpenter, Stanley DeanIn the years following the military defeat of Jacobitism in 1746 and the legal destruction of the Highland clan system, the Highlands of Scotland provided many thousands of troops for service in the British army and especially in the numerous Highland corps, both Fencible and regular of line as well as Volunteer and Militia, which were raised after 1756.
Although other Highland corps, the Argyleshire Highlanders raised in 1689, the Black Watch composed of the amalgamated Independent Companies in 1739 and Loudon’s Highlanders embodied in 1745, had been raised prior to 1756, the great fear of Jacobite activity and of arming the Highlanders on the part of the English political nation, prevented the extensive use of Highlanders in the British army throughout the first half of the 18th century. With the renewal of war with France in 1756, however, the need for troops was crucial. William Pitt the Elder succeeded in persuading the Cabinet and King George of the great advantages of employing Highlanders in army service. Not only did this action remove the disaffected Highlanders from the country and employed them against the foreign enemies, the policy opened up a storehouse of willing, aggressive, loyal and first-rate troops for the wars of the 18th and early 19th centuries.
Thousands of Highlanders enlisted in the Highland regiments and as many as 100,000 men served from 1793 to 1815, a figure out of proportion to the population of the region in the 18th century. Not only the pressures of a rapidly rising population and unemployment, but also the appeals to clan loyalty and duty to one’s superior served to bring out the Highlanders in great numbers. The area of heaviest recruitment proved to be the northwest Highlands and Islands where the pressures of population and unemployment were most heavily felt. This region was also the most conservative and traditional, a phenomenon brought about by the relative isolation from the modernizing influences of Lowland Scotland.
The over-recruiting of the Highlands, especially after 1800, led to the eventual collapse of Highland recruiting. Not only was the surplus manpower severely drained, but appeals to clan loyalty had diminished in strength, especially under the impact of a changing economy and the growing alienation of clan chieftains to their tenants and the erosion of the patriarchal social system.
Several factors were of importance to the patterns of the recruitment of the Highland regiments such as the matter of financial arrangements. Bounties became increasingly important as the recruiting efforts began to falter. The growing dependence on non-Highlanders, particularly Lowlanders and Irish, clearly indicates the breakdown of Highland recruiting. This thesis, then, examines in detail these major themes and patterns of recruiting for the Highland regiments from the beginning of the Seven Years’ War to the final defeat of Napoleonic France in 1815.Title redactedMcNamara, Kevinhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/122652022-03-15T10:22:28Z2017-06-22T00:00:00Z2017-06-22T00:00:00ZMcNamara, KevinThe Court of Louis XIII, 1610-1643Jaffré, Marc W. S.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/121532022-10-27T13:34:09Z2017-12-08T00:00:00ZLouis XIII's reign has long garnered historians' and popular interest. The king of Cardinal Richelieu and the three musketeers, Louis is traditionally viewed as having presided over the development of the French state and facilitated the rise of absolutism. Yet his court has received comparatively little attention. Traditionally understood as the reflection of its master, Louis XIII's court has been assumed to be backwards and inconsequential. On the contrary, this thesis contends that Louis's court experienced substantial institutional development and expansion over the course of his rule. Neither Louis nor Richelieu was the principal instigator of this growth. The main drivers were the courtiers themselves who sought to expand their prerogatives and to find new ways of profiting from their offices. The changes that were initiated from the top down were not determined by a broad, sweeping agenda held by Louis or his minister-favourites but rather by immediate needs and contingencies. Cardinal Richelieu, nonetheless, recognised that Louis's court really mattered for high politics in this period: the royal households produced key players for the governance of the realm, either gravitating from court office to broader governmental office, or holding both simultaneously. Furthermore, Louis's court helped to bind the realm together, not just because it acted as a hub attracting people from the provinces but also because of the time it spent in the provinces. Richelieu, however, struggled to control this court — so vital to the direction of the French monarchy in this period — because its members were so active and vibrant. They shaped the cultural and social environment surrounding and associated with the court because they were heavily invested in the court as an institution. Indeed, the court did not only serve the needs of the monarch: courts could only operate because a large group of people had a stake in ensuring that they functioned. By establishing the importance of Louis XIII's court for the direction of the French monarchy, and his courtiers' role in moulding it, this thesis seeks to throw light on humans' fundamental relationship with power.
2017-12-08T00:00:00ZJaffré, Marc W. S.Louis XIII's reign has long garnered historians' and popular interest. The king of Cardinal Richelieu and the three musketeers, Louis is traditionally viewed as having presided over the development of the French state and facilitated the rise of absolutism. Yet his court has received comparatively little attention. Traditionally understood as the reflection of its master, Louis XIII's court has been assumed to be backwards and inconsequential. On the contrary, this thesis contends that Louis's court experienced substantial institutional development and expansion over the course of his rule. Neither Louis nor Richelieu was the principal instigator of this growth. The main drivers were the courtiers themselves who sought to expand their prerogatives and to find new ways of profiting from their offices. The changes that were initiated from the top down were not determined by a broad, sweeping agenda held by Louis or his minister-favourites but rather by immediate needs and contingencies. Cardinal Richelieu, nonetheless, recognised that Louis's court really mattered for high politics in this period: the royal households produced key players for the governance of the realm, either gravitating from court office to broader governmental office, or holding both simultaneously. Furthermore, Louis's court helped to bind the realm together, not just because it acted as a hub attracting people from the provinces but also because of the time it spent in the provinces. Richelieu, however, struggled to control this court — so vital to the direction of the French monarchy in this period — because its members were so active and vibrant. They shaped the cultural and social environment surrounding and associated with the court because they were heavily invested in the court as an institution. Indeed, the court did not only serve the needs of the monarch: courts could only operate because a large group of people had a stake in ensuring that they functioned. By establishing the importance of Louis XIII's court for the direction of the French monarchy, and his courtiers' role in moulding it, this thesis seeks to throw light on humans' fundamental relationship with power.Roger Morrice and his 'Entring book' : 'all the news that's fit to print'Bide, Richard Williamhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/119172019-03-29T16:10:40Z2017-01-01T00:00:00ZIt is a reasonable assumption to make that anyone with a passing knowledge
of British history will have heard of Samuel Pepys, the seventeenth-century
‘man about town’. His diary has been the subject of extensive research by
scholars over three centuries and represents a spectacular primary source
which is testament to a life lived to the full, in one of the most turbulent
periods in British history.
However, there is now competition for the title of most influential news-
gatherer of the seventeenth century, in the form of Roger Morrice, a
Presbyterian minister who acted as what today might be described as a
political or investigative journalist for the period 1677-1691. His reporting
activities serviced the informational needs of a network of Presbyterian
patrons through manuscript newsletters which eventually he termed his
Entring Book. The edited version of the Entring Book was published in 2007
under the auspices of Mark Goldie.
Described by Goldie as a political work, there is no doubt that the emphasis
of the Entring Book is distinctly politico-religious in nature and successfully
captures the forces at work during the second half of the seventeenth century,
ranging from the Restoration, the Popish Plot and the Exclusion Crisis to the
Glorious Revolution. Notwithstanding this strong political bias and in spite
of allusions to what today’s historians might describe as ‘social history’ in the edited Entring Book, much of the Book’s content can properly be termed as
‘social’ in nature, embracing significant subject-matter as wide-ranging as
duelling, mortality, playhouses and the sexual mores of the period, alongside
subjects such as diverse as child kidnap, urban violence, fire, weather and
cases of suicide, to name but a few.
With the political angles of the Entring Book well covered by Goldie et al,
the purpose of this dissertation is two-fold. Firstly, to review the culture in
which Morrice practised information-gathering for his patrons and, secondly,
to shed more light on the so far neglected social dimensions of the Entring
Book.
2017-01-01T00:00:00ZBide, Richard WilliamIt is a reasonable assumption to make that anyone with a passing knowledge
of British history will have heard of Samuel Pepys, the seventeenth-century
‘man about town’. His diary has been the subject of extensive research by
scholars over three centuries and represents a spectacular primary source
which is testament to a life lived to the full, in one of the most turbulent
periods in British history.
However, there is now competition for the title of most influential news-
gatherer of the seventeenth century, in the form of Roger Morrice, a
Presbyterian minister who acted as what today might be described as a
political or investigative journalist for the period 1677-1691. His reporting
activities serviced the informational needs of a network of Presbyterian
patrons through manuscript newsletters which eventually he termed his
Entring Book. The edited version of the Entring Book was published in 2007
under the auspices of Mark Goldie.
Described by Goldie as a political work, there is no doubt that the emphasis
of the Entring Book is distinctly politico-religious in nature and successfully
captures the forces at work during the second half of the seventeenth century,
ranging from the Restoration, the Popish Plot and the Exclusion Crisis to the
Glorious Revolution. Notwithstanding this strong political bias and in spite
of allusions to what today’s historians might describe as ‘social history’ in the edited Entring Book, much of the Book’s content can properly be termed as
‘social’ in nature, embracing significant subject-matter as wide-ranging as
duelling, mortality, playhouses and the sexual mores of the period, alongside
subjects such as diverse as child kidnap, urban violence, fire, weather and
cases of suicide, to name but a few.
With the political angles of the Entring Book well covered by Goldie et al,
the purpose of this dissertation is two-fold. Firstly, to review the culture in
which Morrice practised information-gathering for his patrons and, secondly,
to shed more light on the so far neglected social dimensions of the Entring
Book.The Foreign Office and British foreign policy during the Abyssinian crisis, 1934-1935Fischer, Keith E.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/117622019-03-29T16:08:02Z1989-01-01T00:00:00ZThis is not a thesis about the Abyssinian Crisis or even, for that matter, Britain and the Abyssinian Crisis. Rather, it is about British foreign policy and the Foreign Office during the crisis. While a considerable amount of scholarship dealing with the Abyssinian Crisis has appeared, there has not been, at least to my knowledge, a full-scale study of this particular aspect of the crisis. That the subject warrants such scrutiny is, in my mind, without question. Indeed, the crisis shattered British foreign policy. At the end of the day, the League of Nations was crippled, and Italy, once Britain's ally against Nazi Germany, was alienated. In the process, Britain's Foreign Secretary was forced to resign. I have written this thesis as a functional analysis designed to address the question of how British policy evolved and was implemented during the Abyssinian Crisis, the assumptions upon which that policy was based, the long and short-term goals of that policy, and the Foreign Office's day-to-day management of policy, will all be examined. The personalities of those in charge of British policy, and policy disputes between the Foreign Office staff will also be given full coverage. Drawing primarily from Foreign Office documents, I will look at British policy leading up to and culminating in, Sir Samuel Hoare's trip to Paris and the so-called Hoare-Laval "Pact." Thus I will examine Hoare-Laval as a case-study. Since British foreign policy during the Abyssinian Crisis originated in, and was carried out by the Foreign Office, then it is there that an explanation for Britain's behaviour during the crisis will be found. However, since a study of British policy during the Abyssinian Crisis would be incomplete without some elucidation of the Cabinet and Cabinet subcommittees' role in the policy-making process, I have devoted one chapter to this purpose.
1989-01-01T00:00:00ZFischer, Keith E.This is not a thesis about the Abyssinian Crisis or even, for that matter, Britain and the Abyssinian Crisis. Rather, it is about British foreign policy and the Foreign Office during the crisis. While a considerable amount of scholarship dealing with the Abyssinian Crisis has appeared, there has not been, at least to my knowledge, a full-scale study of this particular aspect of the crisis. That the subject warrants such scrutiny is, in my mind, without question. Indeed, the crisis shattered British foreign policy. At the end of the day, the League of Nations was crippled, and Italy, once Britain's ally against Nazi Germany, was alienated. In the process, Britain's Foreign Secretary was forced to resign. I have written this thesis as a functional analysis designed to address the question of how British policy evolved and was implemented during the Abyssinian Crisis, the assumptions upon which that policy was based, the long and short-term goals of that policy, and the Foreign Office's day-to-day management of policy, will all be examined. The personalities of those in charge of British policy, and policy disputes between the Foreign Office staff will also be given full coverage. Drawing primarily from Foreign Office documents, I will look at British policy leading up to and culminating in, Sir Samuel Hoare's trip to Paris and the so-called Hoare-Laval "Pact." Thus I will examine Hoare-Laval as a case-study. Since British foreign policy during the Abyssinian Crisis originated in, and was carried out by the Foreign Office, then it is there that an explanation for Britain's behaviour during the crisis will be found. However, since a study of British policy during the Abyssinian Crisis would be incomplete without some elucidation of the Cabinet and Cabinet subcommittees' role in the policy-making process, I have devoted one chapter to this purpose.'Pay any price, bear any burden': The U.S. Army's Counter-Insurgency Doctrine from Kennedy to the Vietnam WarRitchie, George Forman Michaelhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/117382019-03-29T16:10:53Z2017-12-08T00:00:00ZThis thesis is an analysis of the U.S. Army’s counter-insurgency doctrine from its roots to its application in South Vietnam during the Vietnam War. Contrary to the arguments of a specific section of scholars, the Army did not fail to defeat the National Liberation Front (NLF) because it did not use counter-insurgency methods. This thesis explains that the Army developed a comprehensive, albeit flawed, counter-insurgency doctrine and applied it in South Vietnam. While the Army’s counter-insurgency doctrine had serious deficiencies, it was the deeply unsound South Vietnamese government and the NLF’s formidable political revolution that were the primary reasons for its failure to achieve its objectives.
This thesis utilises the body of literature produced by U.S. Army officers, officers of allied nations and academics during the creation of the Army’s counter-insurgency doctrine, as well as the field manuals that resulted from this research. These sources reveal the self-interest of Army commanders in their pursuit of a counter-insurgency mission, the purpose of which was to reverse the reductions enforced upon the Army during the 1950s. Crucially, these sources also display the Army’s perception of insurgencies in the developing world as the result of Communist-bloc attempts to expand communism. This perception, as well as the overconfidence of much of the Army’s leadership, was influential in shaping counter-insurgency doctrine.
The Army’s self-interest put it on a path of its own making that led to the Vietnam War. The Army’s field manuals on counter-insurgency warfare show it expected to face an insurgency that was born out of the Cold War struggle and its methods reflected this belief. Therefore, it did not grasp that the NLF’s revolution had deep-seated historical roots. The Army’s counter-insurgency programmes, which emphasised civic action and destruction of guerrillas, were wholly ineffective in eradicating the NLF’s largely political revolution.
2017-12-08T00:00:00ZRitchie, George Forman MichaelThis thesis is an analysis of the U.S. Army’s counter-insurgency doctrine from its roots to its application in South Vietnam during the Vietnam War. Contrary to the arguments of a specific section of scholars, the Army did not fail to defeat the National Liberation Front (NLF) because it did not use counter-insurgency methods. This thesis explains that the Army developed a comprehensive, albeit flawed, counter-insurgency doctrine and applied it in South Vietnam. While the Army’s counter-insurgency doctrine had serious deficiencies, it was the deeply unsound South Vietnamese government and the NLF’s formidable political revolution that were the primary reasons for its failure to achieve its objectives.
This thesis utilises the body of literature produced by U.S. Army officers, officers of allied nations and academics during the creation of the Army’s counter-insurgency doctrine, as well as the field manuals that resulted from this research. These sources reveal the self-interest of Army commanders in their pursuit of a counter-insurgency mission, the purpose of which was to reverse the reductions enforced upon the Army during the 1950s. Crucially, these sources also display the Army’s perception of insurgencies in the developing world as the result of Communist-bloc attempts to expand communism. This perception, as well as the overconfidence of much of the Army’s leadership, was influential in shaping counter-insurgency doctrine.
The Army’s self-interest put it on a path of its own making that led to the Vietnam War. The Army’s field manuals on counter-insurgency warfare show it expected to face an insurgency that was born out of the Cold War struggle and its methods reflected this belief. Therefore, it did not grasp that the NLF’s revolution had deep-seated historical roots. The Army’s counter-insurgency programmes, which emphasised civic action and destruction of guerrillas, were wholly ineffective in eradicating the NLF’s largely political revolution."So perverse an ally" : Great Britain’s alliance with Austria in the war of the Spanish SuccessionKarges, Caleb Williamhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/116872021-02-17T11:01:44Z2015-08-01T00:00:00ZThe War of the Spanish Succession saw the culmination in the development of European warfare during the “Military Revolution” period, which saw European states fielding larger armies with geographically more ambitious strategies under the umbrella of the nascent eighteenth‐century phenomenon of the “Fiscal‐Military State.” By investigating the Austro‐British alliance at the diplomatic, strategic, logistical, and operational levels during the war, greater insight can be gained into the mechanics of alliance warfare and how two allies reconcile independent war strategies in order to achieve a common goal. This is done in particular by exploring British attempts to influence Austrian war strategy through the tools of diplomacy and logistics in order to bring it more in line with British war strategy, particularly in the region of southern Europe. The chronological approach adopted by this thesis will demonstrate how the course of a war can influence strategy and, in turn, facilitate or impede allied collaboration. The early years of the war saw unsuccessful attempts at Austro‐British collaboration due to the distance between the two allies and the limited contact between them. The 1703 crisis of the Austrian monarchy following financial collapse, rebellion, and a hostile Bavaria forced a dramatic revision of British strategy, culminating the Blenheim campaign of 1704. The expansion of the war into Iberia saw a broadening of Austro‐British military contacts, and the strategic situation in Italy was the source of greater collaboration. However, this expanded collaboration could prove diplomatically damaging when strategic or operational goals diverged. The later years of the war saw Austro‐British collaboration reach its peak, but Austria had to sacrifice much of the direction of its own war effort in the Mediterranean to Britain as the price for British support. The final years of the war saw British and Austrian war strategies diverge in light of the death of Joseph I.
2015-08-01T00:00:00ZKarges, Caleb WilliamThe War of the Spanish Succession saw the culmination in the development of European warfare during the “Military Revolution” period, which saw European states fielding larger armies with geographically more ambitious strategies under the umbrella of the nascent eighteenth‐century phenomenon of the “Fiscal‐Military State.” By investigating the Austro‐British alliance at the diplomatic, strategic, logistical, and operational levels during the war, greater insight can be gained into the mechanics of alliance warfare and how two allies reconcile independent war strategies in order to achieve a common goal. This is done in particular by exploring British attempts to influence Austrian war strategy through the tools of diplomacy and logistics in order to bring it more in line with British war strategy, particularly in the region of southern Europe. The chronological approach adopted by this thesis will demonstrate how the course of a war can influence strategy and, in turn, facilitate or impede allied collaboration. The early years of the war saw unsuccessful attempts at Austro‐British collaboration due to the distance between the two allies and the limited contact between them. The 1703 crisis of the Austrian monarchy following financial collapse, rebellion, and a hostile Bavaria forced a dramatic revision of British strategy, culminating the Blenheim campaign of 1704. The expansion of the war into Iberia saw a broadening of Austro‐British military contacts, and the strategic situation in Italy was the source of greater collaboration. However, this expanded collaboration could prove diplomatically damaging when strategic or operational goals diverged. The later years of the war saw Austro‐British collaboration reach its peak, but Austria had to sacrifice much of the direction of its own war effort in the Mediterranean to Britain as the price for British support. The final years of the war saw British and Austrian war strategies diverge in light of the death of Joseph I.Title redactedWoods, Jackhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/115722017-08-31T15:21:24Z2017-12-08T00:00:00Z2017-12-08T00:00:00ZWoods, JackTitle redactedLimbach, Saskiahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/114772021-07-15T08:48:42Z2017-06-01T00:00:00Z2017-06-01T00:00:00ZLimbach, SaskiaThe judgement of the Symbionese Liberation Army : displaced narratives of 1970s American political violenceMcGuire, Megan Ryanhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/113812022-10-11T12:18:04Z2014-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis outlines the perception of homegrown political violence in
The United States during the 1970s, as personified by the Symbionese Liberation
Army, through a reconstruction and analysis of the critical narratives used to
ascribe meaning to them contemporaneously. Scholarship thus far has failed to
recognize the importance of this group, dismissing their ineffectual actions and
ideology rather than recognizing the broader importance of their cultural
permeation. Although the SLA was informed by juvenile political awareness and
characterized by largely ineffective revolutionary actions, the failure by most
historians of the period to address the form and function of their ubiquitous
public image has contributed to the groundless historical assumption that the
political violence of the early 1970s was no more than the inevitable result of the
personal and political self-indulgences of the 1960s. This misconception has thus
far preempted meaningful analysis of this chapter of unprecedented American
political violence and the American public’s first interaction with political
extremism, articulated through civilian casualties, bombings, kidnapping, and the
co-option of print and broadcast media. This experience, and particularly the way
in which the SLA was portrayed at that time, contributed to the construction of
simplistic dichotomies and vague explanations for political violence that were
used contemporaneously to delegitimize protest by the left and justify the
governmental abuse of civil liberties and have carried through largely unchanged
to public discourse today. A careful analysis of the construction and reception of
the SLA's meaning is therefore essential to a more lucid understanding of the
times. Accordingly, the goal of this thesis is to reconstruct and analyze the
narratives of the SLA in order to understand their role in American culture and
1970s political violence and ultimately to chart their loss of agency and the
devaluation of their meaning in both history and public memory.
2014-01-01T00:00:00ZMcGuire, Megan RyanThis thesis outlines the perception of homegrown political violence in
The United States during the 1970s, as personified by the Symbionese Liberation
Army, through a reconstruction and analysis of the critical narratives used to
ascribe meaning to them contemporaneously. Scholarship thus far has failed to
recognize the importance of this group, dismissing their ineffectual actions and
ideology rather than recognizing the broader importance of their cultural
permeation. Although the SLA was informed by juvenile political awareness and
characterized by largely ineffective revolutionary actions, the failure by most
historians of the period to address the form and function of their ubiquitous
public image has contributed to the groundless historical assumption that the
political violence of the early 1970s was no more than the inevitable result of the
personal and political self-indulgences of the 1960s. This misconception has thus
far preempted meaningful analysis of this chapter of unprecedented American
political violence and the American public’s first interaction with political
extremism, articulated through civilian casualties, bombings, kidnapping, and the
co-option of print and broadcast media. This experience, and particularly the way
in which the SLA was portrayed at that time, contributed to the construction of
simplistic dichotomies and vague explanations for political violence that were
used contemporaneously to delegitimize protest by the left and justify the
governmental abuse of civil liberties and have carried through largely unchanged
to public discourse today. A careful analysis of the construction and reception of
the SLA's meaning is therefore essential to a more lucid understanding of the
times. Accordingly, the goal of this thesis is to reconstruct and analyze the
narratives of the SLA in order to understand their role in American culture and
1970s political violence and ultimately to chart their loss of agency and the
devaluation of their meaning in both history and public memory.Don Pedro Ronquillo and Spanish-British Relations (1674-91)Scott, Charles Findlayhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/113412019-03-29T16:11:56Z1955-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis provides an examination of Spanish-British relations from 1674-1691 through the lens of the correspondence of Don Pedro Ronquillo, Spanish ambassador to the courts of Charles II, James II, and William III.
1955-01-01T00:00:00ZScott, Charles FindlayThis thesis provides an examination of Spanish-British relations from 1674-1691 through the lens of the correspondence of Don Pedro Ronquillo, Spanish ambassador to the courts of Charles II, James II, and William III.The historic working small craft of South Carolina : a general typology with a study of adaptations of flatboat designNewell, Mark M.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/111352019-03-29T16:09:39Z1997-01-01T00:00:00ZThe following dissertation presents a typology for historic working watercraft of the State of South Carolina, United States of America. The background investigation for this typology addressed research design questions concerning the geographic and ethnic origins of the builders of these craft, the history of transportation growth in the area and other factors which are thought to have influenced basic design, and construction methods. These factors were the environments in which craft operated, the materials and skills available for their construction, and the shapes and eights of typical cargoes they were designed to transport. In addition to
archival sources, data was developed by surveying regions of South Carolina where specific types of craft were known to operate. These areas included lower coastal plain riverine environments, abandoned rice plantations, abandoned ferry crossings, historic canals, and marine phosphate mining areas. Where remains of craft were discovered, a survey was conducted to gather sufficient information to determine the basic design, construction, and function of the vessel. Experimental archaeological projects also were undertaken during the last stages of the research to determine if it were possible to gather viable data concerning
construction economy, construction sequence, and performance. The projects consisted of the construction of one full scale 'replica' rice plantation barge, one full scale 'reconstruction' of an upland cotton boat, and one large scale model of a plantation chine-girder barge. These projects also constituted an examination of the value of experimental archaeology to this type of research. The work also provided an opportunity to compare the relative values of the construction of replicas using historic techniques and materials, versus 'reconstruction' to visually accurate standards using modern materials. It was determined, given certain factors dictated by funding and labor, that experimental archaeology can indeed contribute worthwhile data for research purposes.
The archival and field data generated by this activity were analyzed and a typology developed. It was determined that at least fourteen specific types of paddled or wind and tide driven watercraft were operated in the study area from the pre-historic period to approximately 1930.
These craft included dugout canoes, dugout-form based plantation craft, flat bottomed sailing vessels, round hulled ocean going sailing vessels, barge-form ferry craft, rice flats and phosphate carriers, extreme length-to-beam ratio mountain river craft, and highly specialized canal craft.
The data also indicate that working environments and cargo form were specific and direct influences on watercraft design. In some cases, such as aboriginal dugout canoes produced prior to European contact, ethnic influences were readily discernible. This proved not to be the case after the contact period.
Archival data clearly indicate that both European and Africans and African Americans were engaged in watercraft construction and operation during the study period. Evidence is presented to show that Europeans sought specific skills among imported Africans ranging from the cultivation of agricultural crops to blacksmithing. Further evidence demonstrates African skills in watercraft construction and operation, especially of dugout canoes and dugout based designs. It is hypothesized that craft of these type are most likely to be representative of the craft produced by this ethnic group in South Carolina. This hypothesis is supported by presentation of archival data showing that these types of craft were the vessels of choice of African and African American crews. Further evidence is presented to show that widely ranging European boat building skills also are represented in the archaeological record, including English, French and possibly middle European influences. It is further determined that specific identification of
the influence of anyone ethnic group is made unlikely as a result of the early absorption of ethnic traditions and the training of one group, Africans and African Americans, in the boat-building and carpentry traditions of the dominant European group.
Extensive additional field data is presented on barge-form craft as remains of this type of vessel contributed to the archaeological record in far greater numbers than any other. The preponderance of this form is interpreted as a manifestation of the magnitude of the South Carolina rice industry and the catastrophic nature of its cessation due to the Civil War of
1860-1865.
Two types of construction are identified, one based on plank and frame (as opposed to plank on frame) methods, the other method utilizing massive chine-girder logs. Evidence is presented to demonstrate that, while the basic barge or flat design was similar throughout the study area, details of construction including chine-girder shaping, fastening methods, scarphing techniques, and bow/stern to side construction methods varied greatly. This is interpreted as a reflection of the individual skills of the plantation carpenters who were primarily responsible for the building of these craft.
Evidence also is presented for an emerging dating technique based on the nature of construction methods, types of fastenings, and the size of lumber components of barge form craft.
The research also suggests predictive models for determining the likelihood of further remains of specific vessel types ranging from rice cuIture flats to phosphate barges.
Finally, appendices to this dissertation include 106 illustrations, a glossary of terms, a procedure for barge documentation, tables of conversions for metric measurements to English measurement on barges, and a discussion of weights and measurements for historic period cargoes and containers.
1997-01-01T00:00:00ZNewell, Mark M.The following dissertation presents a typology for historic working watercraft of the State of South Carolina, United States of America. The background investigation for this typology addressed research design questions concerning the geographic and ethnic origins of the builders of these craft, the history of transportation growth in the area and other factors which are thought to have influenced basic design, and construction methods. These factors were the environments in which craft operated, the materials and skills available for their construction, and the shapes and eights of typical cargoes they were designed to transport. In addition to
archival sources, data was developed by surveying regions of South Carolina where specific types of craft were known to operate. These areas included lower coastal plain riverine environments, abandoned rice plantations, abandoned ferry crossings, historic canals, and marine phosphate mining areas. Where remains of craft were discovered, a survey was conducted to gather sufficient information to determine the basic design, construction, and function of the vessel. Experimental archaeological projects also were undertaken during the last stages of the research to determine if it were possible to gather viable data concerning
construction economy, construction sequence, and performance. The projects consisted of the construction of one full scale 'replica' rice plantation barge, one full scale 'reconstruction' of an upland cotton boat, and one large scale model of a plantation chine-girder barge. These projects also constituted an examination of the value of experimental archaeology to this type of research. The work also provided an opportunity to compare the relative values of the construction of replicas using historic techniques and materials, versus 'reconstruction' to visually accurate standards using modern materials. It was determined, given certain factors dictated by funding and labor, that experimental archaeology can indeed contribute worthwhile data for research purposes.
The archival and field data generated by this activity were analyzed and a typology developed. It was determined that at least fourteen specific types of paddled or wind and tide driven watercraft were operated in the study area from the pre-historic period to approximately 1930.
These craft included dugout canoes, dugout-form based plantation craft, flat bottomed sailing vessels, round hulled ocean going sailing vessels, barge-form ferry craft, rice flats and phosphate carriers, extreme length-to-beam ratio mountain river craft, and highly specialized canal craft.
The data also indicate that working environments and cargo form were specific and direct influences on watercraft design. In some cases, such as aboriginal dugout canoes produced prior to European contact, ethnic influences were readily discernible. This proved not to be the case after the contact period.
Archival data clearly indicate that both European and Africans and African Americans were engaged in watercraft construction and operation during the study period. Evidence is presented to show that Europeans sought specific skills among imported Africans ranging from the cultivation of agricultural crops to blacksmithing. Further evidence demonstrates African skills in watercraft construction and operation, especially of dugout canoes and dugout based designs. It is hypothesized that craft of these type are most likely to be representative of the craft produced by this ethnic group in South Carolina. This hypothesis is supported by presentation of archival data showing that these types of craft were the vessels of choice of African and African American crews. Further evidence is presented to show that widely ranging European boat building skills also are represented in the archaeological record, including English, French and possibly middle European influences. It is further determined that specific identification of
the influence of anyone ethnic group is made unlikely as a result of the early absorption of ethnic traditions and the training of one group, Africans and African Americans, in the boat-building and carpentry traditions of the dominant European group.
Extensive additional field data is presented on barge-form craft as remains of this type of vessel contributed to the archaeological record in far greater numbers than any other. The preponderance of this form is interpreted as a manifestation of the magnitude of the South Carolina rice industry and the catastrophic nature of its cessation due to the Civil War of
1860-1865.
Two types of construction are identified, one based on plank and frame (as opposed to plank on frame) methods, the other method utilizing massive chine-girder logs. Evidence is presented to demonstrate that, while the basic barge or flat design was similar throughout the study area, details of construction including chine-girder shaping, fastening methods, scarphing techniques, and bow/stern to side construction methods varied greatly. This is interpreted as a reflection of the individual skills of the plantation carpenters who were primarily responsible for the building of these craft.
Evidence also is presented for an emerging dating technique based on the nature of construction methods, types of fastenings, and the size of lumber components of barge form craft.
The research also suggests predictive models for determining the likelihood of further remains of specific vessel types ranging from rice cuIture flats to phosphate barges.
Finally, appendices to this dissertation include 106 illustrations, a glossary of terms, a procedure for barge documentation, tables of conversions for metric measurements to English measurement on barges, and a discussion of weights and measurements for historic period cargoes and containers.The equipment and fighting potential of the Spanish ArmadaMartin, Colinhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/109912019-03-29T16:10:54Z1984-01-01T00:00:00ZThis study is based on the archaeological investigation of three wrecks from the Spanish Armada of 1588. As a result of these discoveries it has been possible to assess in practical terms the equipment and resources with which the Spaniards intended to invade England, and to identify their strengths and weaknesses. The ships were in general sturdy and well handled, but most of them were merchantmen and few could stand up well to heavy gunnery.
The use of artillery at sea forms a major part of the study, and the extensive collection of guns and associated equipment recovered from the wrecks has helped to show why the Spaniards' performance in this respect was all but ineffective. Relics of the invasion army's weapons and matériel, which include parts of a dismantled heavy siege train, indicate on the other hand that the troops carried by the fleet were well equipped and likely to have been, if given the chance ashore, a formidable and fast-moving force.
A fresh examination of the historical material, studied in conjunction with the archaeological evidence, has thrown new light on the campaign as a whole. The threat which England faced in 1588 is shown to have been a very real one. If the original plan put forward by the Spanish commanders to mount a self-contained task force from Lisbon had prevailed, the enterprise would almost certainly have succeeded. But Philip II's insistence on using the Army of Flanders as the main invasion force, with a smaller-scale Armada to escort it across the Channel in barges, gave rise to difficulties which proved insuperable. As an armed convoy the Armada might indeed have proved invincible, but as a battle-fleet it was almost inevitably bound to fail.
1984-01-01T00:00:00ZMartin, ColinThis study is based on the archaeological investigation of three wrecks from the Spanish Armada of 1588. As a result of these discoveries it has been possible to assess in practical terms the equipment and resources with which the Spaniards intended to invade England, and to identify their strengths and weaknesses. The ships were in general sturdy and well handled, but most of them were merchantmen and few could stand up well to heavy gunnery.
The use of artillery at sea forms a major part of the study, and the extensive collection of guns and associated equipment recovered from the wrecks has helped to show why the Spaniards' performance in this respect was all but ineffective. Relics of the invasion army's weapons and matériel, which include parts of a dismantled heavy siege train, indicate on the other hand that the troops carried by the fleet were well equipped and likely to have been, if given the chance ashore, a formidable and fast-moving force.
A fresh examination of the historical material, studied in conjunction with the archaeological evidence, has thrown new light on the campaign as a whole. The threat which England faced in 1588 is shown to have been a very real one. If the original plan put forward by the Spanish commanders to mount a self-contained task force from Lisbon had prevailed, the enterprise would almost certainly have succeeded. But Philip II's insistence on using the Army of Flanders as the main invasion force, with a smaller-scale Armada to escort it across the Channel in barges, gave rise to difficulties which proved insuperable. As an armed convoy the Armada might indeed have proved invincible, but as a battle-fleet it was almost inevitably bound to fail.The Italian occupation of south-eastern France, 1940-1943MacGalloway, Niallhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/108582021-07-24T02:05:52Z2016-06-01T00:00:00ZBetween 1940 and 1943, Fascist Italy occupied south-eastern metropolitan France, a
period which forms one of the principle lacunae in the historiography of both France and
Italy during the Second World War. This thesis will examine the occupation in detail,
examining how Italy governed her zone of occupation; how relations between the two states
operated in the zone; what financial and economic gains Italy made in the occupied territories; and how Italian officials embarked upon a program of Italianisation and
Fascistisation in the occupied communes. This thesis will bring together many sources for the
first time in English, including principal Italian and French archives, coupled with local
archival holdings. The thesis will argue that Italian efforts to create her own sphere of
influence were hampered by German desires to put German interests first; and by Italy’s
inability to control the pace of the war. Nonetheless, it will also examine Italian projects in
her zone of occupation in detail, showing that the dearth of historical scholarship – at least in
English – is not down to a lack of activity within the zone.
2016-06-01T00:00:00ZMacGalloway, NiallBetween 1940 and 1943, Fascist Italy occupied south-eastern metropolitan France, a
period which forms one of the principle lacunae in the historiography of both France and
Italy during the Second World War. This thesis will examine the occupation in detail,
examining how Italy governed her zone of occupation; how relations between the two states
operated in the zone; what financial and economic gains Italy made in the occupied territories; and how Italian officials embarked upon a program of Italianisation and
Fascistisation in the occupied communes. This thesis will bring together many sources for the
first time in English, including principal Italian and French archives, coupled with local
archival holdings. The thesis will argue that Italian efforts to create her own sphere of
influence were hampered by German desires to put German interests first; and by Italy’s
inability to control the pace of the war. Nonetheless, it will also examine Italian projects in
her zone of occupation in detail, showing that the dearth of historical scholarship – at least in
English – is not down to a lack of activity within the zone.The culture of music printing in sixteenth-century AugsburgRoper, Ameliehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/108312022-04-25T10:17:22Z2017-06-01T00:00:00ZIn the early sixteenth century, the free imperial city of Augsburg in southern Germany
played a vital role in the development of music printing with movable type north of the
Alps. These technical advances impacted on the distribution of musical repertoire and
placed the city’s printers on a more equal footing with their Italian competitors. Taking
these innovations as its starting point, this thesis examines the development of music
printing in Augsburg during the sixteenth century. In addition to considering the
specialist formats of choir books and partbooks, it extends the boundaries traditionally
applied to music print culture to include books about music and pamphlets and
broadsheets.
These complementary strands of the printing industry contributed to a diverse
geography of performance, with Augsburg’s musical activity taking place not only in
churches, schools and the home, but also in inns and on the street. The market for music
publications was similarly multifaceted, encompassing professional musicians, wealthy
collectors, students, keen amateurs and humble street performers. Levels of production
varied. Pamphlets and broadsheets enjoyed a diverse market profile and were produced
in large numbers. Theoretical texts and partbooks were issued in small quantities. In
addition to reflecting their more restricted audience, this meagre output was a
consequence of the city’s thriving book trade, which reduced the demand for local
production. In the case of partbooks, it was also a result of deliberate product placing.
Augsburg’s astute printers carved out a niche in a crowded market by issuing small
numbers of partbooks at the highest end of the quality spectrum.
The inclusive approach to music printing adopted in this study ensures that the
significance of its findings extends beyond a localised investigation of print culture. By
tracking the ebb and flow of production across formats and over the sixteenth century as
a whole, a complex relationship between music printing and the socio-economic,
cultural, political and religious upheavals of the period becomes apparent. Music
printing, often the preserve of musicologists and specialist bibliographers, emerges as a
powerful tool with which to refine our understanding of the early modern book world.
2017-06-01T00:00:00ZRoper, AmelieIn the early sixteenth century, the free imperial city of Augsburg in southern Germany
played a vital role in the development of music printing with movable type north of the
Alps. These technical advances impacted on the distribution of musical repertoire and
placed the city’s printers on a more equal footing with their Italian competitors. Taking
these innovations as its starting point, this thesis examines the development of music
printing in Augsburg during the sixteenth century. In addition to considering the
specialist formats of choir books and partbooks, it extends the boundaries traditionally
applied to music print culture to include books about music and pamphlets and
broadsheets.
These complementary strands of the printing industry contributed to a diverse
geography of performance, with Augsburg’s musical activity taking place not only in
churches, schools and the home, but also in inns and on the street. The market for music
publications was similarly multifaceted, encompassing professional musicians, wealthy
collectors, students, keen amateurs and humble street performers. Levels of production
varied. Pamphlets and broadsheets enjoyed a diverse market profile and were produced
in large numbers. Theoretical texts and partbooks were issued in small quantities. In
addition to reflecting their more restricted audience, this meagre output was a
consequence of the city’s thriving book trade, which reduced the demand for local
production. In the case of partbooks, it was also a result of deliberate product placing.
Augsburg’s astute printers carved out a niche in a crowded market by issuing small
numbers of partbooks at the highest end of the quality spectrum.
The inclusive approach to music printing adopted in this study ensures that the
significance of its findings extends beyond a localised investigation of print culture. By
tracking the ebb and flow of production across formats and over the sixteenth century as
a whole, a complex relationship between music printing and the socio-economic,
cultural, political and religious upheavals of the period becomes apparent. Music
printing, often the preserve of musicologists and specialist bibliographers, emerges as a
powerful tool with which to refine our understanding of the early modern book world.Title redactedGrenham, Hannahhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/108282018-09-27T13:44:33Z2017-06-22T00:00:00Z2017-06-22T00:00:00ZGrenham, HannahAn analysis of the Stationers’ Company Register, lost books and printing in London, 1557-1640Hill, Alexandrahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/108112023-07-28T14:56:31Z2017-06-22T00:00:00ZMy thesis is the first attempt to analyse systematically the entries relating to lost books in the Stationers’ Company Register. The monopoly of the Stationers’ Company centralised book production in England to the limited number of presses its members operated, all of which were in London. As a result, the Stationers’ Company Register contains almost all the books authorised to be printed during the Elizabethan, Jacobean and early Caroline periods.
Analysis of surviving books has understandably dominated work on early modern print. However, by correlating entries in the Stationers’ Company Register with data on extant copies in the English Short Title Catalogue (ESTC), a list can be created of books printed but no longer traceable to an existing copy. Such a list provides new data on the titles available, showing the works on which printers were willing to risk time, capital and resources, even if they are no longer extant. It also reveals the sheer variety of books being printed, particularly in the case of more ephemeral works, where the Register is often the only indication that they were printed at all.
The Stationers’ Register is a remarkable, underused resource that can reveal much about book production and the book trade, including critical issues of survival and loss.
2017-06-22T00:00:00ZHill, AlexandraMy thesis is the first attempt to analyse systematically the entries relating to lost books in the Stationers’ Company Register. The monopoly of the Stationers’ Company centralised book production in England to the limited number of presses its members operated, all of which were in London. As a result, the Stationers’ Company Register contains almost all the books authorised to be printed during the Elizabethan, Jacobean and early Caroline periods.
Analysis of surviving books has understandably dominated work on early modern print. However, by correlating entries in the Stationers’ Company Register with data on extant copies in the English Short Title Catalogue (ESTC), a list can be created of books printed but no longer traceable to an existing copy. Such a list provides new data on the titles available, showing the works on which printers were willing to risk time, capital and resources, even if they are no longer extant. It also reveals the sheer variety of books being printed, particularly in the case of more ephemeral works, where the Register is often the only indication that they were printed at all.
The Stationers’ Register is a remarkable, underused resource that can reveal much about book production and the book trade, including critical issues of survival and loss.Travel in the Alps : the construction of a transnational space through digital and mental mapping (c. 1750s-1850s)Girardin, Jordanhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/106482019-03-29T16:10:22Z2017-06-22T00:00:00ZThe period between the 1750s and 1830s witnessed a major change in travel practices in Europe, moving away from the traditional Grand Tour and focusing more on natural places, their visual power, and their influence on individual emotions. Such changes meant that the Alps ceased to be seen as a natural obstacle that had to be crossed in order to access Italy, and became a place to explore and a mountainous space par excellence. This thesis addresses the importance of mental mapping in travel literature and its impact on the construction of the Alps as a transnational space, which eventually facilitated the creation of a viable touristic market in the Alps as we know it today. The first part of the thesis analyses the transformation of the Alps from a natural frontier to a border region explored by travellers and their networks. The second part discusses the consequences of these changes on mental mapping and spatial representations of the Alps by travellers: it highlights the way external visitors often had very subjective interpretations of what the Alps meant as a term and a place, and conveyed those to other travellers through travel writing. Finally, the third part of this work investigates the development of an Alpine myth as a product of these shifting mental representations: the Alps became a set of expectations, typical images, and encounters to be expected.
2017-06-22T00:00:00ZGirardin, JordanThe period between the 1750s and 1830s witnessed a major change in travel practices in Europe, moving away from the traditional Grand Tour and focusing more on natural places, their visual power, and their influence on individual emotions. Such changes meant that the Alps ceased to be seen as a natural obstacle that had to be crossed in order to access Italy, and became a place to explore and a mountainous space par excellence. This thesis addresses the importance of mental mapping in travel literature and its impact on the construction of the Alps as a transnational space, which eventually facilitated the creation of a viable touristic market in the Alps as we know it today. The first part of the thesis analyses the transformation of the Alps from a natural frontier to a border region explored by travellers and their networks. The second part discusses the consequences of these changes on mental mapping and spatial representations of the Alps by travellers: it highlights the way external visitors often had very subjective interpretations of what the Alps meant as a term and a place, and conveyed those to other travellers through travel writing. Finally, the third part of this work investigates the development of an Alpine myth as a product of these shifting mental representations: the Alps became a set of expectations, typical images, and encounters to be expected.Race in a Godless world : atheists and racial thought in Britain and the United States, c. 1850-1914Alexander, Nathanhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/101202023-06-08T08:51:50Z2017-01-01T00:00:00Z“Race in a Godless World” examines the racial thought of atheists in Britain and the United States from about 1850 to 1914. While there have been no comprehensive studies of atheists’ views on race, there is a trend in the historiography on racial thought, which I have described as the “Race-Secularization Thesis,” that suggests a link between the secularization in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and an increase in nineteenth-century racialism – that is, racial essentialism and determinism – as well as resulting racial prejudice and discrimination. Through a study of both leading and lesser-known atheists and freethinkers, I argue that the “Race-Secularization Thesis” needs to be reconsidered. A simple link between secularization and racialism is misleading. This is not to suggest that the “Race-Secularization Thesis” contains no truth, only that secularization did not inevitably lead to racialism. This dissertation helps to tell a more complex and nuanced story about the relationship between atheism and racial thought. While in some cases, nineteenth-century atheists and freethinkers were among the leading exponents of racialist views, there is an alternative story in which the atheist worldview – through its emphasis on rationality and skepticism – provided the tools with which to critique ideas of racial prejudice, racial superiority, and even the concept of race itself.
2017-01-01T00:00:00ZAlexander, Nathan“Race in a Godless World” examines the racial thought of atheists in Britain and the United States from about 1850 to 1914. While there have been no comprehensive studies of atheists’ views on race, there is a trend in the historiography on racial thought, which I have described as the “Race-Secularization Thesis,” that suggests a link between the secularization in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and an increase in nineteenth-century racialism – that is, racial essentialism and determinism – as well as resulting racial prejudice and discrimination. Through a study of both leading and lesser-known atheists and freethinkers, I argue that the “Race-Secularization Thesis” needs to be reconsidered. A simple link between secularization and racialism is misleading. This is not to suggest that the “Race-Secularization Thesis” contains no truth, only that secularization did not inevitably lead to racialism. This dissertation helps to tell a more complex and nuanced story about the relationship between atheism and racial thought. While in some cases, nineteenth-century atheists and freethinkers were among the leading exponents of racialist views, there is an alternative story in which the atheist worldview – through its emphasis on rationality and skepticism – provided the tools with which to critique ideas of racial prejudice, racial superiority, and even the concept of race itself.In the belly of the bear? : Soviet-Iranian relations during the reign of Mohammad Reza PahlaviPye, Michaelhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/95012019-03-29T16:09:08Z2015-01-01T00:00:00ZThe question mark of the project's title alludes to a critical reexamination of Soviet-
Iranian relations during the period and aims to offer an original contribution to
scholarship in the field by exploring an aspect of Pahlavi foreign relations that lacks any
detailed treatment in the literature presently available. In pursuit of this goal, research
has been concentrated on recently-released western archival documentation, the Iranian
Studies collection held at the University of St Andrews, and similarly materials from the
Russian Federal Archive for Foreign Relations, to which the author was granted access,
including ambassadorial papers relating to the premiership of Mohammad Mosaddeq.
As far as can be ascertained, the majority of the Russian archival evidence presented in
the dissertation has not been previously been utilised by any Western-based scholar.
At core, the thesis argues that the trajectory of Pahlavi foreign relations specifically (and
to a certain degree Mohammad Reza's regency more broadly) owed principally to a
deeply-rooted belief in, and perceived necessity to guard against, the Soviet Union's
(and Russia's) historical 'objectives' vis-à-vis Iran. While the Shah proved himself to be
a very effective advocate of this approach, it is suggested that the importance attached
to the spectre of Soviet interference cannot solely be explained as a means of leverage
in relation to Iran's western allies, although at times it was undoubtedly used in this
manner. Rather, the anxieties of Iranian politicians were the genuine consequence of a
painfully proximate history, significantly reinforced by the unfortunate disconnect
between public Soviet diplomacy towards Iran and the activities of various 'deniable'
Communist elements operating both within and outwith Iran‟s borders.
2015-01-01T00:00:00ZPye, MichaelThe question mark of the project's title alludes to a critical reexamination of Soviet-
Iranian relations during the period and aims to offer an original contribution to
scholarship in the field by exploring an aspect of Pahlavi foreign relations that lacks any
detailed treatment in the literature presently available. In pursuit of this goal, research
has been concentrated on recently-released western archival documentation, the Iranian
Studies collection held at the University of St Andrews, and similarly materials from the
Russian Federal Archive for Foreign Relations, to which the author was granted access,
including ambassadorial papers relating to the premiership of Mohammad Mosaddeq.
As far as can be ascertained, the majority of the Russian archival evidence presented in
the dissertation has not been previously been utilised by any Western-based scholar.
At core, the thesis argues that the trajectory of Pahlavi foreign relations specifically (and
to a certain degree Mohammad Reza's regency more broadly) owed principally to a
deeply-rooted belief in, and perceived necessity to guard against, the Soviet Union's
(and Russia's) historical 'objectives' vis-à-vis Iran. While the Shah proved himself to be
a very effective advocate of this approach, it is suggested that the importance attached
to the spectre of Soviet interference cannot solely be explained as a means of leverage
in relation to Iran's western allies, although at times it was undoubtedly used in this
manner. Rather, the anxieties of Iranian politicians were the genuine consequence of a
painfully proximate history, significantly reinforced by the unfortunate disconnect
between public Soviet diplomacy towards Iran and the activities of various 'deniable'
Communist elements operating both within and outwith Iran‟s borders.Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689Condren, Johnhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/82592021-03-17T15:03:41Z2016-06-01T00:00:00ZBetween 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch’s unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis’s unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain’s possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV’s foreign policies.
2016-06-01T00:00:00ZCondren, JohnBetween 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch’s unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis’s unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain’s possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV’s foreign policies.The sum of their fears : the Committee on the Present Danger, the demise of détente, and threat inflation, 1976-1980Blackbourn, Nicholashttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/82432019-03-29T16:11:44Z2016-06-01T00:00:00ZThis dissertation seeks to develop a more comprehensive understanding of the political pressure group the Committee on the Present Danger (CPD), which formed in 1976. The group’s establishment, attainment of credibility, and influence in critical national security debates during the late 1970s has not yet been given sufficient attention.
The Committee on the Present Danger has often been interpreted as a disingenuous propaganda group that dishonestly compiled an alarmist message to deceive politicians and journalists of the threat posed by the Soviet Union. However, the dissertation argues that the Committee’s alarmism was genuine. The fact that CPD board members themselves became so fearful of the Soviet threat is the most striking aspect of the group’s first four years of operation, and is the primary focus of this study. An examination of the group’s formation and activities from 1976 to 1980 permits a more sophisticated appreciation of the group’s goals, the promotion of its views, and the effects of its campaign on national security debates during this period. The dissertation adopts a chronological approach that recognises the creeping alarmism of the CPD over these years: warning of the dangers of détente gave way to prophesising an imminent Soviet invasion of Western Europe.
Keeping the CPD as the focus of study in this period permits one to argue that the Committee’s members, as a private citizens’ group without government oversight and a shared worst-case methodology for assessing national security risks, sincerely came to believe in the veracity of their analysis of imminent Soviet military expansion. Committee experts generated and publicised a number of metrics that purported to demonstrate a military imbalance between the Soviet Union and the United States. Over time, and seemingly confirmed by alleged Soviet global aggression, the Committee came to believe that their worst-case estimates reflected reality.
2016-06-01T00:00:00ZBlackbourn, NicholasThis dissertation seeks to develop a more comprehensive understanding of the political pressure group the Committee on the Present Danger (CPD), which formed in 1976. The group’s establishment, attainment of credibility, and influence in critical national security debates during the late 1970s has not yet been given sufficient attention.
The Committee on the Present Danger has often been interpreted as a disingenuous propaganda group that dishonestly compiled an alarmist message to deceive politicians and journalists of the threat posed by the Soviet Union. However, the dissertation argues that the Committee’s alarmism was genuine. The fact that CPD board members themselves became so fearful of the Soviet threat is the most striking aspect of the group’s first four years of operation, and is the primary focus of this study. An examination of the group’s formation and activities from 1976 to 1980 permits a more sophisticated appreciation of the group’s goals, the promotion of its views, and the effects of its campaign on national security debates during this period. The dissertation adopts a chronological approach that recognises the creeping alarmism of the CPD over these years: warning of the dangers of détente gave way to prophesising an imminent Soviet invasion of Western Europe.
Keeping the CPD as the focus of study in this period permits one to argue that the Committee’s members, as a private citizens’ group without government oversight and a shared worst-case methodology for assessing national security risks, sincerely came to believe in the veracity of their analysis of imminent Soviet military expansion. Committee experts generated and publicised a number of metrics that purported to demonstrate a military imbalance between the Soviet Union and the United States. Over time, and seemingly confirmed by alleged Soviet global aggression, the Committee came to believe that their worst-case estimates reflected reality.The circulation and collection of Italian printed books in sixteenth-century FranceGraheli, Shantihttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/78092024-01-15T09:12:43Z2015-11-30T00:00:00ZThis thesis is an examination of the circulation networks and the patterns of collection of Italian printed books in France in the sixteenth century. Although the cultural relations between the Italian and French territory have been studied, a systematic survey to assess the impact of books on the shaping of the French Renaissance has never been attempted.
The first section of this study examines the trade routes and networks which facilitated the circulation of Italian printed books across the French territory. Because of the nature of the French early modern book trade, focused primarily on two major centres (Paris and Lyon), a geographical division has been adopted in investigating this phenomenon. Chapter one explores the trade networks existing in sixteenth-century Lyon, from the powerful Compagnie des Libraires to the activity of the libraires italianisants in the second half of the century. Chapter two examines the importance of Italian editions in Paris. Chapter three is devoted to the circulation of Italian books in the provinces and the impact of large regional centres and trade routes on the availability of books locally. Chapter four investigates private networks and their importance in making specific texts available to French readers.
The second section of this study investigates the status and importance of Italian printed books within French Renaissance libraries. Chapter five looks into the development of the French Royal library and the role played by Italian items in defining its identity as an institution. Chapter six examines the presence of Italian books in French aristocratic and courtly collections. Chapter seven is devoted to the libraries of the French literary milieu, analysing the extent to which Italian books were cherished as literary exemplars, particularly with regard to vernacular texts. Chapter eight examines the presence of Italian books in professional collections, with particular attention here given to texts in Latin and other scholarly languages imported from Italy. The conclusion draws all of these strands together, looking at the specific role played by Italian culture, through the printed book, on the development of the French Renaissance.
A catalogue of about 2,400 Italian printed books with early modern French provenance is included as an appendix volume. This data provides the evidential basis for this study.
2015-11-30T00:00:00ZGraheli, ShantiThis thesis is an examination of the circulation networks and the patterns of collection of Italian printed books in France in the sixteenth century. Although the cultural relations between the Italian and French territory have been studied, a systematic survey to assess the impact of books on the shaping of the French Renaissance has never been attempted.
The first section of this study examines the trade routes and networks which facilitated the circulation of Italian printed books across the French territory. Because of the nature of the French early modern book trade, focused primarily on two major centres (Paris and Lyon), a geographical division has been adopted in investigating this phenomenon. Chapter one explores the trade networks existing in sixteenth-century Lyon, from the powerful Compagnie des Libraires to the activity of the libraires italianisants in the second half of the century. Chapter two examines the importance of Italian editions in Paris. Chapter three is devoted to the circulation of Italian books in the provinces and the impact of large regional centres and trade routes on the availability of books locally. Chapter four investigates private networks and their importance in making specific texts available to French readers.
The second section of this study investigates the status and importance of Italian printed books within French Renaissance libraries. Chapter five looks into the development of the French Royal library and the role played by Italian items in defining its identity as an institution. Chapter six examines the presence of Italian books in French aristocratic and courtly collections. Chapter seven is devoted to the libraries of the French literary milieu, analysing the extent to which Italian books were cherished as literary exemplars, particularly with regard to vernacular texts. Chapter eight examines the presence of Italian books in professional collections, with particular attention here given to texts in Latin and other scholarly languages imported from Italy. The conclusion draws all of these strands together, looking at the specific role played by Italian culture, through the printed book, on the development of the French Renaissance.
A catalogue of about 2,400 Italian printed books with early modern French provenance is included as an appendix volume. This data provides the evidential basis for this study.Economic and financial strategies of the British Catholic community in the age of mercantilism, 1672-1781Pizzoni, Giadahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/77832019-04-11T08:41:54Z2015-11-30T00:00:00ZThis dissertation examines the British Catholic community during the Age of Mercantilism. It opens with John Aylward’s trade in the early 1670s and closes with the death of Bishop Richard Challoner in the late eighteenth century. By investigating the economic and financial strategies of these individuals, this work dispels the stereotype of idle Catholicism and shows how the Catholic community played a relevant role in the emerging Atlantic economy.
The work starts with an analysis of John Aylward’s dealings during outbreaks of international warfare. His papers prove that Catholicism was crucial in his business, allowing the adoption of various strategies and access to diverse markets. As a merchant Aylward defies the stereotype of religious minorities’ communality in trade, by moving beyond religious and national borders. Moreover, he challenges the stereotype of Catholicism as estranged from capitalism. The dissertation further continues with an analysis of his widow Helena Aylward, as merchant and financier. Her skills and strategies allow the extension of the narrative of enterprise and Catholicism to women as well, by challenging the prevailing role of Catholic women as patrons or nuns. Finally, the last chapter analyses the business accounts of Bishop Richard Challoner, Vicar Apostolic of the London Mission. His dealings exemplify how Catholicism played a relevant role in finance, both individually and institutionally. In fact, the British Catholic Church fundamentally sustained itself through the stock market. Therefore, this work proves that Catholics were entrepreneurs: they built coherent trading zones and through a broad range of Atlantic connections, moved beyond the borders of the European Empires. They disregarded religious affiliations and nationalities, suggesting that the new economic and financial opportunities of the Age of Mercantilism allowed the Catholic Community to integrate into the British economy and eventually to achieve toleration.
2015-11-30T00:00:00ZPizzoni, GiadaThis dissertation examines the British Catholic community during the Age of Mercantilism. It opens with John Aylward’s trade in the early 1670s and closes with the death of Bishop Richard Challoner in the late eighteenth century. By investigating the economic and financial strategies of these individuals, this work dispels the stereotype of idle Catholicism and shows how the Catholic community played a relevant role in the emerging Atlantic economy.
The work starts with an analysis of John Aylward’s dealings during outbreaks of international warfare. His papers prove that Catholicism was crucial in his business, allowing the adoption of various strategies and access to diverse markets. As a merchant Aylward defies the stereotype of religious minorities’ communality in trade, by moving beyond religious and national borders. Moreover, he challenges the stereotype of Catholicism as estranged from capitalism. The dissertation further continues with an analysis of his widow Helena Aylward, as merchant and financier. Her skills and strategies allow the extension of the narrative of enterprise and Catholicism to women as well, by challenging the prevailing role of Catholic women as patrons or nuns. Finally, the last chapter analyses the business accounts of Bishop Richard Challoner, Vicar Apostolic of the London Mission. His dealings exemplify how Catholicism played a relevant role in finance, both individually and institutionally. In fact, the British Catholic Church fundamentally sustained itself through the stock market. Therefore, this work proves that Catholics were entrepreneurs: they built coherent trading zones and through a broad range of Atlantic connections, moved beyond the borders of the European Empires. They disregarded religious affiliations and nationalities, suggesting that the new economic and financial opportunities of the Age of Mercantilism allowed the Catholic Community to integrate into the British economy and eventually to achieve toleration.Lutheran piety and visual culture in the Duchy of Württemberg, 1534 – c. 1700Watson, Róisínhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/77152021-05-07T13:08:34Z2015-11-30T00:00:00ZEarly modern Lutherans, as is well known, worshipped in decorated churches. They adopted a path of reform that neither disposed of all ornament nor retained all the material trappings of the Catholic church. This thesis studies the fortunes of ecclesiastical art in the Duchy of Württemberg after its Reformation in 1534 and the place images found for themselves in the devotional lives of Lutherans up to c. 1700.
The territory was shaped not just by Lutheranism, but initially by Zwinglianism too. The early years of reform thus saw moments of iconoclasm. The Zwinglian influence was responsible for a simple liturgy that distinguished Württemberg Lutheranism from its confessional allies in the north. This study considers the variety of uses to which Lutheran art was put in this context. It addresses the different ways in which Lutherans used the visual setting of the church to define their relationships with their God, their church, and each other. The Dukes of Württemberg used their stance on images to communicate their political and confessional allegiances; pastors used images to define the parameters of worship and of the church space itself; parishioners used images, funerary monuments, and church
adornment to express their Lutheran identity and establish their position within social hierarchies. As Lutheranism developed in the seventeenth century, so too did Lutheran art, becoming more suited to fostering contemplative devotion. While diverse in their aims, many Lutherans appreciated the importance of regular investment in the visual. Ducal pronouncements, archives held centrally and locally, surviving artefacts and decoration in churches, and printed sources enable the distinctive visual character of Lutheranism in Württemberg to be identified here.
2015-11-30T00:00:00ZWatson, RóisínEarly modern Lutherans, as is well known, worshipped in decorated churches. They adopted a path of reform that neither disposed of all ornament nor retained all the material trappings of the Catholic church. This thesis studies the fortunes of ecclesiastical art in the Duchy of Württemberg after its Reformation in 1534 and the place images found for themselves in the devotional lives of Lutherans up to c. 1700.
The territory was shaped not just by Lutheranism, but initially by Zwinglianism too. The early years of reform thus saw moments of iconoclasm. The Zwinglian influence was responsible for a simple liturgy that distinguished Württemberg Lutheranism from its confessional allies in the north. This study considers the variety of uses to which Lutheran art was put in this context. It addresses the different ways in which Lutherans used the visual setting of the church to define their relationships with their God, their church, and each other. The Dukes of Württemberg used their stance on images to communicate their political and confessional allegiances; pastors used images to define the parameters of worship and of the church space itself; parishioners used images, funerary monuments, and church
adornment to express their Lutheran identity and establish their position within social hierarchies. As Lutheranism developed in the seventeenth century, so too did Lutheran art, becoming more suited to fostering contemplative devotion. While diverse in their aims, many Lutherans appreciated the importance of regular investment in the visual. Ducal pronouncements, archives held centrally and locally, surviving artefacts and decoration in churches, and printed sources enable the distinctive visual character of Lutheranism in Württemberg to be identified here.Conciliar politics and administration in the reign of Henry VIIFord, Lisa L.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/71212019-03-29T16:11:25Z2001-01-01T00:00:00ZSince Elton's commentary on the absence of critical study of the early Tudor
council in 1964, some progress has been made towards a wider, fuller, more detailed
understanding of Henry VII's council and where it fits-or does not-into the
development of council under the Tudors. However, the early Tudor council remains
something of an enigma. Added to that is recent interest by late medieval historians
in just how much power Henry VII exercised in the operation of his councils. Was
Henry ruling, or were his bureaucratic counsellors ruling him? A re-examination of the
various Elizabethan/Jacobean council extracts, as well as the examination of data
contained in a wide variety of primary documents, such as the chamber account
books, petitions, privy seal warrants and view books, provides evidence with which to
suggest a more precisely defined and better organized council than that previously
established for the first Tudor monarch, and also to demonstrate that Henry VII was
actively involved in the business of the protean forms of that council, at Westminster
or away. This thesis hopefully advances the picture of the conciliar and administrative
matrix which was governing under Henry VII, its component parts, including an
embryonic privy council, the personnel of that council, the systems through which
conciliar business was developed, and the king's position at the head of that council in
the most literal sense.
2001-01-01T00:00:00ZFord, Lisa L.Since Elton's commentary on the absence of critical study of the early Tudor
council in 1964, some progress has been made towards a wider, fuller, more detailed
understanding of Henry VII's council and where it fits-or does not-into the
development of council under the Tudors. However, the early Tudor council remains
something of an enigma. Added to that is recent interest by late medieval historians
in just how much power Henry VII exercised in the operation of his councils. Was
Henry ruling, or were his bureaucratic counsellors ruling him? A re-examination of the
various Elizabethan/Jacobean council extracts, as well as the examination of data
contained in a wide variety of primary documents, such as the chamber account
books, petitions, privy seal warrants and view books, provides evidence with which to
suggest a more precisely defined and better organized council than that previously
established for the first Tudor monarch, and also to demonstrate that Henry VII was
actively involved in the business of the protean forms of that council, at Westminster
or away. This thesis hopefully advances the picture of the conciliar and administrative
matrix which was governing under Henry VII, its component parts, including an
embryonic privy council, the personnel of that council, the systems through which
conciliar business was developed, and the king's position at the head of that council in
the most literal sense.Vernacular boats and boatbuilding in GreeceDamianidis, Kostashttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/71162019-03-29T16:08:32Z1991-01-01T00:00:00ZThis work presents a study of the vernacular boats of
modern Greece. A new typology of boats is offered, and
an account is given of tools and boatyard practice,
design and construction techniques. Evidence for these
subjects is drawn from field surveys, museum collections,
iconographic studies, and interviews with old
boatbuilders. Although most of the information presented
comes from the first half of the 20th century, background
information from the 18th and 19th centuries is also
covered. This longer historical perspective is
particularly important in making comparisons between 20th
century practices and the boatbuilding techniques of the
past.
There is evidence for the existence of two main periods
of technical change in the industry, namely, the late
18th century, when new methods such as lofting were
introduced, and the late 19th century, when changes in
the wider shipbuilding industry initiated a process of
decline in vernacular boatbuilding. At the same time
however, a number of older techniques, for example
certain moulding methods, survived at least into the
first part of the 20th century.
This work offers new insights into the design methods
involved in the control of hull-form during "skeletonfirst"
boatbuilding from the last two hundred years. It
also offers an analysis of the structural integrity and
strength of vernacular boats and shows how the structure
of boats has evolved across time to incorporate new
techniques and changes in boat function.
1991-01-01T00:00:00ZDamianidis, KostasThis work presents a study of the vernacular boats of
modern Greece. A new typology of boats is offered, and
an account is given of tools and boatyard practice,
design and construction techniques. Evidence for these
subjects is drawn from field surveys, museum collections,
iconographic studies, and interviews with old
boatbuilders. Although most of the information presented
comes from the first half of the 20th century, background
information from the 18th and 19th centuries is also
covered. This longer historical perspective is
particularly important in making comparisons between 20th
century practices and the boatbuilding techniques of the
past.
There is evidence for the existence of two main periods
of technical change in the industry, namely, the late
18th century, when new methods such as lofting were
introduced, and the late 19th century, when changes in
the wider shipbuilding industry initiated a process of
decline in vernacular boatbuilding. At the same time
however, a number of older techniques, for example
certain moulding methods, survived at least into the
first part of the 20th century.
This work offers new insights into the design methods
involved in the control of hull-form during "skeletonfirst"
boatbuilding from the last two hundred years. It
also offers an analysis of the structural integrity and
strength of vernacular boats and shows how the structure
of boats has evolved across time to incorporate new
techniques and changes in boat function.Service not self : the British Legion, 1921-1939Barr, Niall J.A.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/71012019-03-29T16:09:07Z1994-01-01T00:00:00ZThe organisation of ex-service men into a mass membership movement was a
new departure in British life. Four main groups came together in 1921 to form the
British Legion. On its establishment, the leadership, who were predominantly high-
ranking ex-officers, had high hopes of forming an extremely powerful and influential
organisation. Due to a number of inherent flaws in the Legion's ideology,
composition and character, the organisation never became a truly mass movement of
all ex-service men. This work looks at the dynamics of the movement and provides
insights into the motivations of its leaders and their impact upon the organisation. It
provides a detailed account of the structure of the Legion and explores the strengths
and weaknesses of the movement. The existence of a semi-autonomous Officer's
Benevolent Department, a subordinate Women's Section, and an independent Legion
in Scotland reveal the serious rifts within this superficially unified movement. The
paradox of low officer involvement combined with an almost exclusively officer
leadership contributed to low membership and other factors such as geography,
unemployment and finance are considered in the discussion of Legion membership.
Divisions between leaders and led on policy and methods are explored in an
examination of Legion democracy. A full examination of the Legion's practical work
and the attitudes which underpinned that activity confirms the Legion's position as a
voluntary society with traditional charitable views. A detailed examination of the
Legion's struggles over pension legislation gives an insight into Government attitudes
towards ex-service men and also reveals the inherent weakness of the Legion's
position when dealing with politicians. An analysis of the Legion's contacts with
foreign ex-service men penetrates the Legion's rhetoric and reveals the real
motivations and attitudes of the Legion leaders who developed and executed the
Legion's foreign policy. Ultimately, this study provides important conclusions about
the nature of the British ex-service movement.
1994-01-01T00:00:00ZBarr, Niall J.A.The organisation of ex-service men into a mass membership movement was a
new departure in British life. Four main groups came together in 1921 to form the
British Legion. On its establishment, the leadership, who were predominantly high-
ranking ex-officers, had high hopes of forming an extremely powerful and influential
organisation. Due to a number of inherent flaws in the Legion's ideology,
composition and character, the organisation never became a truly mass movement of
all ex-service men. This work looks at the dynamics of the movement and provides
insights into the motivations of its leaders and their impact upon the organisation. It
provides a detailed account of the structure of the Legion and explores the strengths
and weaknesses of the movement. The existence of a semi-autonomous Officer's
Benevolent Department, a subordinate Women's Section, and an independent Legion
in Scotland reveal the serious rifts within this superficially unified movement. The
paradox of low officer involvement combined with an almost exclusively officer
leadership contributed to low membership and other factors such as geography,
unemployment and finance are considered in the discussion of Legion membership.
Divisions between leaders and led on policy and methods are explored in an
examination of Legion democracy. A full examination of the Legion's practical work
and the attitudes which underpinned that activity confirms the Legion's position as a
voluntary society with traditional charitable views. A detailed examination of the
Legion's struggles over pension legislation gives an insight into Government attitudes
towards ex-service men and also reveals the inherent weakness of the Legion's
position when dealing with politicians. An analysis of the Legion's contacts with
foreign ex-service men penetrates the Legion's rhetoric and reveals the real
motivations and attitudes of the Legion leaders who developed and executed the
Legion's foreign policy. Ultimately, this study provides important conclusions about
the nature of the British ex-service movement.Le orecchie si piene di Fiandra : Italian news and histories on the Revolt in the Netherlands (1566-1648)Lamal, Ninahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/69022019-07-01T10:04:21Z2014-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the Italian news reports, political debates and histories of the revolt in the Netherlands between 1566 and 1648. Many Italians were directly involved in this conflict and were keen narrators of these wars. Despite this, a systematic study of the Italian interest for the conflict has not yet been undertaken. This thesis argues that the complex political constellation of the Italian peninsula, dominated by the Habsburg monarchy, shaped the Italian news, debates and interpretations of the Dutch Revolt.
Chapter one examines the different ways in which news from the Low Countries reached Italian states. It demonstrates that Italian military officers, active on the battlefield in the Netherlands in the Habsburg army, played a crucial role as purveyors of news and opinion on the conflict. The two following chapters study the circulation of political treatises on the Italian peninsula. Chapter two reconstructs the debates sparked by the events in the Low Countries between 1576 and 1577. Chapter three examines the descriptions of the emergence of a new state in the Northern Netherlands and the discourses on war and peace between 1590 and 1609. Chapter four looks into the development of a market for printed news pamphlets and explores the connections between manuscript and printed news. Chapter five studies how news was used by Italian history writers in their contemporary chronicles. It also investigates how these authors celebrated Italian protagonists in the war as Italian and Catholic heroes. The conclusion examines the evolution of all these Italian discourses related to Dutch Revolt.
2014-01-01T00:00:00ZLamal, NinaThis thesis examines the Italian news reports, political debates and histories of the revolt in the Netherlands between 1566 and 1648. Many Italians were directly involved in this conflict and were keen narrators of these wars. Despite this, a systematic study of the Italian interest for the conflict has not yet been undertaken. This thesis argues that the complex political constellation of the Italian peninsula, dominated by the Habsburg monarchy, shaped the Italian news, debates and interpretations of the Dutch Revolt.
Chapter one examines the different ways in which news from the Low Countries reached Italian states. It demonstrates that Italian military officers, active on the battlefield in the Netherlands in the Habsburg army, played a crucial role as purveyors of news and opinion on the conflict. The two following chapters study the circulation of political treatises on the Italian peninsula. Chapter two reconstructs the debates sparked by the events in the Low Countries between 1576 and 1577. Chapter three examines the descriptions of the emergence of a new state in the Northern Netherlands and the discourses on war and peace between 1590 and 1609. Chapter four looks into the development of a market for printed news pamphlets and explores the connections between manuscript and printed news. Chapter five studies how news was used by Italian history writers in their contemporary chronicles. It also investigates how these authors celebrated Italian protagonists in the war as Italian and Catholic heroes. The conclusion examines the evolution of all these Italian discourses related to Dutch Revolt.A failed alliance and expanding horizons : relations between the Austrian Habsburgs and the Safavid Persians in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuriesStokes, David Roberthttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/63852019-07-01T10:17:57Z2014-06-26T00:00:00ZThroughout the 16th and 17th centuries, both Austria and Persia were each repeatedly at war with the Ottoman Turks. Diplomats travelled between the two countries in an attempt to forge an alliance against their common enemy. Although the alliance never materialized the relationship broadened to cover other concerns. Despite cultural differences, both countries tried to work together and approached each-other as equals. Contact between the countries exposed both cultures to wider influences. Their changing relationship illustrates the priorities of both parties. This thesis, for the first time, uses primary sources to view the evolution of the relationship over the two century reign of the Safavid dynasty. It charts the course of their diplomatic relationship, examines the turning point in this relationship, and explores why the alliance both sides wanted never materialized. By examining Austria's diplomatic initiatives to the east this thesis helps correct the historiographical imbalance in central European history of concentration on only European affairs, and shows that their understanding of the east was more nuanced than is often credited.
2014-06-26T00:00:00ZStokes, David RobertThroughout the 16th and 17th centuries, both Austria and Persia were each repeatedly at war with the Ottoman Turks. Diplomats travelled between the two countries in an attempt to forge an alliance against their common enemy. Although the alliance never materialized the relationship broadened to cover other concerns. Despite cultural differences, both countries tried to work together and approached each-other as equals. Contact between the countries exposed both cultures to wider influences. Their changing relationship illustrates the priorities of both parties. This thesis, for the first time, uses primary sources to view the evolution of the relationship over the two century reign of the Safavid dynasty. It charts the course of their diplomatic relationship, examines the turning point in this relationship, and explores why the alliance both sides wanted never materialized. By examining Austria's diplomatic initiatives to the east this thesis helps correct the historiographical imbalance in central European history of concentration on only European affairs, and shows that their understanding of the east was more nuanced than is often credited.Latin books published in Paris, 1501-1540Mullins, Sophiehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/63332020-07-01T02:02:46Z2014-06-01T00:00:00ZThis is a study of the Parisian Latin book industry in the first four decades of the sixteenth century. It challenges the assumption that the Reformation brought about a profound change in the European print world. Luther’s engagement with a mass audience is believed to have led to an increase in the number of vernacular publications produced by printers throughout Europe. This was not the case in Paris. Parisian booksellers traded on their established expertise with certain genres, such as theological texts, educational books, and works by classical authors, to maximise their readership both in Paris and farther afield.
Working in close proximity inspired the Parisian bookmen to unity and collaboration rather than enmity and direct competition. When printers, booksellers and publishers collaborated they were able to undertake bigger and riskier projects. Such projects might have involved testing new markets or technologies (such as Greek or music printing), or simply producing a book which required a high capital investment. The familial unity extended to the widows of printers, some of whom were able to capitalise on this and build substantial businesses of their own. This high level of collaboration and the continued focus on the established Latin market give the Parisian book world its very specific character. It also helped Paris build an international reputation for high-quality books.
2014-06-01T00:00:00ZMullins, SophieThis is a study of the Parisian Latin book industry in the first four decades of the sixteenth century. It challenges the assumption that the Reformation brought about a profound change in the European print world. Luther’s engagement with a mass audience is believed to have led to an increase in the number of vernacular publications produced by printers throughout Europe. This was not the case in Paris. Parisian booksellers traded on their established expertise with certain genres, such as theological texts, educational books, and works by classical authors, to maximise their readership both in Paris and farther afield.
Working in close proximity inspired the Parisian bookmen to unity and collaboration rather than enmity and direct competition. When printers, booksellers and publishers collaborated they were able to undertake bigger and riskier projects. Such projects might have involved testing new markets or technologies (such as Greek or music printing), or simply producing a book which required a high capital investment. The familial unity extended to the widows of printers, some of whom were able to capitalise on this and build substantial businesses of their own. This high level of collaboration and the continued focus on the established Latin market give the Parisian book world its very specific character. It also helped Paris build an international reputation for high-quality books.Aspects of English law concerning piracy and privateering, 1603-1760Gane, Tobyhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/62602019-07-01T10:14:05Z1990-01-01T00:00:00ZPiracy and privateering are certainly much written about subjects, and there is indeed extensive literature concerning many aspects and facets of the complicated history of the subjects. A glance at the Gosse Collection on piracy at the National Maritime Museum or a search through the archives of the British Library will illustrate this point admirably. It was apparent however, that one aspect of piracy and privateering had not so much been overlooked, but had never really been treated as a separate subject, was the law. Surprisingly even Charles Wye Kendall of the Middle Temple and Barrister-at-Law, in his work 'Private Men-of-War' had only covered this aspect in passing, homogenised into the whole text of his book. There is no doubt that both piracy and privateering have had differing effects on trade and commerce in seventeenth and eighteenth century Europe and Anglo-America, and hence had a wide social context and significance. As a result historians have taken the subjects, especially privateering, seriously although it has often been overshadowed by the historian’s preference for writing about the Navies of Europe. As a result of this social significance it was only a matter of course that a myriad of laws and statutes sprung up to control, inhibit, deter and prevent, around these controversial ways of life.
The changing political situations and alliances in Europe affected the fluctuating tides of piracy and privateering in home waters and in the colonies. This essay looks at how the state sought to control piracy and privateering through legal recourse and the effects that the law had on the practices during the seventeenth century and first half of the eighteenth century.
1990-01-01T00:00:00ZGane, TobyPiracy and privateering are certainly much written about subjects, and there is indeed extensive literature concerning many aspects and facets of the complicated history of the subjects. A glance at the Gosse Collection on piracy at the National Maritime Museum or a search through the archives of the British Library will illustrate this point admirably. It was apparent however, that one aspect of piracy and privateering had not so much been overlooked, but had never really been treated as a separate subject, was the law. Surprisingly even Charles Wye Kendall of the Middle Temple and Barrister-at-Law, in his work 'Private Men-of-War' had only covered this aspect in passing, homogenised into the whole text of his book. There is no doubt that both piracy and privateering have had differing effects on trade and commerce in seventeenth and eighteenth century Europe and Anglo-America, and hence had a wide social context and significance. As a result historians have taken the subjects, especially privateering, seriously although it has often been overshadowed by the historian’s preference for writing about the Navies of Europe. As a result of this social significance it was only a matter of course that a myriad of laws and statutes sprung up to control, inhibit, deter and prevent, around these controversial ways of life.
The changing political situations and alliances in Europe affected the fluctuating tides of piracy and privateering in home waters and in the colonies. This essay looks at how the state sought to control piracy and privateering through legal recourse and the effects that the law had on the practices during the seventeenth century and first half of the eighteenth century."Monarchy as it should be"? : British perceptions of Poland-Lithuania in the long seventeenth centuryMirecka, Martynahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/60442019-03-29T16:10:55Z2014-06-26T00:00:00ZEarly modern Poland-Lithuania figured significantly in the political perceptions of Europeans in the long seventeenth century – not only due to its considerable size and enormous commercial and military resources, but also, and just as importantly, due to its exceptional religious and political situation. This interest in Poland-Lithuania was shared by many Britons. However, a detailed examination of how Britons perceived Poland-Lithuania at that time and how they treated Poland-Lithuania in their political debates has never been undertaken.
This thesis utilises a wide range of the previously neglected source material and considers the patterns of transmission of information to determine Britons’ awareness of Poland-Lithuania and their employment of the Polish-Lithuanian example in the British political discourse during the seventeenth century. It looks at a variety of geographical and historical information, English and Latin descriptions of Poland-Lithuania’s physical topography and boundaries, and its ethnic and cultural make-up presented in histories, atlases and maps, to establish what, where and who Poland-Lithuania was for Britons. Poland-Lithuania’s political framework, with its composite structure and unique relationship between the crown and nobility, elicited a spectrum of reactions, and so this thesis evaluates the role that both criticism and praise of Poland-Lithuania played in British constitutional debates.
Consequently, the study argues that Britons’ perceptions of Poland-Lithuania were characterised by great plasticity. It claims that Britons’ impressions of the country were shaped by multiple – real or imagined - borders, whether cultural, economic or political, but also that Britons were affected by the exposure to a uniform, idealised historiography of this country. Crucially, the thesis asserts that references to Poland-Lithuania constituted an ingenious ideological and polemical device that was eagerly used throughout the period by Britons of diverse political sympathies. Moreover, through the examination of the kingdom’s geopolitical role, particularly its fluctuating position as a “bulwark of Christendom”, side by side its engagement against Protestants, the thesis challenges the assumption that anti-Catholicism dominated seventeenth-century British perceptions of the world.
2014-06-26T00:00:00ZMirecka, MartynaEarly modern Poland-Lithuania figured significantly in the political perceptions of Europeans in the long seventeenth century – not only due to its considerable size and enormous commercial and military resources, but also, and just as importantly, due to its exceptional religious and political situation. This interest in Poland-Lithuania was shared by many Britons. However, a detailed examination of how Britons perceived Poland-Lithuania at that time and how they treated Poland-Lithuania in their political debates has never been undertaken.
This thesis utilises a wide range of the previously neglected source material and considers the patterns of transmission of information to determine Britons’ awareness of Poland-Lithuania and their employment of the Polish-Lithuanian example in the British political discourse during the seventeenth century. It looks at a variety of geographical and historical information, English and Latin descriptions of Poland-Lithuania’s physical topography and boundaries, and its ethnic and cultural make-up presented in histories, atlases and maps, to establish what, where and who Poland-Lithuania was for Britons. Poland-Lithuania’s political framework, with its composite structure and unique relationship between the crown and nobility, elicited a spectrum of reactions, and so this thesis evaluates the role that both criticism and praise of Poland-Lithuania played in British constitutional debates.
Consequently, the study argues that Britons’ perceptions of Poland-Lithuania were characterised by great plasticity. It claims that Britons’ impressions of the country were shaped by multiple – real or imagined - borders, whether cultural, economic or political, but also that Britons were affected by the exposure to a uniform, idealised historiography of this country. Crucially, the thesis asserts that references to Poland-Lithuania constituted an ingenious ideological and polemical device that was eagerly used throughout the period by Britons of diverse political sympathies. Moreover, through the examination of the kingdom’s geopolitical role, particularly its fluctuating position as a “bulwark of Christendom”, side by side its engagement against Protestants, the thesis challenges the assumption that anti-Catholicism dominated seventeenth-century British perceptions of the world.A naval travesty : the dismissal of Admiral Sir John Jellicoe, 1917Macfarlane, J. Allan C.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/50222019-07-01T10:19:44Z2014-06-26T00:00:00ZThis dissertation relates to the dismissal of Admiral Jellicoe, First Sea Lord from November 1916 to December 1917, by Sir Eric Geddes, First Lord of the Admiralty, at the behest of the Prime Minister, David Lloyd George. The dismissal was peremptory and effected without rational explanation, despite Jellicoe having largely fulfilled his primary mission of combating the German U-boat threat to British merchant shipping. The outcome of the war may well have been affected if the level of shipping losses sustained through U-boat attack in April 1917 had continued unabated.
The central argument of the dissertation is that the dismissal was unjustified. As an adjunct, it argues that the received view of certain historians that Jellicoe was not successful as First Sea Lord is unwarranted and originates from severe post war critism of Jellicoe by those with a vested interest in justifying the dismissal, notably Lloyd George.
Supporting these arguments, the following assertions are made. Firstly, given the legacy Jellicoe inherited when joining the Admiralty, through the strategies adopted, organisational changes made and initiatives undertaken in anti-submarine weapons development, the progress made in countering the U-boat threat was notable. Secondly, the universal criticism directed at the Admiralty over the perceived delay in introducing a general convoy system for merchant shipping is not sustainable having regard to primary source documentation. Thirdly, incidents that occurred during the latter part of 1917, and suggested as being factors which contributed to the dismissal, can be discounted. Fourthly, Lloyd George conspired to involve General Haig, Commander of the British Forces France, and the press baron, Lord Northcliffe, in his efforts to mitigate any potential controversy that might result from Jellicoe’s removal from office. Finally, the arguments made by a number of commentators that the Admiralty performed better under Jellicoe’s successor, Admiral Wemyss, is misconceived.
2014-06-26T00:00:00ZMacfarlane, J. Allan C.This dissertation relates to the dismissal of Admiral Jellicoe, First Sea Lord from November 1916 to December 1917, by Sir Eric Geddes, First Lord of the Admiralty, at the behest of the Prime Minister, David Lloyd George. The dismissal was peremptory and effected without rational explanation, despite Jellicoe having largely fulfilled his primary mission of combating the German U-boat threat to British merchant shipping. The outcome of the war may well have been affected if the level of shipping losses sustained through U-boat attack in April 1917 had continued unabated.
The central argument of the dissertation is that the dismissal was unjustified. As an adjunct, it argues that the received view of certain historians that Jellicoe was not successful as First Sea Lord is unwarranted and originates from severe post war critism of Jellicoe by those with a vested interest in justifying the dismissal, notably Lloyd George.
Supporting these arguments, the following assertions are made. Firstly, given the legacy Jellicoe inherited when joining the Admiralty, through the strategies adopted, organisational changes made and initiatives undertaken in anti-submarine weapons development, the progress made in countering the U-boat threat was notable. Secondly, the universal criticism directed at the Admiralty over the perceived delay in introducing a general convoy system for merchant shipping is not sustainable having regard to primary source documentation. Thirdly, incidents that occurred during the latter part of 1917, and suggested as being factors which contributed to the dismissal, can be discounted. Fourthly, Lloyd George conspired to involve General Haig, Commander of the British Forces France, and the press baron, Lord Northcliffe, in his efforts to mitigate any potential controversy that might result from Jellicoe’s removal from office. Finally, the arguments made by a number of commentators that the Admiralty performed better under Jellicoe’s successor, Admiral Wemyss, is misconceived.The Russell administration, 1846-1852Dreyer, Frederick Augusthttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/46002019-07-01T10:12:48Z1962-01-01T00:00:00Z1962-01-01T00:00:00ZDreyer, Frederick AugustThe conservatives' rout : an account of conservative ideas from Burke to SantayanaKirk, Russellhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/45442019-07-01T10:03:56Z1952-01-01T00:00:00Z'The conservatives' rout', a study in politics, literature, and philosophy, is an endeavor to trace historically the course of conservative thought in Britain and America from the beginning of the French Revolution to the present day.
1952-01-01T00:00:00ZKirk, Russell'The conservatives' rout', a study in politics, literature, and philosophy, is an endeavor to trace historically the course of conservative thought in Britain and America from the beginning of the French Revolution to the present day.West German editorial journalists between division and reunification, 1987-1991Dodd, Andrewhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/42052016-08-09T09:16:40Z2013-11-30T00:00:00ZThis thesis analyzes the published commentary of editorial journalists regarding the division of Germany in twelve major newspapers of the Federal Republic of Germany in a period spanning from the
final years of division to the immediate aftermath of the unification of the two German states. The study tracks editorial advocacy in response to East German leader Erich Honecker's Bonn visit in 1987 coupled
with the intra-German policy efforts of the Social Democratic Party in opposition, which seemed to edge towards two-state neutralism; the wave of repression in the German Democratic Republic from late 1987 onward in the wake of Mikhail Gorbachev's reform programme, and the June 1989 visit of Mikhail
Gorbachev to Bonn. Journalistic commentators' propagation of a form of constitutional patriotism as a
Federal Republican identity will be examined. Responses to the East German Revolution as it developed in late 1989 are analyzed in detail, followed by an account of journalistic efforts to define the political-cultural parameters of united Germany between March 1990 and June 1991.
After four decades, the post-war division of Germany had acquired a degree of normalcy.
Journalistic commentators argued against any acceptance of division that also accepted the existence of the party-state dictatorship in the German Democratic Republic, insisting that the German Question was 'open' until self-determination for East Germans was realized. Nevertheless, throughout the period journalistic
commentators argued in unison against solutions to division which would alienate the Federal Republic from its western alliance or put its established socio-political order at risk. Contemporary journalism propagated an image of the Federal Republic that was thoroughly defined by its post-war internalization of
'Western' value norms. This was most evident during the East German Revolution and the immediate aftermath, ostensibly the moment of greatest uncertainty about Germany's future path, when commentators became champions of continuity within the western alliance.
2013-11-30T00:00:00ZDodd, AndrewThis thesis analyzes the published commentary of editorial journalists regarding the division of Germany in twelve major newspapers of the Federal Republic of Germany in a period spanning from the
final years of division to the immediate aftermath of the unification of the two German states. The study tracks editorial advocacy in response to East German leader Erich Honecker's Bonn visit in 1987 coupled
with the intra-German policy efforts of the Social Democratic Party in opposition, which seemed to edge towards two-state neutralism; the wave of repression in the German Democratic Republic from late 1987 onward in the wake of Mikhail Gorbachev's reform programme, and the June 1989 visit of Mikhail
Gorbachev to Bonn. Journalistic commentators' propagation of a form of constitutional patriotism as a
Federal Republican identity will be examined. Responses to the East German Revolution as it developed in late 1989 are analyzed in detail, followed by an account of journalistic efforts to define the political-cultural parameters of united Germany between March 1990 and June 1991.
After four decades, the post-war division of Germany had acquired a degree of normalcy.
Journalistic commentators argued against any acceptance of division that also accepted the existence of the party-state dictatorship in the German Democratic Republic, insisting that the German Question was 'open' until self-determination for East Germans was realized. Nevertheless, throughout the period journalistic
commentators argued in unison against solutions to division which would alienate the Federal Republic from its western alliance or put its established socio-political order at risk. Contemporary journalism propagated an image of the Federal Republic that was thoroughly defined by its post-war internalization of
'Western' value norms. This was most evident during the East German Revolution and the immediate aftermath, ostensibly the moment of greatest uncertainty about Germany's future path, when commentators became champions of continuity within the western alliance.Catholic religious controversy and the French marketplace of print, 1535-1572Kemp, Graemehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/38212023-11-15T03:05:57Z2013-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis is an examination of Catholic religious controversial publication in France between 1535 and 1572. Although this encompassed a period of great political and religious turmoil, the Catholic publications of these tears are comparatively under-researched. The publication of controversial writings has more commonly been associated with the period after the Edict of Nantes in 1598. This study seeks to address this gap in research by a quantitative assessment of the volume of Catholic controversial printing during the mid-sixteenth century and its broader place within the publishing industry. Religious controversy formed an important component of the religious book trade in the sixteenth century at a time when the print industry itself was in a process of reorientation. Many of the forms of religious controversy familiar in the seventeenth century would find their roots in the discourse of the sixteenth century.
The first section of this study lays the groundwork for the analysis of the period 1535 to 1572. Chapter one looks at the beginnings of religious controversy in France and provides a brief overview of the market for religious print in the early sixteenth century. Chapter two builds on this analysis to chart the emergence and extent of Catholic responses to Lutherianism. Chapter three concentrates on the emergence of Reformed controversial writings and quantifies their output. The second section of this thesis presents a quantitative analysis of Catholic controversial works, Chapters four and five outline the contours of the book trade in France at the time. Chapter six assesses the volume of Catholic controversial literature produced and its relationship to the other genres. Chapter seven examines the printers and publishers who played a pivotal role in its production. Finally chapter eight examines the development of the genre with a typology of controversial literature investigating different approaches to such writing. A comparison with seventeenth century, pursued in the conclusion, draws out the lessons of the early development of a genre that was both critical to the defence of French Catholicism in the sixteenth century and the erosion of the privileged Huguenot minority in the decades after the Edict at Nantes. An appendix of all Catholic controversial editions printed between 1535 and 1572 is included. This formed the basis of the study and provides the first comprehensive catalogue of its kind. It features over 1,500 entries with numerous full bibliographic descriptions.
2013-01-01T00:00:00ZKemp, GraemeThis thesis is an examination of Catholic religious controversial publication in France between 1535 and 1572. Although this encompassed a period of great political and religious turmoil, the Catholic publications of these tears are comparatively under-researched. The publication of controversial writings has more commonly been associated with the period after the Edict of Nantes in 1598. This study seeks to address this gap in research by a quantitative assessment of the volume of Catholic controversial printing during the mid-sixteenth century and its broader place within the publishing industry. Religious controversy formed an important component of the religious book trade in the sixteenth century at a time when the print industry itself was in a process of reorientation. Many of the forms of religious controversy familiar in the seventeenth century would find their roots in the discourse of the sixteenth century.
The first section of this study lays the groundwork for the analysis of the period 1535 to 1572. Chapter one looks at the beginnings of religious controversy in France and provides a brief overview of the market for religious print in the early sixteenth century. Chapter two builds on this analysis to chart the emergence and extent of Catholic responses to Lutherianism. Chapter three concentrates on the emergence of Reformed controversial writings and quantifies their output. The second section of this thesis presents a quantitative analysis of Catholic controversial works, Chapters four and five outline the contours of the book trade in France at the time. Chapter six assesses the volume of Catholic controversial literature produced and its relationship to the other genres. Chapter seven examines the printers and publishers who played a pivotal role in its production. Finally chapter eight examines the development of the genre with a typology of controversial literature investigating different approaches to such writing. A comparison with seventeenth century, pursued in the conclusion, draws out the lessons of the early development of a genre that was both critical to the defence of French Catholicism in the sixteenth century and the erosion of the privileged Huguenot minority in the decades after the Edict at Nantes. An appendix of all Catholic controversial editions printed between 1535 and 1572 is included. This formed the basis of the study and provides the first comprehensive catalogue of its kind. It features over 1,500 entries with numerous full bibliographic descriptions.Middle class radicalism and the media : banning the bomb in Britain, 1954-65Hill, Christopher Roberthttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/37422019-03-29T16:08:00Z2013-01-01T00:00:00ZThe dissertation explores the relationship between middle class radicalism and the media in Britain between 1954 and 1965. It demonstrates how developments in media
communications and discourse influenced the radical movement to ban-the-bomb. The rise
of visual and commercial media, combined with the shift of media discourse away from the frameworks of the class system and the Cold War, led to an expansion of the boundaries of democratic debate: both in terms of the issues which were open to dispute and the groups which were able to dispute them. It enabled pacifists and socialists to mobilise a movement
by co-ordinating anti-nuclear propaganda with media coverage. Since they adapted their
tactics according to the success with which they secured coverage in the media, their
relationship with it was integral to the evolution of the ban-the-bomb and peace movements.
The relationship between middle class radicalism and the media was significant not only for the political cultures of pacifism and socialism, however, but also for the nature of democracy and the public sphere in Britain. By exploiting developments in media
communications and discourse, radicals also influenced public life. The activists, artists, intellectuals and rank-and-file supporters who participated in the movement forged and popularised forms of protest in and outside of the media and the legal and political system.
2013-01-01T00:00:00ZHill, Christopher RobertThe dissertation explores the relationship between middle class radicalism and the media in Britain between 1954 and 1965. It demonstrates how developments in media
communications and discourse influenced the radical movement to ban-the-bomb. The rise
of visual and commercial media, combined with the shift of media discourse away from the frameworks of the class system and the Cold War, led to an expansion of the boundaries of democratic debate: both in terms of the issues which were open to dispute and the groups which were able to dispute them. It enabled pacifists and socialists to mobilise a movement
by co-ordinating anti-nuclear propaganda with media coverage. Since they adapted their
tactics according to the success with which they secured coverage in the media, their
relationship with it was integral to the evolution of the ban-the-bomb and peace movements.
The relationship between middle class radicalism and the media was significant not only for the political cultures of pacifism and socialism, however, but also for the nature of democracy and the public sphere in Britain. By exploiting developments in media
communications and discourse, radicals also influenced public life. The activists, artists, intellectuals and rank-and-file supporters who participated in the movement forged and popularised forms of protest in and outside of the media and the legal and political system.Robert Beale and the Elizabethan polityTaviner, Markhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/37092019-03-29T16:09:38Z2000-01-01T00:00:00ZRobert Beale (c. 1541-1601) was one of the foremost (and certainly the best
documented) of the 'second-rank' figures that inhabited the inner rings of the
Elizabethan polity, and who in many senses characterised the politics of the age. Beale
was educated first at Coventry and then abroad during the Marian exile. Here he
imbibed of the cosmopolitan Protestantism that was to characterise and also control his
subsequent years of service to Queen, Country and commonwealth. His academic,
linguistic and legal training also formed the basis of his secretarial and administrative
skills that provided the backbone to his public political life.
Beale became an integral figure in mid-Elizabethan political society first through his
connections with Cecil, Leicester and Walsingham and then through his service as a
diplomatic specialist and as a Clerk of the Privy Council. His entire public political life
was motivated and controlled by a complex matrix of conceptions of service. First,
service to Walsingham in Paris as a secretary and familiar; second, service to Cecil and
Leicester and other Privy Councillors as an administrator and a source of counsel, and
third service to Elizabeth as Queen and figurehead of the nation. The final controlling
ideological impulse for Beale was his service to the more intangible concepts of a
distinctly protestant English commonwealth, combined at the same time with a more
widespread notion of a pan-European community of reformed protestants.
Beale's public political life provides an exceptionally well-documented microcosm of
many of the concerns that motivated his contemporaries and of the arenas in which
these concerns were acted out. As such, the clearer and more detailed picture of Beale
that emerges also adds considerably to our understanding of mid-Elizabethan political
society.
2000-01-01T00:00:00ZTaviner, MarkRobert Beale (c. 1541-1601) was one of the foremost (and certainly the best
documented) of the 'second-rank' figures that inhabited the inner rings of the
Elizabethan polity, and who in many senses characterised the politics of the age. Beale
was educated first at Coventry and then abroad during the Marian exile. Here he
imbibed of the cosmopolitan Protestantism that was to characterise and also control his
subsequent years of service to Queen, Country and commonwealth. His academic,
linguistic and legal training also formed the basis of his secretarial and administrative
skills that provided the backbone to his public political life.
Beale became an integral figure in mid-Elizabethan political society first through his
connections with Cecil, Leicester and Walsingham and then through his service as a
diplomatic specialist and as a Clerk of the Privy Council. His entire public political life
was motivated and controlled by a complex matrix of conceptions of service. First,
service to Walsingham in Paris as a secretary and familiar; second, service to Cecil and
Leicester and other Privy Councillors as an administrator and a source of counsel, and
third service to Elizabeth as Queen and figurehead of the nation. The final controlling
ideological impulse for Beale was his service to the more intangible concepts of a
distinctly protestant English commonwealth, combined at the same time with a more
widespread notion of a pan-European community of reformed protestants.
Beale's public political life provides an exceptionally well-documented microcosm of
many of the concerns that motivated his contemporaries and of the arenas in which
these concerns were acted out. As such, the clearer and more detailed picture of Beale
that emerges also adds considerably to our understanding of mid-Elizabethan political
society.England, the English and the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648)Marks, Adamhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/36532022-11-09T09:55:39Z2012-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis explores the role of England and the English during the Thirty Years’ War
(1618-1648), and provides the first major study of the between 50,000 and 60,000
Englishmen who fought for the ‘Protestant cause’ within the armies of countries such as
the Dutch Republic, Denmark and Sweden. These findings provide an alternative
perspective on a number of widely accepted theories, such as the demise of English
military power throughout the period and the failure of the Stuart monarchs to engage
within continental warfare. The actions of the English abroad openly contributed not
only to crucial European events, such as during the struggle to hold the Palatinate
(1620-1623) and at the sieges of Maastricht (1632) and Breda (1637) but also to
domestic events such as the breakdown of relations between the Crown and Parliament.
By making extensive use of continental archives to analyse the role of the English
abroad, this thesis provides a new perspective on not only events in Europe but also events within the borders of Stuart Britain. Through an analysis of the networks and motivations that linked these men, it challenges any idea these they were unimportant or simply mercenary by showing they were, in fact, an active part of Stuart policy while also actually fighting for a host of individual motivations. Explaining the role of these men during the breakdown of Stuart government in the late 1630s and 1640s illustrates the considerable influence this body of men had on their homeland. The thesis not only contributes to English historiography but also allows the existent work on Scotland and Ireland by historians such as Steve Murdoch, Alexia Grosjean, David Worthington and Robert Stradling to be placed within a wider British context. It also provides a contribution to the beginnings of a wider analysis of the English abroad during the early
modern period, which has been sorely under-researched.
2012-01-01T00:00:00ZMarks, AdamThis thesis explores the role of England and the English during the Thirty Years’ War
(1618-1648), and provides the first major study of the between 50,000 and 60,000
Englishmen who fought for the ‘Protestant cause’ within the armies of countries such as
the Dutch Republic, Denmark and Sweden. These findings provide an alternative
perspective on a number of widely accepted theories, such as the demise of English
military power throughout the period and the failure of the Stuart monarchs to engage
within continental warfare. The actions of the English abroad openly contributed not
only to crucial European events, such as during the struggle to hold the Palatinate
(1620-1623) and at the sieges of Maastricht (1632) and Breda (1637) but also to
domestic events such as the breakdown of relations between the Crown and Parliament.
By making extensive use of continental archives to analyse the role of the English
abroad, this thesis provides a new perspective on not only events in Europe but also events within the borders of Stuart Britain. Through an analysis of the networks and motivations that linked these men, it challenges any idea these they were unimportant or simply mercenary by showing they were, in fact, an active part of Stuart policy while also actually fighting for a host of individual motivations. Explaining the role of these men during the breakdown of Stuart government in the late 1630s and 1640s illustrates the considerable influence this body of men had on their homeland. The thesis not only contributes to English historiography but also allows the existent work on Scotland and Ireland by historians such as Steve Murdoch, Alexia Grosjean, David Worthington and Robert Stradling to be placed within a wider British context. It also provides a contribution to the beginnings of a wider analysis of the English abroad during the early
modern period, which has been sorely under-researched.The English provincial book trade : bookseller stock-lists, c.1520-1640Winters, Jenniferhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/34492019-03-29T16:10:41Z2012-11-30T00:00:00ZThe book world of sixteenth-century England was heavily focused on London. London’s publishers wholly dominated the production of books, and with Oxford and Cambridge the booksellers of the capital also played the largest role in the supplying and distribution of books imported from Continental Europe. Nevertheless, by the end of the sixteenth century a considerable network of booksellers had been established in England’s provincial towns. This dissertation uses scattered surviving evidence from book lists and inventories to investigate the development and character of provincial bookselling in the period between 1520 and 1640. It draws on information from most of England’s larger cities, including York, Norwich and Exeter, as well as much smaller places, such as Kirkby Lonsdale and Ormskirk. It demonstrates that, despite the competition from the metropolis, local booksellers played an important role in supplying customers with a considerable range and variety of books, and that these bookshops became larger and more ambitious in their services to customers through this period. The result should be a significant contribution to understanding the book world of early modern England. The dissertation is accompanied by an appendix, listing and identifying the books documented in nine separate lists, each of which, where possible, has been matched to surviving editions.
2012-11-30T00:00:00ZWinters, JenniferThe book world of sixteenth-century England was heavily focused on London. London’s publishers wholly dominated the production of books, and with Oxford and Cambridge the booksellers of the capital also played the largest role in the supplying and distribution of books imported from Continental Europe. Nevertheless, by the end of the sixteenth century a considerable network of booksellers had been established in England’s provincial towns. This dissertation uses scattered surviving evidence from book lists and inventories to investigate the development and character of provincial bookselling in the period between 1520 and 1640. It draws on information from most of England’s larger cities, including York, Norwich and Exeter, as well as much smaller places, such as Kirkby Lonsdale and Ormskirk. It demonstrates that, despite the competition from the metropolis, local booksellers played an important role in supplying customers with a considerable range and variety of books, and that these bookshops became larger and more ambitious in their services to customers through this period. The result should be a significant contribution to understanding the book world of early modern England. The dissertation is accompanied by an appendix, listing and identifying the books documented in nine separate lists, each of which, where possible, has been matched to surviving editions.Shaping popular culture : radio broadcasting, mass entertainment and the work of the BBC Variety Department, 1933-1967Dibbs, Martin G. R.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/31652019-07-01T10:03:32Z2012-11-30T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the extent to which the BBC was able to shape the output of popular culture on radio in Britain, according to its own system of beliefs, between the years 1933 and 1967. This research will show that from the outset, the BBC was an institution with a mission to inform, educate and entertain the nation. While it was not opposed to entertainment, its focus was didactic and supported a mission to improve its audience both culturally and intellectually. This policy was not always welcomed by the audience but, with the exception of the war years, persisted into mid 1950s. The Variety Department was formed in 1933 to produce all forms of light entertainment and this research will examine how its policies shaped the production of popular culture over the period concerned. This study looks not only at the workings of the Variety Department but also the topics of Americanisation and vulgarity, the two areas in which the BBC had particular sensitivities. It analyses the BBC’s strategies to counteract the American effect on popular music and spoken-word programmes and how it provided its own particularly British form of entertainment in order to produce programmes it considered suitable for British audiences. It also investigates programme censorship imposed by the BBC to mitigate vulgarity in programmes, so as to produce those it considered suitable for its audiences. This thesis will contend that for over 40 years the BBC Variety Department produced popular entertainment programmes on radio which became an integral part of people’s daily lives until, within a few years radio was superseded by television as the nation’s principal provider of domestic entertainment. There has been no discrete study of the BBC Variety Department and it is intended that this research will add to the existing scholarship in BBC history and contribute to the analysis of radio’s place in domestic popular culture in the period examined.
2012-11-30T00:00:00ZDibbs, Martin G. R.This thesis examines the extent to which the BBC was able to shape the output of popular culture on radio in Britain, according to its own system of beliefs, between the years 1933 and 1967. This research will show that from the outset, the BBC was an institution with a mission to inform, educate and entertain the nation. While it was not opposed to entertainment, its focus was didactic and supported a mission to improve its audience both culturally and intellectually. This policy was not always welcomed by the audience but, with the exception of the war years, persisted into mid 1950s. The Variety Department was formed in 1933 to produce all forms of light entertainment and this research will examine how its policies shaped the production of popular culture over the period concerned. This study looks not only at the workings of the Variety Department but also the topics of Americanisation and vulgarity, the two areas in which the BBC had particular sensitivities. It analyses the BBC’s strategies to counteract the American effect on popular music and spoken-word programmes and how it provided its own particularly British form of entertainment in order to produce programmes it considered suitable for British audiences. It also investigates programme censorship imposed by the BBC to mitigate vulgarity in programmes, so as to produce those it considered suitable for its audiences. This thesis will contend that for over 40 years the BBC Variety Department produced popular entertainment programmes on radio which became an integral part of people’s daily lives until, within a few years radio was superseded by television as the nation’s principal provider of domestic entertainment. There has been no discrete study of the BBC Variety Department and it is intended that this research will add to the existing scholarship in BBC history and contribute to the analysis of radio’s place in domestic popular culture in the period examined.'Take me up on my proposal' : the 'Open Skies' initiative and Dwight D. Eisenhower's efforts to curb the military-industrial complexBury, Helenhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/31352019-03-29T16:10:40Z2011-01-01T00:00:00ZThis dissertation examines president Eisenhower’s ‘Open Skies’ policy and its links
with American defence strategy of the 1950s. Based principally on archival sources,
especially the records of the Eisenhower Presidential Library, it will assess the foreign
policy issues and domestic pressures that influenced Eisenhower’s desire to
implement a system of mutual aerial inspection with the Soviet Union from July 1955.
The first chapter will focus on the background to the rise of the military
establishment in America after 1945, which Eisenhower later referred to as a military-industrial complex. Chapter Two examines the president’s defence strategy, which
became known as the New Look, and the ways in which this strategy embraced not
only a military response towards the perceived threat of Soviet communism but also
included non-military measures. Chapter Three focuses on the background to the
Geneva summit, at which Open Skies was proposed to the Russians. In particular, it
will assess Eisenhower’s efforts to strengthen Western allied unity so that
constructive negotiations with the Russians could be undertaken.
Chapter Four will focus on Nelson Rockefeller and the Quantico Panel. Think
tanks played an influential role in shaping foreign policy during the early Cold War
period. Chapters Five and Six examine Eisenhower’s attempts to implement Open
Skies with the Soviets after July 1955. In order to confront the growing challenges to
the New Look and cuts in defence budgets, Eisenhower needed reliable intelligence
on the Soviet Union that would quell exaggerated estimates about Russian military
capabilities. The dissertation concludes that Open Skies was neither a transient
measure nor an attempt by Eisenhower to achieve a propaganda advantage over the
Soviet Union. It is argued instead that his desire to implement this initiative was
linked to his determination to control the military-industrial complex in America, an
interpretation that has not been addressed by historians.
2011-01-01T00:00:00ZBury, HelenThis dissertation examines president Eisenhower’s ‘Open Skies’ policy and its links
with American defence strategy of the 1950s. Based principally on archival sources,
especially the records of the Eisenhower Presidential Library, it will assess the foreign
policy issues and domestic pressures that influenced Eisenhower’s desire to
implement a system of mutual aerial inspection with the Soviet Union from July 1955.
The first chapter will focus on the background to the rise of the military
establishment in America after 1945, which Eisenhower later referred to as a military-industrial complex. Chapter Two examines the president’s defence strategy, which
became known as the New Look, and the ways in which this strategy embraced not
only a military response towards the perceived threat of Soviet communism but also
included non-military measures. Chapter Three focuses on the background to the
Geneva summit, at which Open Skies was proposed to the Russians. In particular, it
will assess Eisenhower’s efforts to strengthen Western allied unity so that
constructive negotiations with the Russians could be undertaken.
Chapter Four will focus on Nelson Rockefeller and the Quantico Panel. Think
tanks played an influential role in shaping foreign policy during the early Cold War
period. Chapters Five and Six examine Eisenhower’s attempts to implement Open
Skies with the Soviets after July 1955. In order to confront the growing challenges to
the New Look and cuts in defence budgets, Eisenhower needed reliable intelligence
on the Soviet Union that would quell exaggerated estimates about Russian military
capabilities. The dissertation concludes that Open Skies was neither a transient
measure nor an attempt by Eisenhower to achieve a propaganda advantage over the
Soviet Union. It is argued instead that his desire to implement this initiative was
linked to his determination to control the military-industrial complex in America, an
interpretation that has not been addressed by historians.The development of Islamic political thought in relation to the West during the mid-twentieth centuryLaRossa, Christopherhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/31302019-03-29T16:09:08Z2011-01-01T00:00:00ZThis research is about the development of Islamic political thought in relation to
the West during the mid-twentieth century. It utilizes the ideas and writings of the
Islamic thinkers Sayyid Qutb of Egypt, Ali Shariati of Iran, and Jalal Al-e Ahmad of Iran
to illustrate this development. These figures reacted severely to Westernization (argued to
constitute colonialism, materialism, and secularism) as they saw it. This research will
argue that their reaction was due to the fatally corrosive effects each figure believed this
was having upon Islamic civil society and the Islamic moral economy, both in their
respective home homelands and throughout the greater global Ummah. Their perspective
is unique because they were critiquing the West based upon their experiences while in the
West, and using Western intellectual ideas to do so. This was done, this research
contends, in reaction to aspects of Edward Said’s Orientalism discourse. Qutb, Shariati,
and Al-e Ahmad’s reaction to the West, this research also argues, displays aspects of
Friedrich Nietzsche’s thought, namely that when an entity (in this case, Islam) encounters
the West, God is lost in that encounter. Additionally, this research argues that Qutb,
Shariati, and Al-e Ahmad sought to counter the loss of God in Islamic civil society and
halt the influence of Westernization as they saw it via the political realm through the use
of the Quran as law and government, thereby permanently restoring God to Islamic civil
society and salvaging the Islamic moral economy.
2011-01-01T00:00:00ZLaRossa, ChristopherThis research is about the development of Islamic political thought in relation to
the West during the mid-twentieth century. It utilizes the ideas and writings of the
Islamic thinkers Sayyid Qutb of Egypt, Ali Shariati of Iran, and Jalal Al-e Ahmad of Iran
to illustrate this development. These figures reacted severely to Westernization (argued to
constitute colonialism, materialism, and secularism) as they saw it. This research will
argue that their reaction was due to the fatally corrosive effects each figure believed this
was having upon Islamic civil society and the Islamic moral economy, both in their
respective home homelands and throughout the greater global Ummah. Their perspective
is unique because they were critiquing the West based upon their experiences while in the
West, and using Western intellectual ideas to do so. This was done, this research
contends, in reaction to aspects of Edward Said’s Orientalism discourse. Qutb, Shariati,
and Al-e Ahmad’s reaction to the West, this research also argues, displays aspects of
Friedrich Nietzsche’s thought, namely that when an entity (in this case, Islam) encounters
the West, God is lost in that encounter. Additionally, this research argues that Qutb,
Shariati, and Al-e Ahmad sought to counter the loss of God in Islamic civil society and
halt the influence of Westernization as they saw it via the political realm through the use
of the Quran as law and government, thereby permanently restoring God to Islamic civil
society and salvaging the Islamic moral economy.Against the tide : resistances to Annales in England, France, Germany, Italy and the United States, 1900-1970Tendler, Josephhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/31112019-07-01T10:16:08Z2011-11-30T00:00:00ZAgainst the Tide investigates systematically for the first time how resistances to methodologies advanced by historians associated with the Annales School, one of the most influential twentieth-century schools of historical thought, came to exist in England, France, Germany, Italy and the United States between 1900 and 1970. It defines ‘methodology’ in broad terms as the practice of history and poses a series of questions about resistances: who or what created them? What constituted them? Did they centre on a particular methodology,
Annales historian or the Annales School as a whole? And what did opposition to
methodologies incorporate: technical debates in isolation or wider issues associated with politics, religion and philosophy? The dissertation uses an interdisciplinary conceptual framework,drawing together ideas advanced in the history of science, sociology of education and knowledge, and comparative history, in order to answer these questions. The responses offered refer to and draw on a selection of sources: one hundred and nine scholars’ private archives, the articles, books, critical reviews and published letters of a variety of historians
and segments of the growing literature both about the Annales School and about the
institutions within which the historical discipline operated during the twentieth century. They suggest that resistances played an important part in the international dissemination of Annales
historians’ methodologies, that resistors held different ideas about the Annales School from those of its creators and divergent methodological commitments, but that they like Annales historians often sought to enhance historical research and sometimes worked on the same subjects but in different and occasionally equally inventive ways. Overall, the findings illustrate a limited but important part of Annales’ own history and thereby help to cast the School in new light on terms other than its own by placing it in the transnational context of
twentieth-century transatlantic historiography.
2011-11-30T00:00:00ZTendler, JosephAgainst the Tide investigates systematically for the first time how resistances to methodologies advanced by historians associated with the Annales School, one of the most influential twentieth-century schools of historical thought, came to exist in England, France, Germany, Italy and the United States between 1900 and 1970. It defines ‘methodology’ in broad terms as the practice of history and poses a series of questions about resistances: who or what created them? What constituted them? Did they centre on a particular methodology,
Annales historian or the Annales School as a whole? And what did opposition to
methodologies incorporate: technical debates in isolation or wider issues associated with politics, religion and philosophy? The dissertation uses an interdisciplinary conceptual framework,drawing together ideas advanced in the history of science, sociology of education and knowledge, and comparative history, in order to answer these questions. The responses offered refer to and draw on a selection of sources: one hundred and nine scholars’ private archives, the articles, books, critical reviews and published letters of a variety of historians
and segments of the growing literature both about the Annales School and about the
institutions within which the historical discipline operated during the twentieth century. They suggest that resistances played an important part in the international dissemination of Annales
historians’ methodologies, that resistors held different ideas about the Annales School from those of its creators and divergent methodological commitments, but that they like Annales historians often sought to enhance historical research and sometimes worked on the same subjects but in different and occasionally equally inventive ways. Overall, the findings illustrate a limited but important part of Annales’ own history and thereby help to cast the School in new light on terms other than its own by placing it in the transnational context of
twentieth-century transatlantic historiography.Hatred in print : aspects of anti-Protestant polemic in the French Wars of ReligionRacaut, Luchttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/29622019-03-29T16:09:06Z1999-01-01T00:00:00ZThe medium of printing has been persistently associated with Protestantism. As a
result, a large body of French Catholic anti-Protestant material was to a large extent
ignored. In contrast with Germany, there is evidence to suggest that French authors
used printing effectively and aggressively to promote the Catholic cause. During the
French Wars of Religion, French Catholics were far more innovative than they were
given credit for: the German paradigm of a leaden-footed Catholic response to the
Reformation was inappropriately applied to France. This is ironic given that it was
the Catholic cause which ultimately prevailed. In seeking to explain why France
remained a Catholic country, the French Catholic response must be taken into
account. Catholic polemical works, and their portrayal of Protestants in print in
particular, is the central focus of this work.
The first chapter is devoted to a historiographical discussion of the problem of
violence in the French Wars of Religion. The next two chapters are concerned with
the comparison between Protestantism and medieval heresies, and particularly the
recourse in polemic to the topos of the Albigensian Crusade. The next chapter
addresses the use of cultural archetypes such as 'the world turned upside down' and
the reversal of gender roles to deride the impact of the Reformation. The last two
chapters are an attempt to assess the impact of the Catholic polemic on the Protestant
culture and identity and on the emerging public opinion.
Rather than confront the Reformation on its own terms, the Catholic reaction
concentrated on discrediting the Protestant cause in the eyes of the Catholic majority.
They had a considerable impact on their readership and on an illiterate audience
(through the interaction between written and oral), and on the French Protestants'
own self-perception and identity. This thesis aims to contribute to the ongoing debate
over the nature of the French Wars of Religion, to explain why they were so violent
and why they engaged the loyalties of such a large portion of the population. This
study also provides an example of the successful defence of Catholicism developed
independently and in advance of Tridentine reform which is of wider significance for
the history of the Reformation in Europe.
1999-01-01T00:00:00ZRacaut, LucThe medium of printing has been persistently associated with Protestantism. As a
result, a large body of French Catholic anti-Protestant material was to a large extent
ignored. In contrast with Germany, there is evidence to suggest that French authors
used printing effectively and aggressively to promote the Catholic cause. During the
French Wars of Religion, French Catholics were far more innovative than they were
given credit for: the German paradigm of a leaden-footed Catholic response to the
Reformation was inappropriately applied to France. This is ironic given that it was
the Catholic cause which ultimately prevailed. In seeking to explain why France
remained a Catholic country, the French Catholic response must be taken into
account. Catholic polemical works, and their portrayal of Protestants in print in
particular, is the central focus of this work.
The first chapter is devoted to a historiographical discussion of the problem of
violence in the French Wars of Religion. The next two chapters are concerned with
the comparison between Protestantism and medieval heresies, and particularly the
recourse in polemic to the topos of the Albigensian Crusade. The next chapter
addresses the use of cultural archetypes such as 'the world turned upside down' and
the reversal of gender roles to deride the impact of the Reformation. The last two
chapters are an attempt to assess the impact of the Catholic polemic on the Protestant
culture and identity and on the emerging public opinion.
Rather than confront the Reformation on its own terms, the Catholic reaction
concentrated on discrediting the Protestant cause in the eyes of the Catholic majority.
They had a considerable impact on their readership and on an illiterate audience
(through the interaction between written and oral), and on the French Protestants'
own self-perception and identity. This thesis aims to contribute to the ongoing debate
over the nature of the French Wars of Religion, to explain why they were so violent
and why they engaged the loyalties of such a large portion of the population. This
study also provides an example of the successful defence of Catholicism developed
independently and in advance of Tridentine reform which is of wider significance for
the history of the Reformation in Europe.Peru and the British naval station (1808-1839)Ortiz-Sotelo, Jorgehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/29582019-03-29T16:11:57Z1998-01-01T00:00:00ZThe
protection of
British interests in the Pacific
was the basic
reason to
detach
a number of
Royal Navy's
vessels to that Ocean during the Nineteenth
Century. There
were several British interests in the area, and an assorted number of
Britons
established
in Spanish America
since the beginning
of the struggle
for
Independence. Amongst them, merchants was perhaps the most
important
and
influential
group, pressing on their government
for
protection to their trade. As
soon as
independence
reached the western coast of
America,
a new space was
created
for British
presence.
First Valparaiso
and afterwards
Callao, British
merchants were soon
firmly
established
in that part of
South America. As had
happened in the Atlantic
coast, their claims
for
protection were attended
by
the
British
government through the Pacific Squadron,
under the flag
of the
Commander-in-Chief
of the South American Station,
until
1837,
when
it
was
raised to a separate Station.
During the period covered
by this research
(1808-1839), Peru
came
through three crucial moments: the Wars
of
Independence, the initial
years as a
republic, and
its
confederation with
Bolivia
under the rule of
Santa Cruz.
Accordingly, the country shifted
from being
ruled
by
a strong authority, as the
viceroy; to became
a
highly
unstable republic,
first because the War
of
Independence itself,
and afterwards
by
reason of
internal disputes
amongst the
military.
British
merchants already established in Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Aires
and
Valparaiso,
considered
Peruvian
as a very profitable market, and consequently
tried by
every possible way to open
it to foreign trade. Following the
independence, in 1821, this market was officially opened,
but it did
not matched
what
British
merchants expected.
Potential buyers
were too small
in
number and a
reaction
from local
merchants proved efficient enough to maintain a
high taxation
on
foreign
goods.
Even
when
British
merchants reacted against these official
policy, namely
Protectionism, they were unable to obtain a more aggressive
support
from their government.
Other British interests in Peru
were
built
around a
loan
granted
by
a number of
British investors in 1822,
and some
further
investments
on mining.
Even
when this time was a period
in
which
Great Britain
had
achieved a paramount position
in industry,
commerce, naval and several other
fields, its
government maintained
its
policy of
"free hands" towards the new
republics
in America. Consequently, British
consular agents, as well as
British
Captains, devoted their mains efforts to
kept British trade as safe as possible, and
to protect their national
from
abuses committed
by local
authorities.
This thesis aims to study
how
well the Royal Navy, through the Pacific
Squadron
and afterwards the Pacific Station,
protected
British
subjects and
interests in Peru, between 1808
and
1839. The
research
focused in the
effectiveness of that naval presence,
discussing how it
was affected
by local
circumstances, the number of vessels available, the urgencies of transport of
treasure and the limitations
associated to operate without a shore
base.
1998-01-01T00:00:00ZOrtiz-Sotelo, JorgeThe
protection of
British interests in the Pacific
was the basic
reason to
detach
a number of
Royal Navy's
vessels to that Ocean during the Nineteenth
Century. There
were several British interests in the area, and an assorted number of
Britons
established
in Spanish America
since the beginning
of the struggle
for
Independence. Amongst them, merchants was perhaps the most
important
and
influential
group, pressing on their government
for
protection to their trade. As
soon as
independence
reached the western coast of
America,
a new space was
created
for British
presence.
First Valparaiso
and afterwards
Callao, British
merchants were soon
firmly
established
in that part of
South America. As had
happened in the Atlantic
coast, their claims
for
protection were attended
by
the
British
government through the Pacific Squadron,
under the flag
of the
Commander-in-Chief
of the South American Station,
until
1837,
when
it
was
raised to a separate Station.
During the period covered
by this research
(1808-1839), Peru
came
through three crucial moments: the Wars
of
Independence, the initial
years as a
republic, and
its
confederation with
Bolivia
under the rule of
Santa Cruz.
Accordingly, the country shifted
from being
ruled
by
a strong authority, as the
viceroy; to became
a
highly
unstable republic,
first because the War
of
Independence itself,
and afterwards
by
reason of
internal disputes
amongst the
military.
British
merchants already established in Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Aires
and
Valparaiso,
considered
Peruvian
as a very profitable market, and consequently
tried by
every possible way to open
it to foreign trade. Following the
independence, in 1821, this market was officially opened,
but it did
not matched
what
British
merchants expected.
Potential buyers
were too small
in
number and a
reaction
from local
merchants proved efficient enough to maintain a
high taxation
on
foreign
goods.
Even
when
British
merchants reacted against these official
policy, namely
Protectionism, they were unable to obtain a more aggressive
support
from their government.
Other British interests in Peru
were
built
around a
loan
granted
by
a number of
British investors in 1822,
and some
further
investments
on mining.
Even
when this time was a period
in
which
Great Britain
had
achieved a paramount position
in industry,
commerce, naval and several other
fields, its
government maintained
its
policy of
"free hands" towards the new
republics
in America. Consequently, British
consular agents, as well as
British
Captains, devoted their mains efforts to
kept British trade as safe as possible, and
to protect their national
from
abuses committed
by local
authorities.
This thesis aims to study
how
well the Royal Navy, through the Pacific
Squadron
and afterwards the Pacific Station,
protected
British
subjects and
interests in Peru, between 1808
and
1839. The
research
focused in the
effectiveness of that naval presence,
discussing how it
was affected
by local
circumstances, the number of vessels available, the urgencies of transport of
treasure and the limitations
associated to operate without a shore
base.Obligation and choice : aspects of family and kinship in seventeenth century County DurhamIssa, Christinehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/29482019-03-29T16:08:31Z1988-01-01T00:00:00ZThe thesis seeks to explore alleged differences in kinship and family relations
within County Durham, an area of wide geographical, social and economic
diversity. A study of recognition that reveals that kinship ties were narrow
and fell into a distinctly English pattern, a pattern which appears independent
of considerations of wealth. Only the life cycle appears to have influenced
patterns of recognition. Wider kin also appear to have been of limited importance
as a source of support, with individuals preferring to rely upon the aid of
neighbours and members of the nuclear family. This relatively narrow 9attern
of recognition and support stands in sharp contrast to the strong ties formed
within and through the nuclear family. The detailed study of inheritance,
marriage and conflict not only reinforces the earlier findings concerning
the limited importance of wider kin but also suggests that strong and specific
ties of obligation and expectation governed relationships formed within the
nuclear family. Such findings suggest the need to revise the assumption
which regard English society as being highly 'individualistic'.
1988-01-01T00:00:00ZIssa, ChristineThe thesis seeks to explore alleged differences in kinship and family relations
within County Durham, an area of wide geographical, social and economic
diversity. A study of recognition that reveals that kinship ties were narrow
and fell into a distinctly English pattern, a pattern which appears independent
of considerations of wealth. Only the life cycle appears to have influenced
patterns of recognition. Wider kin also appear to have been of limited importance
as a source of support, with individuals preferring to rely upon the aid of
neighbours and members of the nuclear family. This relatively narrow 9attern
of recognition and support stands in sharp contrast to the strong ties formed
within and through the nuclear family. The detailed study of inheritance,
marriage and conflict not only reinforces the earlier findings concerning
the limited importance of wider kin but also suggests that strong and specific
ties of obligation and expectation governed relationships formed within the
nuclear family. Such findings suggest the need to revise the assumption
which regard English society as being highly 'individualistic'.Phantoms of Anglo-Confederate commerce : an historical and archaeological investigation of American civil war blockade runningWatts, Gordon P.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/28912019-03-29T16:10:38Z1997-01-01T00:00:00ZDuring the American Civil War Wilmington, North Carolina and the
Bermudian ports of St. Georges and Hamilton served as vital links in a
complex trading network that developed to facilitate the exchange of southern
agricultural products for war materials and civilian merchandise through a
Union blockade of the Confederacy. Although that material contributed
significantly to the Confederate war effort, Anglo-Confederate blockade
running has received limited scholarly attention. Much of the associated
literature is based on memoirs rather than scholarship and does not accurately,
reflect that necessarily clandestine trade. The primary goal of this thesis is to
produce a more comprehensive and detailed picture of blockade running, the
cargoes carried through the Union blockade and the powerful steam vessels
that made Anglo-Confederate commerce possible. Unlike previous treatments,
this thesis combines the results of both archival and archaeological research.
The results illustrate the evolution of strategies involved in both establishing
and maintaining the blockade and those developed for running the blockade.
Assessment of the vessel remains and historical data associated with the
construction and procurement of steamers identifies the vessel types and
confirms that blockade runners adapted extant technology. Contrary to the
popularly held impression, no technological innovations were specifically
developed to address the demands of the trade. The spatial distribution of
wrecks and the minimal amount of cultural material surviving in association
with them, provides strong evidence that cargoes were more valuable than the
vessels. That premise influenced the strategy adopted by blockade runners.
While Confederate salvors left little evidence of cargo, historical research
revealed a wealth of new insight into the specific nature of that material. This
new evidence provides a more accurate and detailed picture of Anglo-
Confederate blockade running and the strategies, ships and cargoes that made
blockade running between Wilmington and Bermuda a success.
1997-01-01T00:00:00ZWatts, Gordon P.During the American Civil War Wilmington, North Carolina and the
Bermudian ports of St. Georges and Hamilton served as vital links in a
complex trading network that developed to facilitate the exchange of southern
agricultural products for war materials and civilian merchandise through a
Union blockade of the Confederacy. Although that material contributed
significantly to the Confederate war effort, Anglo-Confederate blockade
running has received limited scholarly attention. Much of the associated
literature is based on memoirs rather than scholarship and does not accurately,
reflect that necessarily clandestine trade. The primary goal of this thesis is to
produce a more comprehensive and detailed picture of blockade running, the
cargoes carried through the Union blockade and the powerful steam vessels
that made Anglo-Confederate commerce possible. Unlike previous treatments,
this thesis combines the results of both archival and archaeological research.
The results illustrate the evolution of strategies involved in both establishing
and maintaining the blockade and those developed for running the blockade.
Assessment of the vessel remains and historical data associated with the
construction and procurement of steamers identifies the vessel types and
confirms that blockade runners adapted extant technology. Contrary to the
popularly held impression, no technological innovations were specifically
developed to address the demands of the trade. The spatial distribution of
wrecks and the minimal amount of cultural material surviving in association
with them, provides strong evidence that cargoes were more valuable than the
vessels. That premise influenced the strategy adopted by blockade runners.
While Confederate salvors left little evidence of cargo, historical research
revealed a wealth of new insight into the specific nature of that material. This
new evidence provides a more accurate and detailed picture of Anglo-
Confederate blockade running and the strategies, ships and cargoes that made
blockade running between Wilmington and Bermuda a success.Imperialist women in Edwardian Britain : the Victoria League, 1899-1914Riedi, Elizabeth L.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/28202019-07-01T10:14:28Z1998-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis, based on private papers, society records, autobiographies and
memoirs, newspapers and periodicals, examines one mainly female imperialist
organisation - the Victoria League - and the women who ran it. It considers two related
questions - what made Edwardian women imperialist, and how, within the limits of
Edwardian society, could they express their imperialism? The thesis shows that several of
the League's founders and executive had visited South Africa during or shortly before
the Boer War, and that this experience, particularly for those who came into close contact
with Milner, was pivotal in stimulating them to active imperialism. The Victoria League,
founded April 1901, aimed to promote imperial unity and a British South Africa in a
variety of suitably 'womanly' ways: Boer War charities, imperial education, exporting
literature and art to the white dominions (particularly the Transvaal), welcoming colonial
visitors to Britain, arranging for the welcome of British settlers in the colonies, and
promoting social reform as an imperial issue. It worked overseas through a number of
independent Victoria Leagues in Australasia, the Imperial Order, Daughters of the Empire
in Canada, and the Guild of Loyal Women in South Africa; and at home with a number
of similar (though largely male) imperial propaganda societies. The thesis also considers
the Victoria League's attitude to race, particularly through its debate over entertaining
Indian students. It ends with a discussion of the options available to imperialist women;
and of the obstacles they faced in questions of authority (how far and in what ways a woman
could pronounce on imperial subjects) and of ideology (as expressed through the anti-suffrage
campaign). It concludes that the Victoria League, by transferring areas of
activity long acknowledged as 'feminine' to the imperial stage, redefined areas of female
competence and enlarged woman's 'separate sphere' to include the active propagation of
imperialism.
1998-01-01T00:00:00ZRiedi, Elizabeth L.This thesis, based on private papers, society records, autobiographies and
memoirs, newspapers and periodicals, examines one mainly female imperialist
organisation - the Victoria League - and the women who ran it. It considers two related
questions - what made Edwardian women imperialist, and how, within the limits of
Edwardian society, could they express their imperialism? The thesis shows that several of
the League's founders and executive had visited South Africa during or shortly before
the Boer War, and that this experience, particularly for those who came into close contact
with Milner, was pivotal in stimulating them to active imperialism. The Victoria League,
founded April 1901, aimed to promote imperial unity and a British South Africa in a
variety of suitably 'womanly' ways: Boer War charities, imperial education, exporting
literature and art to the white dominions (particularly the Transvaal), welcoming colonial
visitors to Britain, arranging for the welcome of British settlers in the colonies, and
promoting social reform as an imperial issue. It worked overseas through a number of
independent Victoria Leagues in Australasia, the Imperial Order, Daughters of the Empire
in Canada, and the Guild of Loyal Women in South Africa; and at home with a number
of similar (though largely male) imperial propaganda societies. The thesis also considers
the Victoria League's attitude to race, particularly through its debate over entertaining
Indian students. It ends with a discussion of the options available to imperialist women;
and of the obstacles they faced in questions of authority (how far and in what ways a woman
could pronounce on imperial subjects) and of ideology (as expressed through the anti-suffrage
campaign). It concludes that the Victoria League, by transferring areas of
activity long acknowledged as 'feminine' to the imperial stage, redefined areas of female
competence and enlarged woman's 'separate sphere' to include the active propagation of
imperialism.The debate on Austrian national identity in the First Republic (1918-1938)Peniston-Bird, C. M.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/28172019-07-01T10:06:31Z1997-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines the debate over Austrian national
identity in the interwar period (1918-1938), and deconstructs
key components of national identity. These components include
economic, historical, linguistic and certain cultural factors,
the concept of a nation's mission, and the "national
individual". The final area examined is tourism. It is
postulated that tourism permits exploration of the bonds
between humans and the environment which they inhabit, and has
significant implications for national cohesion.
Sources include contemporary and historical texts on the
concept of nationhood and related areas; political, social and
cultural histories pertaining to the First Republic; and
primary source materials including parliamentary and cabinet
minutes; the League of Nations' economic reports on Austria;
newspapers, particularly those of pressure groups; individual
monographs (of economists, teachers, politicians, theorists);
as well as cultural output (literature, poetry, cinema, art,
and satire).
The two sides of the debate can be grouped into arguments
pertaining to Austria's relationship to Germany, and arguments
placing Austria into a wider European context. The roles of
internal cohesion and the influence of the outside world on
national identity are addressed. It is shown that the
contribution of this period to the development of Austrian
national identity has been underestimated: that the
foundations for an independent Austria were laid in these
years. The concept of national identity is explored and
elucidated.
1997-01-01T00:00:00ZPeniston-Bird, C. M.This thesis examines the debate over Austrian national
identity in the interwar period (1918-1938), and deconstructs
key components of national identity. These components include
economic, historical, linguistic and certain cultural factors,
the concept of a nation's mission, and the "national
individual". The final area examined is tourism. It is
postulated that tourism permits exploration of the bonds
between humans and the environment which they inhabit, and has
significant implications for national cohesion.
Sources include contemporary and historical texts on the
concept of nationhood and related areas; political, social and
cultural histories pertaining to the First Republic; and
primary source materials including parliamentary and cabinet
minutes; the League of Nations' economic reports on Austria;
newspapers, particularly those of pressure groups; individual
monographs (of economists, teachers, politicians, theorists);
as well as cultural output (literature, poetry, cinema, art,
and satire).
The two sides of the debate can be grouped into arguments
pertaining to Austria's relationship to Germany, and arguments
placing Austria into a wider European context. The roles of
internal cohesion and the influence of the outside world on
national identity are addressed. It is shown that the
contribution of this period to the development of Austrian
national identity has been underestimated: that the
foundations for an independent Austria were laid in these
years. The concept of national identity is explored and
elucidated.From forest to fairway : hull analysis of 'La belle', a late seventeenth-century French shipCarrell, Toni L.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/27982019-07-01T10:19:56Z2003-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis is
a comprehensive analysis of the hull
remains of
La Belle,
a ship
wrecked off the coast of
Texas in 1684 during the failed
attempt
by Robert Cavelier Sieur
de La Salle to establish a colony at the
mouth of the Mississippi River.
The
analysis of
La Belle's hull focused
on
five
research goals.
The first
was to
reconstruct the conception and
design
of the hull. Because La Belle
was
built
on
France's
Atlantic
coast,
it
was expected that the ship would
fit into Atlantic traditions of
shipbuilding.
Instead, it
exhibits an ancient
Mediterranean
method
known
only
from
Renaissance manuscripts.
Until La Belle's discovery
no archaeological example
associated with this method
had been identified. Reconstruction
of the lines
also revealed
the unexpected use of surmarks that reflect a transition from
a
largely
empirical approach
to the architecturally-based ship plan.
The
second goal was the documentation
of a previously unstudied ship type, the
barque longue, through an analysis and
description
of the hull's
assembly and
its
comparison
to contemporary shipbuilding practices.
The third goal was an analysis of
newly
discovered
registries,
letters,
and
documents
specific to La Belle that raised
fundamental
questions regarding the ship's genesis and typological identification.
The fourth
goal was species identification
of the timbers to provide a more
detailed
picture of
forest
exploitation and to identify
whether
Old
or
New World timbers
were used
in the repairs noted
in the hull. The fifth
goal was to obtain
information
on the
origin of the wood through dendrochronological
analysis.
That
analysis raised
unexpected questions regarding
dating
and the possibility of re-use of whole
frame
sets.
Because there are no other
investigated late 17th-century shipwreck sites
from the
Rochefort
region with species and
dendrochronology data, La Belle has
provided a
benchmark for these two analyses.
These five
research foci
provide a unique picture of
late 17th-century
shipbuilding
in French Atlantic
shipyards and contribute to the study of
hull design,
ship typology,
construction and assembly, wood species use and origin,
dendrochronological dating,
and
timber reuse.
2003-01-01T00:00:00ZCarrell, Toni L.This thesis is
a comprehensive analysis of the hull
remains of
La Belle,
a ship
wrecked off the coast of
Texas in 1684 during the failed
attempt
by Robert Cavelier Sieur
de La Salle to establish a colony at the
mouth of the Mississippi River.
The
analysis of
La Belle's hull focused
on
five
research goals.
The first
was to
reconstruct the conception and
design
of the hull. Because La Belle
was
built
on
France's
Atlantic
coast,
it
was expected that the ship would
fit into Atlantic traditions of
shipbuilding.
Instead, it
exhibits an ancient
Mediterranean
method
known
only
from
Renaissance manuscripts.
Until La Belle's discovery
no archaeological example
associated with this method
had been identified. Reconstruction
of the lines
also revealed
the unexpected use of surmarks that reflect a transition from
a
largely
empirical approach
to the architecturally-based ship plan.
The
second goal was the documentation
of a previously unstudied ship type, the
barque longue, through an analysis and
description
of the hull's
assembly and
its
comparison
to contemporary shipbuilding practices.
The third goal was an analysis of
newly
discovered
registries,
letters,
and
documents
specific to La Belle that raised
fundamental
questions regarding the ship's genesis and typological identification.
The fourth
goal was species identification
of the timbers to provide a more
detailed
picture of
forest
exploitation and to identify
whether
Old
or
New World timbers
were used
in the repairs noted
in the hull. The fifth
goal was to obtain
information
on the
origin of the wood through dendrochronological
analysis.
That
analysis raised
unexpected questions regarding
dating
and the possibility of re-use of whole
frame
sets.
Because there are no other
investigated late 17th-century shipwreck sites
from the
Rochefort
region with species and
dendrochronology data, La Belle has
provided a
benchmark for these two analyses.
These five
research foci
provide a unique picture of
late 17th-century
shipbuilding
in French Atlantic
shipyards and contribute to the study of
hull design,
ship typology,
construction and assembly, wood species use and origin,
dendrochronological dating,
and
timber reuse.English impressions of Venice up to the early seventeenth century: a documentary studyHammerton, Rachel Joanhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/27922019-07-01T10:11:28Z1987-01-01T00:00:00ZThe first Englishmen to write about the city-state
of Venice were the pilgrims passing through on their way to
the Holy Land. Their impressions are recorded in the travel diaries
and collections of advice for prospective fellow pilgrims
between the early fourteenth and early sixteenth
centuries, the most substantial being those of William Wey,
Sir Richard Guylforde and Sir Richard Torkington, who visited
Venice in 1458 and '62, 1506, and 1517 respectively. In the
1540s arrived the men who saw Venice as part of the new Europe--Andrew Borde and William Thomas. Thomas's study of the
Venetian state emphasized the efficiency of its
administration, seeing it as an example of constructive
government, where effective organisation for the common good
led directly to national stability and prosperity. The mid-sixteenth
century saw the beginnings of Venice as a tourist
centre; the visitors who came between 1550 and the end of the
century described the sights and the people, the traditions
and way of life. Fynes Moryson's extensive account details
what could be seen and learned in the city by an observant and
enquiring visitor.
In addition to information available in first-hand
accounts of Venice, much could be learned from the work of the
late sixteenth-century English translators. Linguistic,
cultural, geographical, historical and literary translations
yielded further knowledge and, more importantly, new
perspectives, Venice being seen through the eyes of Italians
and, through Lewkenor's comprehensive work, The Commonwealth
and Government of Venice, of Venetians themselves.
Finally, to assess the general impressions of
Venice and the Venetians, we consider the literature of the
turn of the sixteenth-seventeenth century; what, and how
much, of the three-hundred year accumulation of knowledge of
the city and people of Venice had most caught the attention
and imagination of the English mind, and how close was the
relationship between the popular impression and the
documentary information from which it had largely developed.
1987-01-01T00:00:00ZHammerton, Rachel JoanThe first Englishmen to write about the city-state
of Venice were the pilgrims passing through on their way to
the Holy Land. Their impressions are recorded in the travel diaries
and collections of advice for prospective fellow pilgrims
between the early fourteenth and early sixteenth
centuries, the most substantial being those of William Wey,
Sir Richard Guylforde and Sir Richard Torkington, who visited
Venice in 1458 and '62, 1506, and 1517 respectively. In the
1540s arrived the men who saw Venice as part of the new Europe--Andrew Borde and William Thomas. Thomas's study of the
Venetian state emphasized the efficiency of its
administration, seeing it as an example of constructive
government, where effective organisation for the common good
led directly to national stability and prosperity. The mid-sixteenth
century saw the beginnings of Venice as a tourist
centre; the visitors who came between 1550 and the end of the
century described the sights and the people, the traditions
and way of life. Fynes Moryson's extensive account details
what could be seen and learned in the city by an observant and
enquiring visitor.
In addition to information available in first-hand
accounts of Venice, much could be learned from the work of the
late sixteenth-century English translators. Linguistic,
cultural, geographical, historical and literary translations
yielded further knowledge and, more importantly, new
perspectives, Venice being seen through the eyes of Italians
and, through Lewkenor's comprehensive work, The Commonwealth
and Government of Venice, of Venetians themselves.
Finally, to assess the general impressions of
Venice and the Venetians, we consider the literature of the
turn of the sixteenth-seventeenth century; what, and how
much, of the three-hundred year accumulation of knowledge of
the city and people of Venice had most caught the attention
and imagination of the English mind, and how close was the
relationship between the popular impression and the
documentary information from which it had largely developed.William Paget and the late-Henrican polity, 1543-1547Johnston, Andrewhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/27622019-03-29T16:09:51Z2004-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis explores the late-Henrican polity through the archive and perspective of William
Paget, Henry VIII's secretary at the end of his reign. Paget's papers as secretary (1543-1547), that
form the basis of the thesis, are an extensive, unique and relatively under-used source. From this
starting-point Paget's role as secretary is explored and he is revealed as the personal servant of
the king, whose natural environment was the court. As such he was an influential source of
counsel and perhaps the key patronage-broker at court. In this context Paget also had a significant
influence over the operation of the dry stamp at the end of the reign. Equally, Paget's role in
shaping the function of the secretary and his relations with the recently formed privy council was
of considerable importance, providing the template for later Tudor secretaries.
Diplomacy in the uncertain world of the 1540s was one of Paget's primary concerns and his
priorities can be seen as trying to provide security and stability for the realm. This is revealed not
only in his 'Consultation' of August 1546 but also in his diplomacy with the French, the
Schmalkaldic League and the Papacy. In this he sometimes found himself at odds with the king
and leading a privy council united in a desire for peace.
Politically Paget has traditionally been cast as an ambitious politique, the 'master of practices'
and part of the earl of Hertford's reform party. Whilst acknowledging Paget's close relations with
Hertford this thesis questions the factional interpretation of the last years of the reign and argues
that the predominant concern of Paget and his fellow privy councillors was a peaceful succession
in which unanimity rather than conflict was the key-note.
2004-01-01T00:00:00ZJohnston, AndrewThis thesis explores the late-Henrican polity through the archive and perspective of William
Paget, Henry VIII's secretary at the end of his reign. Paget's papers as secretary (1543-1547), that
form the basis of the thesis, are an extensive, unique and relatively under-used source. From this
starting-point Paget's role as secretary is explored and he is revealed as the personal servant of
the king, whose natural environment was the court. As such he was an influential source of
counsel and perhaps the key patronage-broker at court. In this context Paget also had a significant
influence over the operation of the dry stamp at the end of the reign. Equally, Paget's role in
shaping the function of the secretary and his relations with the recently formed privy council was
of considerable importance, providing the template for later Tudor secretaries.
Diplomacy in the uncertain world of the 1540s was one of Paget's primary concerns and his
priorities can be seen as trying to provide security and stability for the realm. This is revealed not
only in his 'Consultation' of August 1546 but also in his diplomacy with the French, the
Schmalkaldic League and the Papacy. In this he sometimes found himself at odds with the king
and leading a privy council united in a desire for peace.
Politically Paget has traditionally been cast as an ambitious politique, the 'master of practices'
and part of the earl of Hertford's reform party. Whilst acknowledging Paget's close relations with
Hertford this thesis questions the factional interpretation of the last years of the reign and argues
that the predominant concern of Paget and his fellow privy councillors was a peaceful succession
in which unanimity rather than conflict was the key-note.Mary Queen of Scots in the polemical literature of the French Wars of ReligionWilkinson, Alexander S.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/27372019-03-29T16:08:32Z2001-01-01T00:00:00ZThe French Wars of Religion were more than a battle for outright military victory.
They were also a battle for the hearts and minds of the population of France. In this struggle
to win over public opinion, often apparently peripheral or collateral issues could be engaged
to make partisan points. Such was the case with the polemical literature surrounding Mary
Queen of Scots. Mary was a very French figure. But Mary's complex career- her brief
marriage to the dauphin Francois, her adoption of a tolerant religious policy in Scotland, her
implication in the murder of her husband, and her imprisonment and execution at the hands of
a Protestant monarch - inevitably made her an ambiguous subject for polemicists, Catholic
and Huguenot alike. Based on a bibliographic survey of over four hundred and twenty
sixteenth century editions in French relative to the Queen, and extensive reading of these
works, this study explores both the general contours and finer detail of French public interest
in the Queen of Scots. Chapter one discusses the shifting historical relationship between
Mary and France, while chapters two and three deal with the steady stream of Catholic and
Huguenot publications relating to Mary that appeared in the public domain between 1548 and
1586. The heart of this study, however, can be found in its final two chapters, which deal
with the polemical literature that poured off the presses in response to the execution or
martyrdom of Mary. These chapters investigate the interface between the printed word and
other media in the Catholic response to the 'tragedy' of Fotheringhay, and examine the many
facets of the image of the martyred Queen. The martyrdom of the Queen of Scots and
dowager Queen of France became one of the most prominent themes in the propaganda of the
Catholic League. Over one fifth of Catholic polemic in the period 1587-1588 touched on the
event, contributing to the radicalisation of popular opinion against the king of France, Henri
III.
2001-01-01T00:00:00ZWilkinson, Alexander S.The French Wars of Religion were more than a battle for outright military victory.
They were also a battle for the hearts and minds of the population of France. In this struggle
to win over public opinion, often apparently peripheral or collateral issues could be engaged
to make partisan points. Such was the case with the polemical literature surrounding Mary
Queen of Scots. Mary was a very French figure. But Mary's complex career- her brief
marriage to the dauphin Francois, her adoption of a tolerant religious policy in Scotland, her
implication in the murder of her husband, and her imprisonment and execution at the hands of
a Protestant monarch - inevitably made her an ambiguous subject for polemicists, Catholic
and Huguenot alike. Based on a bibliographic survey of over four hundred and twenty
sixteenth century editions in French relative to the Queen, and extensive reading of these
works, this study explores both the general contours and finer detail of French public interest
in the Queen of Scots. Chapter one discusses the shifting historical relationship between
Mary and France, while chapters two and three deal with the steady stream of Catholic and
Huguenot publications relating to Mary that appeared in the public domain between 1548 and
1586. The heart of this study, however, can be found in its final two chapters, which deal
with the polemical literature that poured off the presses in response to the execution or
martyrdom of Mary. These chapters investigate the interface between the printed word and
other media in the Catholic response to the 'tragedy' of Fotheringhay, and examine the many
facets of the image of the martyred Queen. The martyrdom of the Queen of Scots and
dowager Queen of France became one of the most prominent themes in the propaganda of the
Catholic League. Over one fifth of Catholic polemic in the period 1587-1588 touched on the
event, contributing to the radicalisation of popular opinion against the king of France, Henri
III.The Layburnes and their world, circa 1620-1720: the English Catholic community and the House of StuartWright, F. Alisonhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/27182019-07-01T10:19:20Z2002-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis concerns Catholics in north-western England in the late
seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, in particular the Layburne family
of Cunswick, Cumbria. It examines their role in local society and at the courts
of the Stuart queens in London and St Germains. It traces their growing
commitment to the Jacobite cause and their hopes of thereby regaining
positions of influence at court and in the country.
The north-western Tory gentry's sympathy with their Catholic counterparts is
contrasted with the treatment given to the Quakers in the same area. The latter
were regarded as a danger to the fabric of society, representing an economic
and political threat to the government. As an example of how integrated the
Catholics were, the services in Kendal parish church were more Papist than
non-conformist, even under the Protectorate. At the Restoration the Catholics
continued to contribute to the upkeep of the church and were well-regarded in
the area.
The Layburnes occupied positions during the reign of James II, both in the
north-west and at court. Bishop John Laybume acted as James II's Catholic
bishop, and had also been involved in the Secret Treaty of Dover in 1670,
under Charles II. during James II's reign bishop Layburne had organised the
funding of Catholic chapels, clergy and education. This activity was
discovered and used in the prosecution of Catholic gentry in the trials
following the Lancashire Plot (1694). On acquittal, the Jacobites vigorously
renewed their plotting in Lancashire. Planning for a Jacobite invasion reached
its culmination in the 1715 Rising, only to end with the siege of Preston.
Despite some executions and the forfeiture of estates, many Catholic Jacobite
families survived the 1715 rising. Few rose in 1745 and many Catholic
families, with the exception of the Layburnes, prospered and continue to this
day.
2002-01-01T00:00:00ZWright, F. AlisonThis thesis concerns Catholics in north-western England in the late
seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, in particular the Layburne family
of Cunswick, Cumbria. It examines their role in local society and at the courts
of the Stuart queens in London and St Germains. It traces their growing
commitment to the Jacobite cause and their hopes of thereby regaining
positions of influence at court and in the country.
The north-western Tory gentry's sympathy with their Catholic counterparts is
contrasted with the treatment given to the Quakers in the same area. The latter
were regarded as a danger to the fabric of society, representing an economic
and political threat to the government. As an example of how integrated the
Catholics were, the services in Kendal parish church were more Papist than
non-conformist, even under the Protectorate. At the Restoration the Catholics
continued to contribute to the upkeep of the church and were well-regarded in
the area.
The Layburnes occupied positions during the reign of James II, both in the
north-west and at court. Bishop John Laybume acted as James II's Catholic
bishop, and had also been involved in the Secret Treaty of Dover in 1670,
under Charles II. during James II's reign bishop Layburne had organised the
funding of Catholic chapels, clergy and education. This activity was
discovered and used in the prosecution of Catholic gentry in the trials
following the Lancashire Plot (1694). On acquittal, the Jacobites vigorously
renewed their plotting in Lancashire. Planning for a Jacobite invasion reached
its culmination in the 1715 Rising, only to end with the siege of Preston.
Despite some executions and the forfeiture of estates, many Catholic Jacobite
families survived the 1715 rising. Few rose in 1745 and many Catholic
families, with the exception of the Layburnes, prospered and continue to this
day.Richard Cosin and the rehabilitation of the clerical estate in late Elizabethan EnglandHampson, James E.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/27062019-03-29T16:08:09Z1997-01-01T00:00:00ZThe royal supremacy established by Henry VIII was never fully defined or resolved. Was it
an imperial kingship or a mixed polity - the king-in-parliament? Professor G.R Elton's theory
of parliamentary supremacy has been accepted for many years, but more recently this theory has
come under attack from Professors Peter Lake, John Guy, and Patrick Collinson. They have
shown that it was not strictly the case that either the royal supremacy or the ecclesiastical polity
of the Tudors was a settled issue; there was a tension and an uncertainty that underlay both the
Henrician break with Rome in 1534 and the Elizabethan Settlement of 1559, yet this tension
was not brought to surface of Tudor political debate until the latter part of Elizabeth I's reign.
What brought the issue to the fore was the controversy between the puritans who opposed
Archbishop John Whitgift's subscription campaign and the 'conformists' who sided with
Whitgift's demand for order and congruity in the young Church of England.
Part of this controversy was carried out in a literary battle between one of Whitgift's
proteges, civil lawyer and high commissioner Richard Cosin, and puritan common lawyer James
Morice. The debate focused on the legality of the High Commission's use of the ex officio oath
and eventually came to hinge on the question of Elizabeth's authority to empower that
commission to exact the oath by virtue of her letters patent. If the ex officio oath was strictly
against the statutes and common laws of the realm, was the queen authorised to direct the
commission to exact the oath anyway - over and above the law? To answer yes, as Cosin did,
was to declare that the queen's royal supremacy was imperial and that her ecclesiastical polity was
essentially theocratic. To answer no, as did Morice, was to assert that there were certain things
that the queen could not do - namely that she was not empowered to direct the High
Commission to contravene statute law, even in the name of ordering and reforming the church.
Cosin's legal arguments for the imperial supremacy of the monarch were powerful, but his
writings were steeped in a form of political rhetoric that was quickly coming into fashion in the
late sixteenth century: the 'language of state'. The language of state was essentially an
abandonment of the classical-humanist vocabulary of 'counseling the prince' for the sake of
'virtuous government' in pursuit of a 'happy republic'. This new political language used by Cosin
and other conformists justified itself on the premise that the state was so thoroughly endangered
by sedition and instability that an urgent corrective was needed: not wise or virtuous counsel but
strict obedience to the laws that preserved civil and religious authority.
With the threat of presbyterianism at the doorstep of the English Church, Cosin -
protected and encouraged by the powerful Whitgift - was free to employ both his legal and his
rhetorical skills in an effort to reinvigorate the English clergy by enhancing their jurisdictional
status over the laity. By the time James VI and I began his systematic revitalisation of the clerical
estate in 1604, the vocabulary that would justify it had already been created. The influence of
Cosin demonstrably permeated the early years of the Stuart Church suggesting that Cosin might
provide a link between the vague uncertainties of the Elizabethan Settlement and the stark
realities of the Caroline Church.
1997-01-01T00:00:00ZHampson, James E.The royal supremacy established by Henry VIII was never fully defined or resolved. Was it
an imperial kingship or a mixed polity - the king-in-parliament? Professor G.R Elton's theory
of parliamentary supremacy has been accepted for many years, but more recently this theory has
come under attack from Professors Peter Lake, John Guy, and Patrick Collinson. They have
shown that it was not strictly the case that either the royal supremacy or the ecclesiastical polity
of the Tudors was a settled issue; there was a tension and an uncertainty that underlay both the
Henrician break with Rome in 1534 and the Elizabethan Settlement of 1559, yet this tension
was not brought to surface of Tudor political debate until the latter part of Elizabeth I's reign.
What brought the issue to the fore was the controversy between the puritans who opposed
Archbishop John Whitgift's subscription campaign and the 'conformists' who sided with
Whitgift's demand for order and congruity in the young Church of England.
Part of this controversy was carried out in a literary battle between one of Whitgift's
proteges, civil lawyer and high commissioner Richard Cosin, and puritan common lawyer James
Morice. The debate focused on the legality of the High Commission's use of the ex officio oath
and eventually came to hinge on the question of Elizabeth's authority to empower that
commission to exact the oath by virtue of her letters patent. If the ex officio oath was strictly
against the statutes and common laws of the realm, was the queen authorised to direct the
commission to exact the oath anyway - over and above the law? To answer yes, as Cosin did,
was to declare that the queen's royal supremacy was imperial and that her ecclesiastical polity was
essentially theocratic. To answer no, as did Morice, was to assert that there were certain things
that the queen could not do - namely that she was not empowered to direct the High
Commission to contravene statute law, even in the name of ordering and reforming the church.
Cosin's legal arguments for the imperial supremacy of the monarch were powerful, but his
writings were steeped in a form of political rhetoric that was quickly coming into fashion in the
late sixteenth century: the 'language of state'. The language of state was essentially an
abandonment of the classical-humanist vocabulary of 'counseling the prince' for the sake of
'virtuous government' in pursuit of a 'happy republic'. This new political language used by Cosin
and other conformists justified itself on the premise that the state was so thoroughly endangered
by sedition and instability that an urgent corrective was needed: not wise or virtuous counsel but
strict obedience to the laws that preserved civil and religious authority.
With the threat of presbyterianism at the doorstep of the English Church, Cosin -
protected and encouraged by the powerful Whitgift - was free to employ both his legal and his
rhetorical skills in an effort to reinvigorate the English clergy by enhancing their jurisdictional
status over the laity. By the time James VI and I began his systematic revitalisation of the clerical
estate in 1604, the vocabulary that would justify it had already been created. The influence of
Cosin demonstrably permeated the early years of the Stuart Church suggesting that Cosin might
provide a link between the vague uncertainties of the Elizabethan Settlement and the stark
realities of the Caroline Church.The Somers mutiny of 1842Goldberg, Angus Ephraimhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/26952019-03-29T16:10:55Z2000-01-01T00:00:00ZThis dissertation presents an analysis of the Somers mutiny of 1842
that goes beyond the simple narratives offered by previous studies of the
cruise. The mutiny is examined within the context of contemporary
American politics and social reform, particularly as they related to naval
affairs. These emphases clarify the rationale behind the cruise of the
Somers, and shed light upon the nature of her crew.
The immediate physical environment of the brig is described in
order to reveal the difficulties in its operation, and the destabilising effect
that this had on both the functional and social worlds of the vessel. The
social environment on board is further defined by examining the daily
progress of the cruise with reference to antebellum naval life and practice.
When so combined, these factors clarify the officers' perception of the
mutiny threat, and go far to explain their actions throughout the crisis.
Finally, the dissertation examines the controversy that arose after
the Somers returned to the United States. In particular, the military
courts convened to investigate the mutiny are subjected to critical analysis
since they are fully part of the events that they purported to explain, and
because their proceedings remain the primary source material for
reconstructing the cruise it is necessary to identify their biases. To
conclude, the societal lessons of the Somers mutiny are explored, and an
alternative reading of the event is posed.
2000-01-01T00:00:00ZGoldberg, Angus EphraimThis dissertation presents an analysis of the Somers mutiny of 1842
that goes beyond the simple narratives offered by previous studies of the
cruise. The mutiny is examined within the context of contemporary
American politics and social reform, particularly as they related to naval
affairs. These emphases clarify the rationale behind the cruise of the
Somers, and shed light upon the nature of her crew.
The immediate physical environment of the brig is described in
order to reveal the difficulties in its operation, and the destabilising effect
that this had on both the functional and social worlds of the vessel. The
social environment on board is further defined by examining the daily
progress of the cruise with reference to antebellum naval life and practice.
When so combined, these factors clarify the officers' perception of the
mutiny threat, and go far to explain their actions throughout the crisis.
Finally, the dissertation examines the controversy that arose after
the Somers returned to the United States. In particular, the military
courts convened to investigate the mutiny are subjected to critical analysis
since they are fully part of the events that they purported to explain, and
because their proceedings remain the primary source material for
reconstructing the cruise it is necessary to identify their biases. To
conclude, the societal lessons of the Somers mutiny are explored, and an
alternative reading of the event is posed.Women in revolutionary organisationsGentry, Caron E.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/26942019-03-29T16:08:02Z2003-01-01T00:00:00ZThe main aim of this thesis is to demonstrate that the female revolutionary is no
different from her male compatriot. She enters the organisation in the same manner;
she shares the same ideology; she participates equally within the revolutionary
organisation; and, if she leaves the struggle, she does so in much the same way as her
peers. The thesis uses a framework based upon New Social Movement theory to
establish the social and historical context of the women by comparing the following five
aspects of a new social movement: historical context, leadership, membership, collective
action and group ideology and the revolutionary dimension. Before the three historical
narratives on the American Movement, the West German student movement and the
Palestinian Resistance Movement are undertaken, a literature review covers Social
Movement theory, New Social Movement theory, theories on Violence and Terrorism
Studies. The thesis also looks at how women have been gendered in criminology and
war and how this gendering has influenced some of the leading research on the female
terrorist. In order to show that the female revolutionary is very similar to the male, this
thesis examines the three historical narratives mentioned above. After reviewing the
social and historical context, the respective new social movement, the role of women in
the revolutionary organisations (the Weather Underground, the Red Army Faction and
Fateh and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine) are reviewed in depth by
studying their entry, ideology, group dynamics and exit.
2003-01-01T00:00:00ZGentry, Caron E.The main aim of this thesis is to demonstrate that the female revolutionary is no
different from her male compatriot. She enters the organisation in the same manner;
she shares the same ideology; she participates equally within the revolutionary
organisation; and, if she leaves the struggle, she does so in much the same way as her
peers. The thesis uses a framework based upon New Social Movement theory to
establish the social and historical context of the women by comparing the following five
aspects of a new social movement: historical context, leadership, membership, collective
action and group ideology and the revolutionary dimension. Before the three historical
narratives on the American Movement, the West German student movement and the
Palestinian Resistance Movement are undertaken, a literature review covers Social
Movement theory, New Social Movement theory, theories on Violence and Terrorism
Studies. The thesis also looks at how women have been gendered in criminology and
war and how this gendering has influenced some of the leading research on the female
terrorist. In order to show that the female revolutionary is very similar to the male, this
thesis examines the three historical narratives mentioned above. After reviewing the
social and historical context, the respective new social movement, the role of women in
the revolutionary organisations (the Weather Underground, the Red Army Faction and
Fateh and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine) are reviewed in depth by
studying their entry, ideology, group dynamics and exit.Crown colony government in Jamaica, 1865-1885Augier, Fitzroy Richardhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/26672019-03-29T16:08:54Z1954-01-01T00:00:00Z1954-01-01T00:00:00ZAugier, Fitzroy RichardThe social and administrative reforms of Lord William BentinckSeed, Geoffreyhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/26622019-03-29T16:08:46Z1949-01-01T00:00:00Z1949-01-01T00:00:00ZSeed, GeoffreyThe vernacular devotional literature of the English Catholic community, 1560-1640Kelly, Augustinehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/26512024-02-21T03:02:48Z2001-01-01T00:00:00ZThe Catholic
community of post-Settlement
England
relied upon
devotional
literature to sustain the faith
of
individuals
who were generally
deprived
of the
sacraments and contact with
Catholic
clergy.
Increasingly, these books
were used
not only to promote
Catholic
spirituality,
but to encourage greater fidelity
and
loyalty to the Catholic
church.
The
genre is
represented by texts which vary
greatly and which accommodated a wide and
disparate audience with
different
devotional
requirements and even with varying
degrees of attachment to the
Catholic faith.
The
period was one of tremendous religious
literary
activity on the Continent
and
those who were
involved in the production and
distribution
of
Catholic literature
drew heavily
upon the spiritual
books
which were
issuing in
such great numbers
from the commercial presses in France and the Netherlands. Translating the
devotional
works of the spiritual masters of the day
proved to be
a tremendously
effective way of providing
English
readers with
books
of orthodox
devotion,
while at the same time drawing the isolated
community
into the wider world of
Catholic
renewal.
Providing Catholic devotional texts to a persecuted audience under tremendous
pressure to conform very often
drew that audience
into the fray
of controversy and
the quarrel of religious
disputation. The line between devotion
and controversy
was thin and often crossed, and
devotional books
were
frequently
used as a
method of promoting not only
Catholic
spirituality,
but Catholic loyalty
as well.
Thus, these books, like
other
devotional
artefacts, were considered
dangerous to
the religious
-
and political
-
stability of
England. In the contemporary situation
these devotional books
were clearly regarded as effective tools for
maintaining
Catholicism in England, both by those who produced them and
by those who
sought to destroy them. The
study of these books
can
help
us to appreciate that
important
role and the place of
devotional literature in the wider context of
confessional conflict.
2001-01-01T00:00:00ZKelly, AugustineThe Catholic
community of post-Settlement
England
relied upon
devotional
literature to sustain the faith
of
individuals
who were generally
deprived
of the
sacraments and contact with
Catholic
clergy.
Increasingly, these books
were used
not only to promote
Catholic
spirituality,
but to encourage greater fidelity
and
loyalty to the Catholic
church.
The
genre is
represented by texts which vary
greatly and which accommodated a wide and
disparate audience with
different
devotional
requirements and even with varying
degrees of attachment to the
Catholic faith.
The
period was one of tremendous religious
literary
activity on the Continent
and
those who were
involved in the production and
distribution
of
Catholic literature
drew heavily
upon the spiritual
books
which were
issuing in
such great numbers
from the commercial presses in France and the Netherlands. Translating the
devotional
works of the spiritual masters of the day
proved to be
a tremendously
effective way of providing
English
readers with
books
of orthodox
devotion,
while at the same time drawing the isolated
community
into the wider world of
Catholic
renewal.
Providing Catholic devotional texts to a persecuted audience under tremendous
pressure to conform very often
drew that audience
into the fray
of controversy and
the quarrel of religious
disputation. The line between devotion
and controversy
was thin and often crossed, and
devotional books
were
frequently
used as a
method of promoting not only
Catholic
spirituality,
but Catholic loyalty
as well.
Thus, these books, like
other
devotional
artefacts, were considered
dangerous to
the religious
-
and political
-
stability of
England. In the contemporary situation
these devotional books
were clearly regarded as effective tools for
maintaining
Catholicism in England, both by those who produced them and
by those who
sought to destroy them. The
study of these books
can
help
us to appreciate that
important
role and the place of
devotional literature in the wider context of
confessional conflict."The speciall men in every shere": the Edwardian regime, 1547-1553Bryson, Alanhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/26452019-03-29T16:08:15Z2001-01-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis examines clienteles during the reign of Edward VI, particularly those of the dukes of
Somerset and Northumberland, and the role of the county elite in political society in order to
reassess politics from the perspective of clientage. Edward's reign has not been extensively
studied from this perspective but work by Dr Adams, Professor Guy and others on other periods
provided the necessary context to reassess Edwardian politics. The aim was to investigate whether
the regime continued to rely on the same core within the county elite employed in the 1520s and
1530s and again in Elizabeth's reign. This has involved extensive archival research since 1996 (in
St Andrews, London and the Midlands). I have found that the privy council tried to foster a closer
working relationship with the county elite in order to maintain stability and prevent faction during
this period of minority government. The regime depended on the same core of gentlemen in the
shires to act as commissioners of the peace and to fill the other vital local offices. Even within this
group there was an inner-ring. This relationship was a two-way process and the clientage that
underpinned early modem society was central to it.
This study has also explored the extent to which Somerset's and Northumberland's clienteles were
involved in central and local government to reassess how much the dukes operated as courtcentred
or county-centred politicians. Both men dominated government in turn and their clienteles
were vitally important. These were made up of their servants, family, friends and clients and were
mutual self-support groups that reinforced their political and social status. Although principally
intended as a political study, this research has come to incorporate military and local history. It
has looked at how clienteles operated during periods of stability and crisis (the activities of Lord
Seymour of Sudeley, the 1549 rebellions, the October coup, the second fall of Somerset and the
succession crisis in 1553) in order to demonstrate how they really functioned.
2001-01-01T00:00:00ZBryson, AlanThis thesis examines clienteles during the reign of Edward VI, particularly those of the dukes of
Somerset and Northumberland, and the role of the county elite in political society in order to
reassess politics from the perspective of clientage. Edward's reign has not been extensively
studied from this perspective but work by Dr Adams, Professor Guy and others on other periods
provided the necessary context to reassess Edwardian politics. The aim was to investigate whether
the regime continued to rely on the same core within the county elite employed in the 1520s and
1530s and again in Elizabeth's reign. This has involved extensive archival research since 1996 (in
St Andrews, London and the Midlands). I have found that the privy council tried to foster a closer
working relationship with the county elite in order to maintain stability and prevent faction during
this period of minority government. The regime depended on the same core of gentlemen in the
shires to act as commissioners of the peace and to fill the other vital local offices. Even within this
group there was an inner-ring. This relationship was a two-way process and the clientage that
underpinned early modem society was central to it.
This study has also explored the extent to which Somerset's and Northumberland's clienteles were
involved in central and local government to reassess how much the dukes operated as courtcentred
or county-centred politicians. Both men dominated government in turn and their clienteles
were vitally important. These were made up of their servants, family, friends and clients and were
mutual self-support groups that reinforced their political and social status. Although principally
intended as a political study, this research has come to incorporate military and local history. It
has looked at how clienteles operated during periods of stability and crisis (the activities of Lord
Seymour of Sudeley, the 1549 rebellions, the October coup, the second fall of Somerset and the
succession crisis in 1553) in order to demonstrate how they really functioned.Alexander Dalrymple (1737-1808), hydrographer to the East India Company and the Admiralty, as publisher: a catalogue of books and chartsCook, Andrew Stanleyhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/26342019-07-01T10:19:53Z1993-01-01T00:00:00ZThis is a study of the publications and publishing practices of
Alexander Dalrymple (1737-1808). Dalrymple was cumulatively a private
publisher of nautical charts and plans (from 1767), the ''examiner of
ships' journals'' and chart publisher for the East India Company (from
1779), and Hydrographer to the Admiralty (from 1795).
The core of the study is a catalogue of the known publications of
Alexander Dalrymple, defining and establishing his oeuvre. The
catalogue is in two parts, Catalogue A for the letterpress publications,
numbering 257, and Catalogue B for the engraved charts, plans of ports,
views of land, and other Illustrations, numbering 1116. The entries in
each part of the catalogue are arranged chronologically by date of
publication, with full bibliographical and technical descriptions, and
notes of attribution, dating and inter-relationships.
The introduction gives a short account of Dalrymple's life, focussing on
his publishing activity, and introducing his geographical and political
pamphlet publishing. Four phases of activity in his nautical publication
are identified: the decision to publish charts and memoirs from his own
voyages in the Eastern Archipelago (1769-1772); the private publication
of charts and plans with grants or subscriptions from the East India
Company (1772-1779); the annual series of charts, plans, views and
memoirs issued from 1779 onwards for the East India Company; and the
organisation and output of the Admiralty Hydrographic Office which he
ran in parallel with his East India Company work after 1795. This is
supplemented by a discussion of the continuing use made of Dalrymple's
charts after his death in 1808.
An investigation of Dalrymple's engraving and publishing practices
follows, with a brief survey of his technical leaflets and manuals on
nautical surveying and chronometer use, and an account of Oriental
Repertory, his chief non-nautical publication. The study emphasises the
close personal control Dalrymple exercised over his publications, and
the consequent problems in the Admiralty and East India Company in
developing arrangements to continue publishing charts after his death.
1993-01-01T00:00:00ZCook, Andrew StanleyThis is a study of the publications and publishing practices of
Alexander Dalrymple (1737-1808). Dalrymple was cumulatively a private
publisher of nautical charts and plans (from 1767), the ''examiner of
ships' journals'' and chart publisher for the East India Company (from
1779), and Hydrographer to the Admiralty (from 1795).
The core of the study is a catalogue of the known publications of
Alexander Dalrymple, defining and establishing his oeuvre. The
catalogue is in two parts, Catalogue A for the letterpress publications,
numbering 257, and Catalogue B for the engraved charts, plans of ports,
views of land, and other Illustrations, numbering 1116. The entries in
each part of the catalogue are arranged chronologically by date of
publication, with full bibliographical and technical descriptions, and
notes of attribution, dating and inter-relationships.
The introduction gives a short account of Dalrymple's life, focussing on
his publishing activity, and introducing his geographical and political
pamphlet publishing. Four phases of activity in his nautical publication
are identified: the decision to publish charts and memoirs from his own
voyages in the Eastern Archipelago (1769-1772); the private publication
of charts and plans with grants or subscriptions from the East India
Company (1772-1779); the annual series of charts, plans, views and
memoirs issued from 1779 onwards for the East India Company; and the
organisation and output of the Admiralty Hydrographic Office which he
ran in parallel with his East India Company work after 1795. This is
supplemented by a discussion of the continuing use made of Dalrymple's
charts after his death in 1808.
An investigation of Dalrymple's engraving and publishing practices
follows, with a brief survey of his technical leaflets and manuals on
nautical surveying and chronometer use, and an account of Oriental
Repertory, his chief non-nautical publication. The study emphasises the
close personal control Dalrymple exercised over his publications, and
the consequent problems in the Admiralty and East India Company in
developing arrangements to continue publishing charts after his death.The Gondi family : strategy and survival in late sixteenth-century FranceMilstein, Joanna M.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/25792020-12-09T11:28:04Z2011-11-30T00:00:00ZThis thesis details the rise to power of one of the great families of late sixteenth-century France, the Gondi. Antoine de Gondi, the last of fifteen children, left his native Florence to settle permanently in France in the first decade of the sixteenth century. Like many other Italian immigrants of his time, he established himself in Lyon as a merchant and banker. He later bought the Seigneurie du Perron, and married a woman of Piedmontese origin, Marie-Catherine de Pierrevive. Catherine de’ Medici met the couple and soon after invited them to court, giving them positions in the royal households. Antoine’s children, most notably Albert and Pierre, distinguished themselves at court, and not long afterwards were awarded the highest offices of state and church. Albert became Marshal of France in 1573, and Pierre became Bishop of Paris in 1570. At the same time, they proved themselves indispensable servants to the monarchy, and served the crown diplomatically, politically and financially, both in France and on foreign missions. Both brothers had large Parisian real estate holdings, both inside and outside the city centre. The essential role of the Gondi women in family strategy is also analysed. Albert and Pierre’s sister, Jeanne, became Prioress at the royal Priory of Saint-Louis de Poissy. The cousins of Albert and Pierre, Jean-Baptiste and Jérôme Gondi, stayed closely connected to the world of international banking and, together with other bankers, facilitated loans to the increasingly insolvent crown.
The Gondi were often targets of anti-Italian hostility from various segments of French society, and contemporary perceptions of the Gondi family are examined. This study shows the family’s deployment of and reliance on close kin to expand their web of influence throughout France and abroad. This dissertation details the many mechanisms employed by the Gondi family to consolidate and expand their influence during the tumultuous French wars of religion.
2011-11-30T00:00:00ZMilstein, Joanna M.This thesis details the rise to power of one of the great families of late sixteenth-century France, the Gondi. Antoine de Gondi, the last of fifteen children, left his native Florence to settle permanently in France in the first decade of the sixteenth century. Like many other Italian immigrants of his time, he established himself in Lyon as a merchant and banker. He later bought the Seigneurie du Perron, and married a woman of Piedmontese origin, Marie-Catherine de Pierrevive. Catherine de’ Medici met the couple and soon after invited them to court, giving them positions in the royal households. Antoine’s children, most notably Albert and Pierre, distinguished themselves at court, and not long afterwards were awarded the highest offices of state and church. Albert became Marshal of France in 1573, and Pierre became Bishop of Paris in 1570. At the same time, they proved themselves indispensable servants to the monarchy, and served the crown diplomatically, politically and financially, both in France and on foreign missions. Both brothers had large Parisian real estate holdings, both inside and outside the city centre. The essential role of the Gondi women in family strategy is also analysed. Albert and Pierre’s sister, Jeanne, became Prioress at the royal Priory of Saint-Louis de Poissy. The cousins of Albert and Pierre, Jean-Baptiste and Jérôme Gondi, stayed closely connected to the world of international banking and, together with other bankers, facilitated loans to the increasingly insolvent crown.
The Gondi were often targets of anti-Italian hostility from various segments of French society, and contemporary perceptions of the Gondi family are examined. This study shows the family’s deployment of and reliance on close kin to expand their web of influence throughout France and abroad. This dissertation details the many mechanisms employed by the Gondi family to consolidate and expand their influence during the tumultuous French wars of religion.The Times and the women's suffrage movement, 1900-1918Sama, Anitahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/25452019-03-29T16:07:44Z1975-01-01T00:00:00ZThe thesis, "The Times and the Women's Suffrage Movement 1900-1918", is aimed at clarifying the paper's treatment of a contentious subject and amplifying the historical data about the movement itself. In order to accomplish this, the daily issues of the newspaper and its background were examined, along with the available sources on women's suffrage.
After first reviewing the past and status of The Times, and the history and achievements of the suffragists, the study takes the shape of a chronological account of
the paper's response to the movement in the first 19 years
of the
twentieth century.
Until
1905,
the response was negligible, as indeed
was the energy of the suffragists. With the advent of
militant tactics, inspired by the Pankhurst-headed Women's
Social and Political Union, the public image of women's
suffrage began to change and, with it, press coverage.
Until
1908,
these new tactics were largely symbolic, though
often leading to the arrest and imprisonment of the new
style "suffragettes". Besides opposing female enfranchisement
in leading articles, there is some evidence that The Times
allowed its opinions to spill over into its news columns -
an occurrence which was to become increasingly obvious
when militant tactics took on the violent aspect of stone throwing from 1908-1911. During this later period, The
Times' editorial opposition hardened; when the suffragettes
began employing arson and other property damage, in what
was openly
claimed to be "guerrilla warfare" in the years preceding the First World War, The Times used its respectable journalistic leadership to condemn the militants and
urge active public and parliamentary opposition to the
enfranchisement of women.
When Britain entered the war, concern with the militant
women disappeared from The Times' columns, as did other
news unrelated to the conflict. By 1916, however, the
participation of women in wartime activities began to
command publicity, and a groundswell of support for
enfranchisement finally overtook The Times in 1917.
Subsequent leading articles were favorable, as were the
majority of its wartime news accounts of women.
Besides serving as a record of The Times' sensitivity
to a popularly discussed topic, the study uncovers a thread
of consistency running from the first perfunctory opposition
to women's suffrage through active condemnation of militancy
and final support of female enfranchisement. The Times
always emphasized its adherence to educated public opinion;
and even when its editorial shift did come, it seemed only
to emphasize continuing reflection of this opinion and
recognition of the trends acting upon it. The Times can
then be seen as a newspaper possessing not only strength
but flexibility towards political and social change.
1975-01-01T00:00:00ZSama, AnitaThe thesis, "The Times and the Women's Suffrage Movement 1900-1918", is aimed at clarifying the paper's treatment of a contentious subject and amplifying the historical data about the movement itself. In order to accomplish this, the daily issues of the newspaper and its background were examined, along with the available sources on women's suffrage.
After first reviewing the past and status of The Times, and the history and achievements of the suffragists, the study takes the shape of a chronological account of
the paper's response to the movement in the first 19 years
of the
twentieth century.
Until
1905,
the response was negligible, as indeed
was the energy of the suffragists. With the advent of
militant tactics, inspired by the Pankhurst-headed Women's
Social and Political Union, the public image of women's
suffrage began to change and, with it, press coverage.
Until
1908,
these new tactics were largely symbolic, though
often leading to the arrest and imprisonment of the new
style "suffragettes". Besides opposing female enfranchisement
in leading articles, there is some evidence that The Times
allowed its opinions to spill over into its news columns -
an occurrence which was to become increasingly obvious
when militant tactics took on the violent aspect of stone throwing from 1908-1911. During this later period, The
Times' editorial opposition hardened; when the suffragettes
began employing arson and other property damage, in what
was openly
claimed to be "guerrilla warfare" in the years preceding the First World War, The Times used its respectable journalistic leadership to condemn the militants and
urge active public and parliamentary opposition to the
enfranchisement of women.
When Britain entered the war, concern with the militant
women disappeared from The Times' columns, as did other
news unrelated to the conflict. By 1916, however, the
participation of women in wartime activities began to
command publicity, and a groundswell of support for
enfranchisement finally overtook The Times in 1917.
Subsequent leading articles were favorable, as were the
majority of its wartime news accounts of women.
Besides serving as a record of The Times' sensitivity
to a popularly discussed topic, the study uncovers a thread
of consistency running from the first perfunctory opposition
to women's suffrage through active condemnation of militancy
and final support of female enfranchisement. The Times
always emphasized its adherence to educated public opinion;
and even when its editorial shift did come, it seemed only
to emphasize continuing reflection of this opinion and
recognition of the trends acting upon it. The Times can
then be seen as a newspaper possessing not only strength
but flexibility towards political and social change.Martin Broszat, Saul Friedländer and the historicisation of the Third ReichRondags, Daniëlhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/20822019-03-29T16:09:07Z2011-11-30T00:00:00ZIn 1987, Martin Broszat (1926-1989) and Saul Friedländer (born 1932) debated the concept of “historicisation” in an exchange of letters. These letters were first published in the German premier journal Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte (Quarterly for Contemporary History) and were eventually reproduced in other publications and translated into English. Today, the exchange between Broszat and Friedländer is viewed as one of the classic controversies in the historiography of the Third Reich and the Holocaust and is occasionally referred to as the “historicisation debate.”
This thesis offers a historiographical analysis of the works of both Martin Broszat and Saul Friedländer. The central aim of this thesis is to identify, contextualise and examine the major themes of the historicisation debate. The first chapter provides an introduction to, and a close reading of, the letter exchange and further identifies the three major themes that structure the following three chapters: identity; history, memory and narrative construction; and the centrality of the Holocaust in the Nazi past. Each of these three chapters is divided into two sections: the first half is devoted to Broszat, the second half to Friedländer. The conclusion offers a comparison between their historiographical positions.
2011-11-30T00:00:00ZRondags, DaniëlIn 1987, Martin Broszat (1926-1989) and Saul Friedländer (born 1932) debated the concept of “historicisation” in an exchange of letters. These letters were first published in the German premier journal Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte (Quarterly for Contemporary History) and were eventually reproduced in other publications and translated into English. Today, the exchange between Broszat and Friedländer is viewed as one of the classic controversies in the historiography of the Third Reich and the Holocaust and is occasionally referred to as the “historicisation debate.”
This thesis offers a historiographical analysis of the works of both Martin Broszat and Saul Friedländer. The central aim of this thesis is to identify, contextualise and examine the major themes of the historicisation debate. The first chapter provides an introduction to, and a close reading of, the letter exchange and further identifies the three major themes that structure the following three chapters: identity; history, memory and narrative construction; and the centrality of the Holocaust in the Nazi past. Each of these three chapters is divided into two sections: the first half is devoted to Broszat, the second half to Friedländer. The conclusion offers a comparison between their historiographical positions.Publishing in Paris, 1570-1590 : a bibliometric analysisJohn, Philip Owenhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/19712019-03-29T16:08:58Z2011-06-23T00:00:00ZThis thesis is an examination of the printing industry in Paris between 1570 and 1590. These years represent a relatively under-researched period in the history of Parisian print. This period is of importance because of an event in 1572 – the St Bartholomew’s Day Massacre, and an event in 1588 – the Day of the Barricades and the subsequent exit from Paris of Henry III. This thesis concerns itself with the two years prior to 1572 and two years after 1588 in order to provide context, but the two supporting frames of this investigation are those important events. This thesis attempts to assess what effect those events had upon the printing industry in the foremost print centre of both France and Western Europe. With the religious situation in Paris quietened was there any concrete change in the 1570s and 1580s regarding the types of books printed in Paris? Was there any attempt to exploit this religious stability by pursuing the ‘retreating’ Protestant confession, or did the majority of printers turn away from confessional arguments and polemical literature? What were the markets for Paris books: were they predominantly local or international? The method by which these questions have been addressed is with a bibliometric analysis of the output of the Paris print shops. This statistical approach allows one to address the entire corpus of a city’s output and allows both broad surveys of the data in terms of categorisation of print, but also narrower studies of individual printers and their output. As such this approach allows the printing industry of Paris to be surveyed and analysed in a way that would otherwise be impossible. This statistical approach also allows the books to be seen as an economic item of industrial production instead of purely a culture item of artistic creation. This approach enhances rather than reduces the significance of a book’s cultural importance as it allows the researcher to fully appreciate the achievement and investment of both finance and time that was necessary for the completion of a well printed book.
2011-06-23T00:00:00ZJohn, Philip OwenThis thesis is an examination of the printing industry in Paris between 1570 and 1590. These years represent a relatively under-researched period in the history of Parisian print. This period is of importance because of an event in 1572 – the St Bartholomew’s Day Massacre, and an event in 1588 – the Day of the Barricades and the subsequent exit from Paris of Henry III. This thesis concerns itself with the two years prior to 1572 and two years after 1588 in order to provide context, but the two supporting frames of this investigation are those important events. This thesis attempts to assess what effect those events had upon the printing industry in the foremost print centre of both France and Western Europe. With the religious situation in Paris quietened was there any concrete change in the 1570s and 1580s regarding the types of books printed in Paris? Was there any attempt to exploit this religious stability by pursuing the ‘retreating’ Protestant confession, or did the majority of printers turn away from confessional arguments and polemical literature? What were the markets for Paris books: were they predominantly local or international? The method by which these questions have been addressed is with a bibliometric analysis of the output of the Paris print shops. This statistical approach allows one to address the entire corpus of a city’s output and allows both broad surveys of the data in terms of categorisation of print, but also narrower studies of individual printers and their output. As such this approach allows the printing industry of Paris to be surveyed and analysed in a way that would otherwise be impossible. This statistical approach also allows the books to be seen as an economic item of industrial production instead of purely a culture item of artistic creation. This approach enhances rather than reduces the significance of a book’s cultural importance as it allows the researcher to fully appreciate the achievement and investment of both finance and time that was necessary for the completion of a well printed book.Family, ambition and service : the French nobility and the emergence of the standing army, c. 1598-1635Thomas, Danielhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/19142019-03-29T16:09:06Z2011-06-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis will contend that a permanent body of military force under royal command, a ‘standing army’, arose during the first three decades of the seventeenth century in France. Such a development constituted a transformation in the nature of the monarchy’s armed forces. It was achieved by encouraging elements of the French nobility to become long-term office-holders within royal military institutions. Those members of the nobility who joined the standing army were not coerced into doing so by the crown, but joined the new body of force because it provided them with a means of achieving one of the fundamental ambitions of the French nobility: social advancement for their family.The first four chapters of this thesis thus look at how the standing army emerged via the entrenchment of a system of permanent infantry regiments within France. They look at how certain families, particularly from the lower and middling nobility, attempted to monopolise offices within the regiments due to the social benefits they conferred. Some of the consequences that arose from the army becoming an institution in which ‘careers’ could be pursued, such as promotion and venality, will be examined, as will how elements of the the nobility were vital to the expansion of the standing army beyond its initial core of units. Chapters Five and Six will investigate how the emergence of this new type of force affected the most powerful noblemen of the realm, the grands. In particular, it will focus on those grands who held the prestigious supra-regimental military offices of Constable and Colonel General of the Infantry. The thesis concludes that the emergence of the standing army helped to alter considerably the relationship between the monarchy and the nobility by the end of the period in question. A more monarchy-centred army and state had begun to emerge in France by the late 1620s; a polity which might be dubbed the early ‘absolute monarchy’. However, such a state of affairs had only arisen due to the considerable concessions that the monarchy had made to the ambitions of certain elements of the nobility.
2011-06-01T00:00:00ZThomas, DanielThis thesis will contend that a permanent body of military force under royal command, a ‘standing army’, arose during the first three decades of the seventeenth century in France. Such a development constituted a transformation in the nature of the monarchy’s armed forces. It was achieved by encouraging elements of the French nobility to become long-term office-holders within royal military institutions. Those members of the nobility who joined the standing army were not coerced into doing so by the crown, but joined the new body of force because it provided them with a means of achieving one of the fundamental ambitions of the French nobility: social advancement for their family.The first four chapters of this thesis thus look at how the standing army emerged via the entrenchment of a system of permanent infantry regiments within France. They look at how certain families, particularly from the lower and middling nobility, attempted to monopolise offices within the regiments due to the social benefits they conferred. Some of the consequences that arose from the army becoming an institution in which ‘careers’ could be pursued, such as promotion and venality, will be examined, as will how elements of the the nobility were vital to the expansion of the standing army beyond its initial core of units. Chapters Five and Six will investigate how the emergence of this new type of force affected the most powerful noblemen of the realm, the grands. In particular, it will focus on those grands who held the prestigious supra-regimental military offices of Constable and Colonel General of the Infantry. The thesis concludes that the emergence of the standing army helped to alter considerably the relationship between the monarchy and the nobility by the end of the period in question. A more monarchy-centred army and state had begun to emerge in France by the late 1620s; a polity which might be dubbed the early ‘absolute monarchy’. However, such a state of affairs had only arisen due to the considerable concessions that the monarchy had made to the ambitions of certain elements of the nobility.Culture from the midnight hour : a critical reassessment of the black power movement in twentieth century AmericaTorrubia, Rafaelhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/18842019-03-29T16:08:51Z2011-06-23T00:00:00ZThe thesis seeks to develop a more sophisticated view of the black power movement in
twentieth century America by analysing the movement’s cultural legacy. The rise, maturation
and decline of black power as a political force had a significant impact on American culture,
black and white, yet to be substantively analysed.
The thesis argues that while the black power movement was not exclusively cultural it
was essentially cultural. It was a revolt in and of culture that was manifested in a variety of
forms, with black and white culture providing an index to the black and white world view. This
independent black culture base provided cohesion to a movement otherwise severely lacking
focus and structural support for the movement’s political and economic endeavours. Each
chapter in the PhD acts as a step toward understanding black power as an adaptive cultural term
which served to connect and illuminate the differing ideological orientations of movement
supporters and explores the implications of this. In this manner, it becomes possible to
conceptualise the black power movement as something beyond a cacophony of voices which
achieved few tangible gains for African-Americans and to move the discussion beyond
traditional historiographical perspectives which focus upon the politics and violence of the
movement.
Viewing the movement from a cultural perspective places language, folk culture, film,
sport, religion and the literary and performing arts in a central historical context which served to
spread black power philosophy further than political invective. By demonstrating how culture
served to broaden the appeal and facilitate the acceptance of black power tenets it is possible to
argue that the use of cultural forms of advocation to advance black power ideologies contributed
significantly to making the movement a lasting influence in American culture – one whose
impact could be discerned long after its exclusively political agenda had disintegrated.
2011-06-23T00:00:00ZTorrubia, RafaelThe thesis seeks to develop a more sophisticated view of the black power movement in
twentieth century America by analysing the movement’s cultural legacy. The rise, maturation
and decline of black power as a political force had a significant impact on American culture,
black and white, yet to be substantively analysed.
The thesis argues that while the black power movement was not exclusively cultural it
was essentially cultural. It was a revolt in and of culture that was manifested in a variety of
forms, with black and white culture providing an index to the black and white world view. This
independent black culture base provided cohesion to a movement otherwise severely lacking
focus and structural support for the movement’s political and economic endeavours. Each
chapter in the PhD acts as a step toward understanding black power as an adaptive cultural term
which served to connect and illuminate the differing ideological orientations of movement
supporters and explores the implications of this. In this manner, it becomes possible to
conceptualise the black power movement as something beyond a cacophony of voices which
achieved few tangible gains for African-Americans and to move the discussion beyond
traditional historiographical perspectives which focus upon the politics and violence of the
movement.
Viewing the movement from a cultural perspective places language, folk culture, film,
sport, religion and the literary and performing arts in a central historical context which served to
spread black power philosophy further than political invective. By demonstrating how culture
served to broaden the appeal and facilitate the acceptance of black power tenets it is possible to
argue that the use of cultural forms of advocation to advance black power ideologies contributed
significantly to making the movement a lasting influence in American culture – one whose
impact could be discerned long after its exclusively political agenda had disintegrated.The mobilisation and transmission of memories within the Pied-Noir and Harki communities, 1962-2007Eldridge, Clairehttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/9032019-03-29T16:07:52Z2010-06-24T00:00:00ZFocusing on the legacies of the Algerian War of Independence (1954-62), this thesis challenges the perception that this was the ‘war without a name’ by exploring the ways in which memories have been preserved, mobilised, and transmitted by those who experienced the conflict, but who have generally operated under the radar of public consciousness. In particular, it examines the pieds-noirs, the former European settlers of Algeria, and the harkis, Algerians who fought for the French as auxiliaries during the war. Finding their lives in Algeria untenable upon independence, both populations migrated en masse to France where they have organised collectively as diaspora communities to challenge the hegemony of official narratives in order to legitimate their own interpretations of this contentious past. The purpose of such an investigation is to re-evaluate the conventional historical periodisation of a ‘forgotten’ war that made a dramatic return to public attention during the 1990s by revealing a continual presence of memory and commemorative activity within these communities. Through consultation of a wide range of sources, including extensive use of previously neglected audiovisual material, the historical recollections of these two communities are reconstructed in detail and examined from a comparative perspective. This thesis also seeks to analyse and historicize the present guerres de mémoire phenomenon whereby as the public profile of the war has risen in recent years, the different historical interpretations held by groups such as the pieds-noirs and harkis have increasingly come into open conflict, particularly over the issue of commemoration with each seeking to see their version of the past enshrined in official rituals and monuments. Finally, the thesis offers new historical context intended to contribute to enhancing understanding of the ongoing process by which France continues to ‘face up’ to its colonial past and deal with the complex contemporary legacies of this era.
2010-06-24T00:00:00ZEldridge, ClaireFocusing on the legacies of the Algerian War of Independence (1954-62), this thesis challenges the perception that this was the ‘war without a name’ by exploring the ways in which memories have been preserved, mobilised, and transmitted by those who experienced the conflict, but who have generally operated under the radar of public consciousness. In particular, it examines the pieds-noirs, the former European settlers of Algeria, and the harkis, Algerians who fought for the French as auxiliaries during the war. Finding their lives in Algeria untenable upon independence, both populations migrated en masse to France where they have organised collectively as diaspora communities to challenge the hegemony of official narratives in order to legitimate their own interpretations of this contentious past. The purpose of such an investigation is to re-evaluate the conventional historical periodisation of a ‘forgotten’ war that made a dramatic return to public attention during the 1990s by revealing a continual presence of memory and commemorative activity within these communities. Through consultation of a wide range of sources, including extensive use of previously neglected audiovisual material, the historical recollections of these two communities are reconstructed in detail and examined from a comparative perspective. This thesis also seeks to analyse and historicize the present guerres de mémoire phenomenon whereby as the public profile of the war has risen in recent years, the different historical interpretations held by groups such as the pieds-noirs and harkis have increasingly come into open conflict, particularly over the issue of commemoration with each seeking to see their version of the past enshrined in official rituals and monuments. Finally, the thesis offers new historical context intended to contribute to enhancing understanding of the ongoing process by which France continues to ‘face up’ to its colonial past and deal with the complex contemporary legacies of this era.Wordmongers : post-medieval scribal culture and the case of Sighvatur GrímssonÓlafsson, Davíðhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/7702019-03-29T16:08:51Z2009-01-01T00:00:00ZThe subject matter of this thesis is manuscript and scribal culture in the age of print. Its first part
explores the flourishing scholarship of post-medieval scribal culture in Europe and beyond over the
past 25-30 years, as well as recent trends and turns in the historiography of printing and of literacy.
These studies make a strong case for a radical revision of how these fundamental cultural phenomena
should be viewed. As a part of the so-called cultural turn and postmodernist revisionism of the 1980s
and 1990s, the new trend has been to reject the dichotomies of manuscript versus print and of literacy
versus illiteracy in favour of more ambiguous and complex images where multiple media and modes
of transmission and reception coexist and interact with each other.
The second part of the thesis deals with literary culture in nineteenth-century Iceland: both the general
framework of the production, dissemination and consumption of texts, and the individual case of the
farmer, fisherman and scribe Sighvatur Grímsson (1840-1930) and his cultural surroundings.
Focussing on Sighvatur’s life between 1840 and 1873, the thesis presents an argument about the
function of the scribal medium within a poor, rural, and de-institutionalized society.
Central to the theoretical framework is a microhistorical approach and the juxtaposition of both narrow
and wide scope, zooming from one individual protagonist out to his local surroundings and
communities and further out to Icelandic scribal and literary culture as a whole. The scope of the thesis
can be described in terms of four concentric circles: the individual, his intimate community, Icelandic
society, and the wider European and global context during the ‘post-Gutenbergian era’.
2009-01-01T00:00:00ZÓlafsson, DavíðThe subject matter of this thesis is manuscript and scribal culture in the age of print. Its first part
explores the flourishing scholarship of post-medieval scribal culture in Europe and beyond over the
past 25-30 years, as well as recent trends and turns in the historiography of printing and of literacy.
These studies make a strong case for a radical revision of how these fundamental cultural phenomena
should be viewed. As a part of the so-called cultural turn and postmodernist revisionism of the 1980s
and 1990s, the new trend has been to reject the dichotomies of manuscript versus print and of literacy
versus illiteracy in favour of more ambiguous and complex images where multiple media and modes
of transmission and reception coexist and interact with each other.
The second part of the thesis deals with literary culture in nineteenth-century Iceland: both the general
framework of the production, dissemination and consumption of texts, and the individual case of the
farmer, fisherman and scribe Sighvatur Grímsson (1840-1930) and his cultural surroundings.
Focussing on Sighvatur’s life between 1840 and 1873, the thesis presents an argument about the
function of the scribal medium within a poor, rural, and de-institutionalized society.
Central to the theoretical framework is a microhistorical approach and the juxtaposition of both narrow
and wide scope, zooming from one individual protagonist out to his local surroundings and
communities and further out to Icelandic scribal and literary culture as a whole. The scope of the thesis
can be described in terms of four concentric circles: the individual, his intimate community, Icelandic
society, and the wider European and global context during the ‘post-Gutenbergian era’.The historical imagination of Christopher DawsonSproviero, Glen A.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/7602019-03-29T16:09:36Z2008-11-01T00:00:00ZChristopher Dawson (1889-1970) was one of his generation's most
important historians and religious thinkers, and was a significant
influence on many contemporaries including T.S. Eliot, C.S. Lewis,
and Russell Kirk. This dissertation is a study of his most
fundamental ideas concerning history and culture.
Chapter one examines Dawson’s sociological view of history.
Convinced that history was more than a scientific enterprise, he
believed that the true historian is one who reaches beyond the
material world to understand the essence of history’s dynamics. In
this way, the world can be conceptualized as a united whole,
separated by regional differences as a result of environment, race,
material, psychological, and religious factors. Dawson believed
that the political histories of the past several centuries failed to
grasp the undercurrents of historical change, and that the best way
to understand the past is to appreciate culture as an expression of
primeval religious traditions.
Chapter two treats Dawson’s understanding of progress. Dawson
was convinced that progress had become the “working-religion” of our
age. This secular faith, founded on scientific rationalism, first
pledged to fix the material failures of Western culture, but
unwittingly eroded its faith in God, and eventually, its moral
fiber. Dawson believed that true progress was progress of the soul
in its ordering toward the Creator.
Chapter three is a study of Dawson’s Christian, and more
specifically, his Catholic beliefs. Informed by religion, his
historical and cultural visions are not dogmatic, nor are they
polemical. He conceived of history as the unfolding of a divine
economy in the temporal world. Although Dawson is a proponent of
Roman Catholicism, his scholarship is an objective treatment of
history shaped by an undisguised, Christian worldview.
Additionally, the appendix is an introduction to Dawson’s life
and the circumstances surrounding his conversion to Roman
Catholicism. Particular attention is paid to the development of his
moral and historical imagination — both of which became intertwined to
form the basis of all of his scholarship.
2008-11-01T00:00:00ZSproviero, Glen A.Christopher Dawson (1889-1970) was one of his generation's most
important historians and religious thinkers, and was a significant
influence on many contemporaries including T.S. Eliot, C.S. Lewis,
and Russell Kirk. This dissertation is a study of his most
fundamental ideas concerning history and culture.
Chapter one examines Dawson’s sociological view of history.
Convinced that history was more than a scientific enterprise, he
believed that the true historian is one who reaches beyond the
material world to understand the essence of history’s dynamics. In
this way, the world can be conceptualized as a united whole,
separated by regional differences as a result of environment, race,
material, psychological, and religious factors. Dawson believed
that the political histories of the past several centuries failed to
grasp the undercurrents of historical change, and that the best way
to understand the past is to appreciate culture as an expression of
primeval religious traditions.
Chapter two treats Dawson’s understanding of progress. Dawson
was convinced that progress had become the “working-religion” of our
age. This secular faith, founded on scientific rationalism, first
pledged to fix the material failures of Western culture, but
unwittingly eroded its faith in God, and eventually, its moral
fiber. Dawson believed that true progress was progress of the soul
in its ordering toward the Creator.
Chapter three is a study of Dawson’s Christian, and more
specifically, his Catholic beliefs. Informed by religion, his
historical and cultural visions are not dogmatic, nor are they
polemical. He conceived of history as the unfolding of a divine
economy in the temporal world. Although Dawson is a proponent of
Roman Catholicism, his scholarship is an objective treatment of
history shaped by an undisguised, Christian worldview.
Additionally, the appendix is an introduction to Dawson’s life
and the circumstances surrounding his conversion to Roman
Catholicism. Particular attention is paid to the development of his
moral and historical imagination — both of which became intertwined to
form the basis of all of his scholarship.French military occupations of Lorraine and Savoie, 1670-1714McCluskey, Philhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/7122019-07-01T10:10:05Z2009-06-25T00:00:00ZLorraine and Savoie were both occupied twice by French armies during the personal rule of Louis XIV. Lorraine was initially invaded and occupied in 1670 to support the French strategic and logistic position in the Dutch War, yet due to political expediency this developed into a policy of outright annexation. The French relinquished Lorraine due to international pressures in 1697, but partially reoccupied it from 1702 to 1714, again as a result of strategic and logistical necessity. Savoie was occupied from 1690 to 1696 and again from 1703 to 1713 as a response to successive breakdowns in Franco-Savoyard relations, and to guarantee the south-eastern frontier of the kingdom.
There was no pre-conceived or uniform policy practiced by the French when it came to the occupations of these territories, and these instead developed on the basis of events and pressures that were often beyond the control of the French government. In essence, the principal French approach to occupied territories was paternalistic, their main priority being to uphold Louis’s newly-asserted sovereignty and pay the costs of the occupation while impressing upon the local elites the benefits of collaboration and the pitfalls of continued loyalty to their old ruler. The French became more sophisticated generally towards occupied territories as the reign progressed, at least as far as circumstances allowed. In sum, the key variables that influenced how the French handled these lands, other than time and place, were security issues, local loyalties, and the expectation of either retention by France or restitution to the original sovereign.
2009-06-25T00:00:00ZMcCluskey, PhilLorraine and Savoie were both occupied twice by French armies during the personal rule of Louis XIV. Lorraine was initially invaded and occupied in 1670 to support the French strategic and logistic position in the Dutch War, yet due to political expediency this developed into a policy of outright annexation. The French relinquished Lorraine due to international pressures in 1697, but partially reoccupied it from 1702 to 1714, again as a result of strategic and logistical necessity. Savoie was occupied from 1690 to 1696 and again from 1703 to 1713 as a response to successive breakdowns in Franco-Savoyard relations, and to guarantee the south-eastern frontier of the kingdom.
There was no pre-conceived or uniform policy practiced by the French when it came to the occupations of these territories, and these instead developed on the basis of events and pressures that were often beyond the control of the French government. In essence, the principal French approach to occupied territories was paternalistic, their main priority being to uphold Louis’s newly-asserted sovereignty and pay the costs of the occupation while impressing upon the local elites the benefits of collaboration and the pitfalls of continued loyalty to their old ruler. The French became more sophisticated generally towards occupied territories as the reign progressed, at least as far as circumstances allowed. In sum, the key variables that influenced how the French handled these lands, other than time and place, were security issues, local loyalties, and the expectation of either retention by France or restitution to the original sovereign.William Cecil and the British succession crisis of the 1560sAlford, Stephenhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/6412019-03-29T16:08:51Z1997-01-01T00:00:00Z'William Cecil and the British succession crisis of the 1560s' reconsiders the nature of the early Elizabethan polity and Cecil's place in it. Conventional historiography maintains that as principal secretary Cecil was a moderate, cautious, and religiously neutral politician, content to follow Elizabeth I's direction in policy. More recently, Professors Patrick Collinson and John Guy have challenged this interpretation of the Elizabethan polity. Based on a thorough survey of the archives, my thesis explores Cecil's political creed in the 1560s. Three years of research have helped to paint a radically different picture of Cecil to the one traditionally represented: he was a councillor prepared to redefine his relationship with a monarch who refused to abide by the rules of monarchy and select a successor.
The eight chapters of the thesis blend two complementary themes. First, that Elizabethan in the 1560s experienced a British succession crisis and not, as Professor Collinson has maintained, an English domestic succession crisis. And second, that the political situation in Britain and Europe - the determination of the continental catholic powers to use Mary Stuart's claim to the English throne as a weapon against protestant England - had a profound impact on the mentality of protestant Englishmen and debate in England. It persuaded Cecil to press for a pre-emptive strike against the French in Scotland (chapter two), which he defended by appealing to the feudal-imperial power of the English monarch; he used the same argument to justify the 'first trial' of Mary Stuart in 1568 (chapter seven). In this British context, Elizabeth's refusal to secure England's future led to parliamentary action in 1563 and a Cecil plan for interregnum by privy council in the event of Elizabeth's death, twenty-two years before its re-emergence in 1585 (chapter four). The régime could not find a diplomatic solution to the marriage between Mary and Lord Darnley in 1565 (chapter five): parliament debated the succession in 1566 and Cecil disobeyed the queen by pressing for a settlement (chapter six). Cecil's approach to the crisis was innovative, and his political creed is profoundly important to any assessment of politics in Elizabeth I's reign.
1997-01-01T00:00:00ZAlford, Stephen'William Cecil and the British succession crisis of the 1560s' reconsiders the nature of the early Elizabethan polity and Cecil's place in it. Conventional historiography maintains that as principal secretary Cecil was a moderate, cautious, and religiously neutral politician, content to follow Elizabeth I's direction in policy. More recently, Professors Patrick Collinson and John Guy have challenged this interpretation of the Elizabethan polity. Based on a thorough survey of the archives, my thesis explores Cecil's political creed in the 1560s. Three years of research have helped to paint a radically different picture of Cecil to the one traditionally represented: he was a councillor prepared to redefine his relationship with a monarch who refused to abide by the rules of monarchy and select a successor.
The eight chapters of the thesis blend two complementary themes. First, that Elizabethan in the 1560s experienced a British succession crisis and not, as Professor Collinson has maintained, an English domestic succession crisis. And second, that the political situation in Britain and Europe - the determination of the continental catholic powers to use Mary Stuart's claim to the English throne as a weapon against protestant England - had a profound impact on the mentality of protestant Englishmen and debate in England. It persuaded Cecil to press for a pre-emptive strike against the French in Scotland (chapter two), which he defended by appealing to the feudal-imperial power of the English monarch; he used the same argument to justify the 'first trial' of Mary Stuart in 1568 (chapter seven). In this British context, Elizabeth's refusal to secure England's future led to parliamentary action in 1563 and a Cecil plan for interregnum by privy council in the event of Elizabeth's death, twenty-two years before its re-emergence in 1585 (chapter four). The régime could not find a diplomatic solution to the marriage between Mary and Lord Darnley in 1565 (chapter five): parliament debated the succession in 1566 and Cecil disobeyed the queen by pressing for a settlement (chapter six). Cecil's approach to the crisis was innovative, and his political creed is profoundly important to any assessment of politics in Elizabeth I's reign.Hydroelectricity and landscape protection in the Highlands of Scotland, 1919 - 1980Payne, Jillhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/5622021-04-07T09:36:21Z2008-06-01T00:00:00ZThis thesis employs twentieth-century hydroelectric development ventures in the Highlands of Scotland as a means of exploring conflicting demands of socio-economic development and landscape protection in cherished places.
In Scotland, twentieth-century landscape protection ideals were founded upon a landscape aesthetic shaped by the principles and objectives of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Romanticism. The concept that the ‘natural’ world somehow existed separately from the world of humans, as a potential refuge from a rapidly industrialising European society, meant that the Romantic landscape aesthetic left little or no room for the incorporation of visible elements of industrialisation. This aesthetic has seen only limited change over time. As a result, satisfactory compromises between land-use and landscape protection have seldom been reached: a situation thrown into sharp relief by efforts to develop Highland water systems for the generation of hydroelectric energy during the period 1919 to 1980.
The debate over hydroelectric development in the Highlands is instructive for a number of reasons, not least its parallels with the current focus on the placement of wind turbines in significant landscapes. Thanks to the Romantic legacy, attempts to modify landscapes as valued as those of the Highlands are fraught with complexity, even when development is undertaken in the interests of socio-economic enhancement. The thesis outlines the progression of both sides of the argument, assesses the significance of the compromises attempted and evaluates the lessons learned from nearly six decades of policymaking initiatives in this sphere. Core aesthetic ideals broadened, but did not change. Landscape protection progressed on the basis of protectionists’ ability to adjust the focus of their opposition; increased articulation of the idea of the collective ownership of important landscapes superseded the need to confront the viability of entrenched aesthetic orthodoxies.
2008-06-01T00:00:00ZPayne, JillThis thesis employs twentieth-century hydroelectric development ventures in the Highlands of Scotland as a means of exploring conflicting demands of socio-economic development and landscape protection in cherished places.
In Scotland, twentieth-century landscape protection ideals were founded upon a landscape aesthetic shaped by the principles and objectives of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Romanticism. The concept that the ‘natural’ world somehow existed separately from the world of humans, as a potential refuge from a rapidly industrialising European society, meant that the Romantic landscape aesthetic left little or no room for the incorporation of visible elements of industrialisation. This aesthetic has seen only limited change over time. As a result, satisfactory compromises between land-use and landscape protection have seldom been reached: a situation thrown into sharp relief by efforts to develop Highland water systems for the generation of hydroelectric energy during the period 1919 to 1980.
The debate over hydroelectric development in the Highlands is instructive for a number of reasons, not least its parallels with the current focus on the placement of wind turbines in significant landscapes. Thanks to the Romantic legacy, attempts to modify landscapes as valued as those of the Highlands are fraught with complexity, even when development is undertaken in the interests of socio-economic enhancement. The thesis outlines the progression of both sides of the argument, assesses the significance of the compromises attempted and evaluates the lessons learned from nearly six decades of policymaking initiatives in this sphere. Core aesthetic ideals broadened, but did not change. Landscape protection progressed on the basis of protectionists’ ability to adjust the focus of their opposition; increased articulation of the idea of the collective ownership of important landscapes superseded the need to confront the viability of entrenched aesthetic orthodoxies.Panic over the pub : drink and the First World WarDuncan, Robert R Ghttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/5582019-07-01T10:03:28Z2008-11-01T00:00:00ZMy Ph.D thesis, Panic over the Pub: Drink and the First World War, considers the causes, consequences and control of popular drinking behaviour and how broader currents of social debate affected the perception of the alleged alcohol problem during the First World War, shedding new light upon government inclinations towards state control during the conflict. Within current historiography there is a consummate lack of understanding concerning the formation of opinion on the drink problem ‘from below’ and its effect upon the ‘high politics’ of the decision making procedure. My thesis considers how ‘drink’ and ‘leisure’ became increasingly contentious and a domestic problem due principally to established fears concerning working class behaviour and military failures on the Western Front. My thesis argues that moral panic, rather than factual certainties, dictated attitudes to drinking in Britain during the war. An investigation of the Central Control Board, a government body established to deal specifically with the drink problem in the exigencies of conflict, constitutes the central core of my thesis, together with an assessment of the role of Lord D’Abernon, Chairman of this organisation.
2008-11-01T00:00:00ZDuncan, Robert R GMy Ph.D thesis, Panic over the Pub: Drink and the First World War, considers the causes, consequences and control of popular drinking behaviour and how broader currents of social debate affected the perception of the alleged alcohol problem during the First World War, shedding new light upon government inclinations towards state control during the conflict. Within current historiography there is a consummate lack of understanding concerning the formation of opinion on the drink problem ‘from below’ and its effect upon the ‘high politics’ of the decision making procedure. My thesis considers how ‘drink’ and ‘leisure’ became increasingly contentious and a domestic problem due principally to established fears concerning working class behaviour and military failures on the Western Front. My thesis argues that moral panic, rather than factual certainties, dictated attitudes to drinking in Britain during the war. An investigation of the Central Control Board, a government body established to deal specifically with the drink problem in the exigencies of conflict, constitutes the central core of my thesis, together with an assessment of the role of Lord D’Abernon, Chairman of this organisation.A prophet of interior Lutheranism : the correspondence of Johann Arndtvan Voorhis, Daniel R.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/5172019-07-01T10:05:55Z2008-06-26T00:00:00ZFor over four hundred years historians and theologians have been unable to come to a consensus as to where Johann Arndt (1555-1621) fits on the spectrum of orthodoxy in the Lutheran church, what age he best represented, and how he should be understood. Arndt has been credited with reviving medieval mysticism, as being a subversive innovator within the Lutheran church, and as being the father of Pietism. All of this confusion seems to come from the variegated nature of his work. Arndt was willing and able to borrow from a variety of traditions as he sought to revive the church of the Reformation on the eve of the Thirty Years’ War. This work is an investigation into the private world of Arndt through his correspondence as he wrote to individuals with varying theological temperaments. In a sense this thesis follows the pioneering work of Friedrich Arndt, who attempted in 1838 to investigate Arndt’s self-understanding on the basis of his correspondence; his work, however, was severely limited by the fact that only ten letters were known at the time. The Verzeichnis der gedruckten Briefe deutscher Autoren des 17. Jahrhunderts published in 2002 listed twenty-three known letters of Arndt. For my research and using the footnotes and appendices of secondary literature on Arndt and with help from the Forschungsbibliothek in Gotha, I have collected fifty-two letters written by Arndt. This work is the first to treat the letters exhaustively and proposes to present a fuller biographical picture of Arndt and to explore his self-understanding as a prophet of spiritual renewal in the Lutheran church.
2008-06-26T00:00:00Zvan Voorhis, Daniel R.For over four hundred years historians and theologians have been unable to come to a consensus as to where Johann Arndt (1555-1621) fits on the spectrum of orthodoxy in the Lutheran church, what age he best represented, and how he should be understood. Arndt has been credited with reviving medieval mysticism, as being a subversive innovator within the Lutheran church, and as being the father of Pietism. All of this confusion seems to come from the variegated nature of his work. Arndt was willing and able to borrow from a variety of traditions as he sought to revive the church of the Reformation on the eve of the Thirty Years’ War. This work is an investigation into the private world of Arndt through his correspondence as he wrote to individuals with varying theological temperaments. In a sense this thesis follows the pioneering work of Friedrich Arndt, who attempted in 1838 to investigate Arndt’s self-understanding on the basis of his correspondence; his work, however, was severely limited by the fact that only ten letters were known at the time. The Verzeichnis der gedruckten Briefe deutscher Autoren des 17. Jahrhunderts published in 2002 listed twenty-three known letters of Arndt. For my research and using the footnotes and appendices of secondary literature on Arndt and with help from the Forschungsbibliothek in Gotha, I have collected fifty-two letters written by Arndt. This work is the first to treat the letters exhaustively and proposes to present a fuller biographical picture of Arndt and to explore his self-understanding as a prophet of spiritual renewal in the Lutheran church.Shipbuilding and timber management in the Royal Dockyards 1750-1850 : an archaeological investigation of timber marksAtkinson, Daniel Edwardhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/4722019-07-01T10:15:41Z2007-01-01T00:00:00ZThis work presents a study of shipbuilding and timber management in the Royal Dockyards in the period 1750 – 1850, focusing on an archaeological investigation of ship timber marks. The first chapter outlines the concept of timber marking in shipbuilding contexts, stressing the multi-disciplinary approach to the study highlighted in the available archaeological and documentary evidence by which the practice of timber marking can be understood.
Chapter two outlines the background to timber marking in the Georgian era and the development of the practice within the broader advances made in shipbuilding, technology and design prior to the end of the 17th century. Chapter three outlines the developments in shipbuilding and the introduction of systems to control and
standardise the management of timber in the Royal Dockyards in the 18th century. In the latter half of the 18th century we will see the attempts of naval reformers to develop these systems of timber management and pave the way for the sweeping changes made at the beginning of the 19th century. Chapter four highlights these changes with the introduction of the Timber Masters and looks at the nature of timber
management and the marking of timbers as identified in documentary sources. This evidence lays the foundation for the understanding of timber marking in the 19th century as witnessed in the archaeological record. The remaining chapters present the
much more extensive archaeological evidence for timber marking among several high profile assemblages. The main assemblages presented in Chapters 5 to 9 show the diversity of timber marking practices and how they relate to the working processes of the Royal Dockyards.
The research offers new insights into the understanding of shipbuilding and the management of timber in the Royal Dockyards between 1750 and 1850 and explores the possibilities for further avenues of study.
2007-01-01T00:00:00ZAtkinson, Daniel EdwardThis work presents a study of shipbuilding and timber management in the Royal Dockyards in the period 1750 – 1850, focusing on an archaeological investigation of ship timber marks. The first chapter outlines the concept of timber marking in shipbuilding contexts, stressing the multi-disciplinary approach to the study highlighted in the available archaeological and documentary evidence by which the practice of timber marking can be understood.
Chapter two outlines the background to timber marking in the Georgian era and the development of the practice within the broader advances made in shipbuilding, technology and design prior to the end of the 17th century. Chapter three outlines the developments in shipbuilding and the introduction of systems to control and
standardise the management of timber in the Royal Dockyards in the 18th century. In the latter half of the 18th century we will see the attempts of naval reformers to develop these systems of timber management and pave the way for the sweeping changes made at the beginning of the 19th century. Chapter four highlights these changes with the introduction of the Timber Masters and looks at the nature of timber
management and the marking of timbers as identified in documentary sources. This evidence lays the foundation for the understanding of timber marking in the 19th century as witnessed in the archaeological record. The remaining chapters present the
much more extensive archaeological evidence for timber marking among several high profile assemblages. The main assemblages presented in Chapters 5 to 9 show the diversity of timber marking practices and how they relate to the working processes of the Royal Dockyards.
The research offers new insights into the understanding of shipbuilding and the management of timber in the Royal Dockyards between 1750 and 1850 and explores the possibilities for further avenues of study.French royal acts printed before 1601Kim, Lauren Jhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/4632020-03-13T03:02:45Z2008-06-26T00:00:00ZThis thesis is a study of royal acts printed in French before 1601. The kingdom of France is a natural place to begin a study of royal acts. It possessed one of the oldest judicial systems in Europe, which had been established during the reign of St Louis (1226-1270). By the sixteenth century, French kings were able to issue royal acts without any concern as to the distribution of their decrees. In addition, France was one of the leading printing centres in Europe. This research provides the first detailed analysis of this neglected category of texts, and examines the acts’ significance in French legal, political and printing culture.
The analysis of royal acts reveals three key historical practices regarding the role of printing in judiciary matters and public affairs. The first is how the French crown communicated to the public. Chapters one and two discuss the royal process of dissemination of edicts and the language of royal acts. The second is how printers and publishers manoeuvred between the large number of royal promulgations and public demand. An overview of the printing industry of royal acts is provided in chapter three and the printers of these official documents are covered in chapter four. The study of royal acts also indicates which edicts were published frequently. The last two chapters examine the content of royal decrees and discuss the most reprinted acts. Chapter five explores the period before 1561 and the final chapter discusses the last forty years of the century. An appendix of all royal acts printed before 1601, which is the basis of my research for this study, is included. It is the first comprehensive catalogue of its kind and contains nearly six thousand entries of surviving royal acts printed before 1601.
2008-06-26T00:00:00ZKim, Lauren JThis thesis is a study of royal acts printed in French before 1601. The kingdom of France is a natural place to begin a study of royal acts. It possessed one of the oldest judicial systems in Europe, which had been established during the reign of St Louis (1226-1270). By the sixteenth century, French kings were able to issue royal acts without any concern as to the distribution of their decrees. In addition, France was one of the leading printing centres in Europe. This research provides the first detailed analysis of this neglected category of texts, and examines the acts’ significance in French legal, political and printing culture.
The analysis of royal acts reveals three key historical practices regarding the role of printing in judiciary matters and public affairs. The first is how the French crown communicated to the public. Chapters one and two discuss the royal process of dissemination of edicts and the language of royal acts. The second is how printers and publishers manoeuvred between the large number of royal promulgations and public demand. An overview of the printing industry of royal acts is provided in chapter three and the printers of these official documents are covered in chapter four. The study of royal acts also indicates which edicts were published frequently. The last two chapters examine the content of royal decrees and discuss the most reprinted acts. Chapter five explores the period before 1561 and the final chapter discusses the last forty years of the century. An appendix of all royal acts printed before 1601, which is the basis of my research for this study, is included. It is the first comprehensive catalogue of its kind and contains nearly six thousand entries of surviving royal acts printed before 1601.Secretaries, statesmen and spies : the clerks of the Tudor Privy Council, c.1540 - c.1603Vaughan, Jacqueline D.https://hdl.handle.net/10023/4402019-07-01T10:19:34Z2007-01-01T00:00:00ZThis dissertation studies the office of the clerk of the Privy Council, including discussions of the office itself, and the nineteen men who held that office between its creation, in 1540, and 1603. The dual focus on the office and officers aims to provide greater understanding of both. Areas of study include the personal and professional backgrounds of the clerks, their careers, writings both political and personal, additional offices held and both social and financial concerns. This covers areas as diverse as knighthoods, land grants, election to the House of Commons, political treatises and university education. Additionally, the duties of the office, both standard and extraordinary, are discussed, as well as details regarding the creation and handling of the clerk’s primary concern, the Privy Council register. This includes details regarding signatures, meetings with ambassadors, examination of prisoners, Council meetings, salaries and fees, and attendance rotation. Ties between the clerks and clerkship and the Privy Council and its members are discussed throughout, as well as the role of patronage, education, foreign experience and personal motives. This study aims to provide a greater understanding of the clerks of the Privy Council and their office, knowing that one cannot be fully understood without the other.
2007-01-01T00:00:00ZVaughan, Jacqueline D.This dissertation studies the office of the clerk of the Privy Council, including discussions of the office itself, and the nineteen men who held that office between its creation, in 1540, and 1603. The dual focus on the office and officers aims to provide greater understanding of both. Areas of study include the personal and professional backgrounds of the clerks, their careers, writings both political and personal, additional offices held and both social and financial concerns. This covers areas as diverse as knighthoods, land grants, election to the House of Commons, political treatises and university education. Additionally, the duties of the office, both standard and extraordinary, are discussed, as well as details regarding the creation and handling of the clerk’s primary concern, the Privy Council register. This includes details regarding signatures, meetings with ambassadors, examination of prisoners, Council meetings, salaries and fees, and attendance rotation. Ties between the clerks and clerkship and the Privy Council and its members are discussed throughout, as well as the role of patronage, education, foreign experience and personal motives. This study aims to provide a greater understanding of the clerks of the Privy Council and their office, knowing that one cannot be fully understood without the other.The martyrology of Jean Crespin and the early French evangelical movementWatson, Davidhttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/3142019-07-01T10:14:04Z1998-03-01T00:00:00ZJean Crespin's 'Histoire des vrays tesmoins' was the official martyrology of the French Reformed Church. Published in Geneva in 1554, this collection has been consistently quarried as a fundamental source for the study of the early Reformation in France. Historians and other commentators of the period 1523-1555 have made use of this collection of martyr stories as a repository of reliable first-hand evidence as to the nature and make-up of the early French evangelical movement. However, the central theme of this dissertation is that the 'Histoire' is, in fact, far from a reliable source. Written with a profoundly different sense of objectivity than twentieth-century ideals of history-writing, Crespin's collection must be used with more care and circumspection than has previously been the case. Written by a firm adherent to Calvin's nascent regime in Geneva, Crespin's collection was compiled within well-defined traditions of Christian martyrology as a pedagogical tool, which necessarily affected its authenticity as a historical souce.
The eight chapters of the thesis offer a corrective evaluation of the reliability and woth of the 'Histoire' as evidence in assessing this period. Crespin's ambitions and methodology are set out, as are the traditions of history-writing within which he operated (chapter 2). Subsequent chapters show how an uncritical analysis of the 'Histoire' has distorted our view of the period of the French Reformation up to the establishment of open Calvinist churches in 1555. This is especially the case when it is shown that the edition most used by modern-day historians is, in fact, the least reliable (chapter 7). For Crespin, concurrent persecution in other parts of Europe confirmed the righteousness of the Protestant cause. Consequently, the 'Histoire' became the most international of all the Protestant martyrologies that were produced in the sixteenth century, something that is relected in chapter 6.
1998-03-01T00:00:00ZWatson, DavidJean Crespin's 'Histoire des vrays tesmoins' was the official martyrology of the French Reformed Church. Published in Geneva in 1554, this collection has been consistently quarried as a fundamental source for the study of the early Reformation in France. Historians and other commentators of the period 1523-1555 have made use of this collection of martyr stories as a repository of reliable first-hand evidence as to the nature and make-up of the early French evangelical movement. However, the central theme of this dissertation is that the 'Histoire' is, in fact, far from a reliable source. Written with a profoundly different sense of objectivity than twentieth-century ideals of history-writing, Crespin's collection must be used with more care and circumspection than has previously been the case. Written by a firm adherent to Calvin's nascent regime in Geneva, Crespin's collection was compiled within well-defined traditions of Christian martyrology as a pedagogical tool, which necessarily affected its authenticity as a historical souce.
The eight chapters of the thesis offer a corrective evaluation of the reliability and woth of the 'Histoire' as evidence in assessing this period. Crespin's ambitions and methodology are set out, as are the traditions of history-writing within which he operated (chapter 2). Subsequent chapters show how an uncritical analysis of the 'Histoire' has distorted our view of the period of the French Reformation up to the establishment of open Calvinist churches in 1555. This is especially the case when it is shown that the edition most used by modern-day historians is, in fact, the least reliable (chapter 7). For Crespin, concurrent persecution in other parts of Europe confirmed the righteousness of the Protestant cause. Consequently, the 'Histoire' became the most international of all the Protestant martyrologies that were produced in the sixteenth century, something that is relected in chapter 6.Developing French Protestant identity: the political and religious writings of Antoine de Chandieu (1534-1591)Barker, Sarahttps://hdl.handle.net/10023/2362019-07-01T10:10:02Z2007-07-01T00:00:00ZAs French Protestantism emerged in the 1550s, the young community needed charismatic leaders. The main impetus came from native pastors with strong links to Geneva. Antoine de Chandieu was a key figure amongst these men. His writings promoted the values of French Protestantism over three decades and provide insight into how this vulnerable community faced the challenges of the civil war years. This study uses Chandieu’s prose and verse writings to examine how French Protestants defined themselves from the 1550s to the 1590s.
Chapter one looks at Chandieu’s life and career, placing his works in the context of the Wars of Religion. Chapter two examines the early structural development of the French Church and the attempt to establish a system independent of that in Geneva. Chapter three concentrates on the Conspiracy of Amboise, and the tension that developed between the political and religious concerns of the movement. Chapters four and five explore the ways in which Chandieu engaged with perceived threats from internal and external sources. Chapter six focuses on the shift towards meditative writing provoked by the Protestants’ losses during the later wars, whilst chapter seven highlights the continuing preoccupation with theological issues throughout Chandieu’s later years of exile.
Chandieu’s career provides a personal experience of the French religious wars which underlines how French Protestantism tried to retain its independence. This became increasingly difficult as the wars progressed, and the movement consistently returned to the refuge of Genevan influence. Although his faith was never shaken, the sustained losses suffered by the Protestants caused Chandieu to abandon his hopes of a fully independent French Church, and to reflect deeply on the emotional torment that resulted from years of interconfessional strife. In his works we see the French church’s struggle to find a workable group identity in the face of civil war.
2007-07-01T00:00:00ZBarker, SaraAs French Protestantism emerged in the 1550s, the young community needed charismatic leaders. The main impetus came from native pastors with strong links to Geneva. Antoine de Chandieu was a key figure amongst these men. His writings promoted the values of French Protestantism over three decades and provide insight into how this vulnerable community faced the challenges of the civil war years. This study uses Chandieu’s prose and verse writings to examine how French Protestants defined themselves from the 1550s to the 1590s.
Chapter one looks at Chandieu’s life and career, placing his works in the context of the Wars of Religion. Chapter two examines the early structural development of the French Church and the attempt to establish a system independent of that in Geneva. Chapter three concentrates on the Conspiracy of Amboise, and the tension that developed between the political and religious concerns of the movement. Chapters four and five explore the ways in which Chandieu engaged with perceived threats from internal and external sources. Chapter six focuses on the shift towards meditative writing provoked by the Protestants’ losses during the later wars, whilst chapter seven highlights the continuing preoccupation with theological issues throughout Chandieu’s later years of exile.
Chandieu’s career provides a personal experience of the French religious wars which underlines how French Protestantism tried to retain its independence. This became increasingly difficult as the wars progressed, and the movement consistently returned to the refuge of Genevan influence. Although his faith was never shaken, the sustained losses suffered by the Protestants caused Chandieu to abandon his hopes of a fully independent French Church, and to reflect deeply on the emotional torment that resulted from years of interconfessional strife. In his works we see the French church’s struggle to find a workable group identity in the face of civil war.