http://hdl.handle.net/10023/858 Wed, 22 May 2013 22:54:49 GMT 2013-05-22T22:54:49Z http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk:80/retrieve/3312/school of history logo.jpeg http://hdl.handle.net/10023/858 http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3517 Abstract: Although Henry Hallam (1777–1859) is best known for his Constitutional History of England (1827) and as a founder of ‘whig’ history, to situate him primarily as a mere critic of David Hume or as an apprentice to Thomas Babington Macaulay does him a disservice. He wrote four substantial books of which the first, his View of the state of Europe during the middle ages (1818), deserves to be seen as the most important; and his correspondence shows him to have been integrated into the contemporary intelligentsia in ways that imply more than the Whig acolyte customarily portrayed by commentators. This article re-situates Hallam by thinking across both time and space and depicts a significant historian whose filiations reached to Europe and North America. It proposes that Hallam did not originate the whig interpretation of history but rather that he created a sense of the past resting on law and science which would be reasserted in the age of Darwin. Fri, 01 Jun 2012 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3517 2012-06-01T00:00:00Z Bentley, Michael John Although Henry Hallam (1777–1859) is best known for his Constitutional History of England (1827) and as a founder of ‘whig’ history, to situate him primarily as a mere critic of David Hume or as an apprentice to Thomas Babington Macaulay does him a disservice. He wrote four substantial books of which the first, his View of the state of Europe during the middle ages (1818), deserves to be seen as the most important; and his correspondence shows him to have been integrated into the contemporary intelligentsia in ways that imply more than the Whig acolyte customarily portrayed by commentators. This article re-situates Hallam by thinking across both time and space and depicts a significant historian whose filiations reached to Europe and North America. It proposes that Hallam did not originate the whig interpretation of history but rather that he created a sense of the past resting on law and science which would be reasserted in the age of Darwin. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3506 Mon, 01 Oct 2007 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3506 2007-10-01T00:00:00Z Andrews, Frances http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3505 Abstract: Framed by consideration of images of treasurers on the books of the treasury in thirteenth-century Siena, this article uses evidence for the employment of men of religion in city offices in central and northern Italy to show how religious status (treated as a subset of ‘clerical culture’) could become an important object of negotiation between city and churchmen, a tool in the repertoire of power relations. It focuses on the employment of men of religion as urban treasurers and takes Florence in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries as a principal case study, but also touches on the other tasks assigned to men of religion and, very briefly, on evidence from other cities (Bologna, Brescia, Como, Milan, Padua, Perugia and Siena). It outlines some of the possible arguments deployed for this use of men of religion in order to demonstrate that religious status was, like gender, more contingent and fluid than the norm-based models often relied on as a shorthand by historians. Despite the powerful rhetoric of lay–clerical separation in this period, the engagement of men of religion in paid, term-bound urban offices inevitably brought them closer to living like the laity. Wed, 01 Dec 2010 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3505 2010-12-01T00:00:00Z Andrews, Frances Framed by consideration of images of treasurers on the books of the treasury in thirteenth-century Siena, this article uses evidence for the employment of men of religion in city offices in central and northern Italy to show how religious status (treated as a subset of ‘clerical culture’) could become an important object of negotiation between city and churchmen, a tool in the repertoire of power relations. It focuses on the employment of men of religion as urban treasurers and takes Florence in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries as a principal case study, but also touches on the other tasks assigned to men of religion and, very briefly, on evidence from other cities (Bologna, Brescia, Como, Milan, Padua, Perugia and Siena). It outlines some of the possible arguments deployed for this use of men of religion in order to demonstrate that religious status was, like gender, more contingent and fluid than the norm-based models often relied on as a shorthand by historians. Despite the powerful rhetoric of lay–clerical separation in this period, the engagement of men of religion in paid, term-bound urban offices inevitably brought them closer to living like the laity. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3385 Tue, 01 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3385 2013-01-01T00:00:00Z Kamusella, Tomasz Dominik http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3346 Abstract: At present two scripts are employed in Central Europe, Latin and Cyrillic, or three,if we include Greece in the region. In this article I set out to problematise this oversimplisticpicture drawing at examples from the past and pointing to various politicaland identificational uses of scripts today. Until the mid-20th century, also other scripts(and different types of the Latin and Cyrillic script, for that matter) were used forofficial purposes and in book production, namely Arabic, Armenian, Church Cyrillic,Gothic and Hebrew. In addition, Glagolitic and Runes (both Nordic and Hungarian)were sometimes recalled for ideological reasons. Each of these scripts was used forwriting in numerous languages. Initially, script choices were dictated by religion(Latin letters for Western Christianity, Church Cyrillic for Slavophone OrthodoxChristians, or the Arabic writing system for Muslims), usually connected to a holybook in an ecclesiastical language committed to parchment in a specific script. Whenvernaculars began to make an appearance in writing, especially in the 16th centuryand later, their users stuck to the scripts of their holy books. Two factors, the processof building ethnolinguistically defined nation-states and changing ideas about whatmodernity should be about in the sphere of culture, radically limited the number ofscripts in official and de facto use. Only in Bosnia-Hercegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia,Moldova, Montenegro and Ukraine are two scripts in official use, to varying degrees inthe different countries. The European Union already uses three official scripts, Cyrillic,Greek and Latin; if its actions follow its words and it admits some or all of thesestates to membership, it stands a good chance of reviving the tradition of Europeanmultiscripturality, alongside its legally enshrined commitment to multilingualism. Sun, 01 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3346 2012-01-01T00:00:00Z Kamusella, Tomasz Dominik At present two scripts are employed in Central Europe, Latin and Cyrillic, or three,if we include Greece in the region. In this article I set out to problematise this oversimplisticpicture drawing at examples from the past and pointing to various politicaland identificational uses of scripts today. Until the mid-20th century, also other scripts(and different types of the Latin and Cyrillic script, for that matter) were used forofficial purposes and in book production, namely Arabic, Armenian, Church Cyrillic,Gothic and Hebrew. In addition, Glagolitic and Runes (both Nordic and Hungarian)were sometimes recalled for ideological reasons. Each of these scripts was used forwriting in numerous languages. Initially, script choices were dictated by religion(Latin letters for Western Christianity, Church Cyrillic for Slavophone OrthodoxChristians, or the Arabic writing system for Muslims), usually connected to a holybook in an ecclesiastical language committed to parchment in a specific script. Whenvernaculars began to make an appearance in writing, especially in the 16th centuryand later, their users stuck to the scripts of their holy books. Two factors, the processof building ethnolinguistically defined nation-states and changing ideas about whatmodernity should be about in the sphere of culture, radically limited the number ofscripts in official and de facto use. Only in Bosnia-Hercegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia,Moldova, Montenegro and Ukraine are two scripts in official use, to varying degrees inthe different countries. The European Union already uses three official scripts, Cyrillic,Greek and Latin; if its actions follow its words and it admits some or all of thesestates to membership, it stands a good chance of reviving the tradition of Europeanmultiscripturality, alongside its legally enshrined commitment to multilingualism. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3318 Abstract: Afterword Sun, 01 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3318 2012-01-01T00:00:00Z Kamusella, Tomasz Dominik Afterword http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3317 Abstract: The Silesians are an ethnic or national group that coalesced in the nineteenth century. During the subsequent century, they survived repeated divisions of their historical region of Upper Silesia among the nation-states of Czechoslovakia (or today its western half, that is, the Czech Republic), Germany, and Poland, which entailed Czechization, Germanization, and Polonization, respectively. The ideal of ethnolinguistic homogeneity, a typical goal of Central European nationalism, was achieved in post-war Poland. After the end of communism (1989) and the country‟s accession to the European Union (2004), this ideal is still aspired to, though it appears to stand in direct conflict with the values of democracy and rule of law. The Silesians are the largest minority in today‟s Poland and Silesian speakers are the second largest speech community in this country after Polish-speakers. Despite the Silesians‟ wish to be recognized as a minority, expressed clearly in their grassroots initiatives and in the Polish censuses of 2002 and 2011, Poland neither recognizes them nor their language. This inflexible attitude may amount to a breach of the spirit (if not the letter) of the Council of Europe‟s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, both of which Poland signed and ratified. The case of the Silesians is a litmus test of the quality of Polish democracy. In order to resolve the debacle, the article proposes a genuine dialogue between representatives of Silesian organizations and the Polish administration under the guidance of observers and facilitators from the Council of Europe and appropriate international non-governmental organizations. Fri, 21 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3317 2012-12-21T00:00:00Z Kamusella, Tomasz Dominik The Silesians are an ethnic or national group that coalesced in the nineteenth century. During the subsequent century, they survived repeated divisions of their historical region of Upper Silesia among the nation-states of Czechoslovakia (or today its western half, that is, the Czech Republic), Germany, and Poland, which entailed Czechization, Germanization, and Polonization, respectively. The ideal of ethnolinguistic homogeneity, a typical goal of Central European nationalism, was achieved in post-war Poland. After the end of communism (1989) and the country‟s accession to the European Union (2004), this ideal is still aspired to, though it appears to stand in direct conflict with the values of democracy and rule of law. The Silesians are the largest minority in today‟s Poland and Silesian speakers are the second largest speech community in this country after Polish-speakers. Despite the Silesians‟ wish to be recognized as a minority, expressed clearly in their grassroots initiatives and in the Polish censuses of 2002 and 2011, Poland neither recognizes them nor their language. This inflexible attitude may amount to a breach of the spirit (if not the letter) of the Council of Europe‟s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, both of which Poland signed and ratified. The case of the Silesians is a litmus test of the quality of Polish democracy. In order to resolve the debacle, the article proposes a genuine dialogue between representatives of Silesian organizations and the Polish administration under the guidance of observers and facilitators from the Council of Europe and appropriate international non-governmental organizations. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3312 Sun, 01 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3312 2012-01-01T00:00:00Z Kamusella, Tomasz Dominik http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3308 Abstract: There is no universally accepted working linguistic definition of a language; the distinction between a dialect and a language is a political question. On the basis of a discussion of this problem, the article proposes that the ISO 639 family of standards, issued by the International Organization for Standardization (ISO), amounts to the backbone of an emerging global regime of language recognition. This regime is being rapidly coaxed into being by the booming IT industry and by the Internet, both of which require clear-cut and uniform standards on languages and their scripts in order to function efficiently and profitably. A potentially undesirable and divisive foundation of the regulatory regime, stemming from and meeting the distinctive sectoral purposes of the world of Evangelicalism and Bible translation, is a hurdle to be overcome in achieving a universally accepted system of language standards. Despite efforts by other actors, there is no viable secular alternative in prospect, because the religiously-grounded system has an established and substantial “first mover” advantage in the field. Wed, 21 Nov 2012 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3308 2012-11-21T00:00:00Z Kamusella, Tomasz Dominik There is no universally accepted working linguistic definition of a language; the distinction between a dialect and a language is a political question. On the basis of a discussion of this problem, the article proposes that the ISO 639 family of standards, issued by the International Organization for Standardization (ISO), amounts to the backbone of an emerging global regime of language recognition. This regime is being rapidly coaxed into being by the booming IT industry and by the Internet, both of which require clear-cut and uniform standards on languages and their scripts in order to function efficiently and profitably. A potentially undesirable and divisive foundation of the regulatory regime, stemming from and meeting the distinctive sectoral purposes of the world of Evangelicalism and Bible translation, is a hurdle to be overcome in achieving a universally accepted system of language standards. Despite efforts by other actors, there is no viable secular alternative in prospect, because the religiously-grounded system has an established and substantial “first mover” advantage in the field. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3281 Abstract: Languages are made and unmade, as nations are. The vagaries of history and politics that create the fluctuating framework in which human groups exist, influence these groups’ thinking about their own speech. Over the course of history Upper Silesia’s Slavophones (a group who, in the modern period, were predominantly bilingual in German) were divided up at different times between Prussia, Austria (that is, the Habsburg lands), Germany, Czechoslovakia (today, the Czech Republic) and Poland, and they had to adapt to these changes. During the last two centuries, with the rise of ethnolinguistic nationalism in Central Europe, it meant either accepting a dominant ethnolinguistic national identity, complete with its specific standard language (especially in the dark period of authoritarianisms and totalitarianism between 1926 and 1989), or inventing a Silesianness, frequently buttressed by the concept of a Silesian language. Against this backdrop, the article considers the emergence of the Silesian (regional, ethnic, national?) movement during the last two decades, with the main focus on efforts to standardize Silesian and have it recognized as a language in its own right. Tue, 01 Jan 2013 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3281 2013-01-01T00:00:00Z Kamusella, Tomasz Dominik Languages are made and unmade, as nations are. The vagaries of history and politics that create the fluctuating framework in which human groups exist, influence these groups’ thinking about their own speech. Over the course of history Upper Silesia’s Slavophones (a group who, in the modern period, were predominantly bilingual in German) were divided up at different times between Prussia, Austria (that is, the Habsburg lands), Germany, Czechoslovakia (today, the Czech Republic) and Poland, and they had to adapt to these changes. During the last two centuries, with the rise of ethnolinguistic nationalism in Central Europe, it meant either accepting a dominant ethnolinguistic national identity, complete with its specific standard language (especially in the dark period of authoritarianisms and totalitarianism between 1926 and 1989), or inventing a Silesianness, frequently buttressed by the concept of a Silesian language. Against this backdrop, the article considers the emergence of the Silesian (regional, ethnic, national?) movement during the last two decades, with the main focus on efforts to standardize Silesian and have it recognized as a language in its own right. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3244 Abstract: During the 1830s and 1840s the official Russian name of the Russian language changed from Rossiiskii to Russkii. Prior to this the names of the country and of its language were directly related (Rossiia – Rossiiskii), while today they remain disjointed (Rossiia vs Russkii). To date, researchers, both in Russia and abroad, seem not to have been interested in explaining either this change or the persisting discrepancy between the two terms. The article draws attention to this disjunction, contextualized against the background of various linguonyms and names of countries and regions closely connected to the history of Russia. The text does not identify a decisive answer to the deceptively simple-looking question that it investigates. Nevertheless, it proposes a hypothesis that the change might be connected to the anti-Russian uprising of the Polish-Lithuanian nobility (1830-1831) and the subsequent replacement of Polish by Russian as the official language in Russia’s original zone of partition of Poland-Lithuania. The analysis may encourage other researchers to engage with this neglected, though quite crucial, question in an interdisciplinary and comparative manner. Sun, 01 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3244 2012-01-01T00:00:00Z Kamusella, Tomasz Dominik During the 1830s and 1840s the official Russian name of the Russian language changed from Rossiiskii to Russkii. Prior to this the names of the country and of its language were directly related (Rossiia – Rossiiskii), while today they remain disjointed (Rossiia vs Russkii). To date, researchers, both in Russia and abroad, seem not to have been interested in explaining either this change or the persisting discrepancy between the two terms. The article draws attention to this disjunction, contextualized against the background of various linguonyms and names of countries and regions closely connected to the history of Russia. The text does not identify a decisive answer to the deceptively simple-looking question that it investigates. Nevertheless, it proposes a hypothesis that the change might be connected to the anti-Russian uprising of the Polish-Lithuanian nobility (1830-1831) and the subsequent replacement of Polish by Russian as the official language in Russia’s original zone of partition of Poland-Lithuania. The analysis may encourage other researchers to engage with this neglected, though quite crucial, question in an interdisciplinary and comparative manner. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2341 Sat, 01 Jan 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2341 2011-01-01T00:00:00Z Kamusella, Tomasz Dominik Roczniok, Andrzej http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2050 Abstract: This article explores the transformation of the directional concept "the west" into the socio-political concept "the West". From the early 19th century onward, the concept of the West became temporalized and politicized. It became a concept of the future ("Zukunftsbegriff"), acquired a polemical thrust through the polarized opposition to antonyms such as "Russia", "the East", and "the Orient", and was deployed as a tool for forging national identities. The gestation of "the West" went hand-in-hand with the gradual substitution of an east-west divide for the north-south divide that had dominated European mental maps for centuries. Description: Published by the Institute of European History (IEG), Mainz 2011-11-21. When quoting this article please add the date of your last retrieval in brackets after the url. When quoting a certain passage from the article please also insert the corresponding number(s), for example 2 or 1-4. Sat, 01 Jan 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2050 2011-01-01T00:00:00Z Bavaj, Riccardo Beniamino Francesco Luca This article explores the transformation of the directional concept "the west" into the socio-political concept "the West". From the early 19th century onward, the concept of the West became temporalized and politicized. It became a concept of the future ("Zukunftsbegriff"), acquired a polemical thrust through the polarized opposition to antonyms such as "Russia", "the East", and "the Orient", and was deployed as a tool for forging national identities. The gestation of "the West" went hand-in-hand with the gradual substitution of an east-west divide for the north-south divide that had dominated European mental maps for centuries. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1869 Mon, 01 Jan 2001 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1869 2001-01-01T00:00:00Z Bartlett, Robert John http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1841 Fri, 01 Jan 2010 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1841 2010-01-01T00:00:00Z Bavaj, Riccardo Beniamino Francesco Luca http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1840 Mon, 01 Mar 2010 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1840 2010-03-01T00:00:00Z Bavaj, Riccardo Beniamino Francesco Luca http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1563 Abstract: On November 17, 1307, the Armenian king, Het'um II, was assassinated by a Mongol, recently converted to Islam, the noyan Bularghu. In this paper I will look at this assassination, which has often been seen as significant in the context of the conversion of the Mongols of Persia to Islam, and also at the effects, or perceived effects, of that conversion, especially regarding Ilkhanid foreign policy. I shall consider the attitude of the Ilkhans to the small Armenian kingdom centred on Cilicia, now in south-eastern Turkey, which, by 1307 had shrunk from the size and importance it had enjoyed in the middle of the thirteenth century. First, I intend briefly to describe Armenian relations with the Mongols, from the irruption of the latter until about 1307; then I shall discuss the assassination, the sources and reasons for it; next I shall look at the conversion of the Mongol rulers of Persia to Islam, and any effects that this may have had on Ilkhanid foreign policy; finally I shall consider how both this conversion and the assassination have been interpreted by historians, and what this event actually shows us about the effects of the Mongol Ilkhans' conversion to Islam on their relationship with their subject, Christian, Armenian satellite. Fri, 01 Apr 2005 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1563 2005-04-01T00:00:00Z Stewart, Angus Donal On November 17, 1307, the Armenian king, Het'um II, was assassinated by a Mongol, recently converted to Islam, the noyan Bularghu. In this paper I will look at this assassination, which has often been seen as significant in the context of the conversion of the Mongols of Persia to Islam, and also at the effects, or perceived effects, of that conversion, especially regarding Ilkhanid foreign policy. I shall consider the attitude of the Ilkhans to the small Armenian kingdom centred on Cilicia, now in south-eastern Turkey, which, by 1307 had shrunk from the size and importance it had enjoyed in the middle of the thirteenth century. First, I intend briefly to describe Armenian relations with the Mongols, from the irruption of the latter until about 1307; then I shall discuss the assassination, the sources and reasons for it; next I shall look at the conversion of the Mongol rulers of Persia to Islam, and any effects that this may have had on Ilkhanid foreign policy; finally I shall consider how both this conversion and the assassination have been interpreted by historians, and what this event actually shows us about the effects of the Mongol Ilkhans' conversion to Islam on their relationship with their subject, Christian, Armenian satellite. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1554 Abstract: The idea of converting Scandinavia to Christianity had been enthusiastically pursued by the Emperor Louis the Pious and Archbishop Ebbo of Rheims in the 820s. Optimism such as their was, however, not to last, and little progress was made between the death of Archbishop Rimbert of Hamburg-Bremen in 888 and the conversion of Harald Bluetooth a century later. This article examines how Rimbert wrote a saint's "Life" about Anskar, his predecessor and "apostle to the north", in an attempt to arrest the waning support for the mission. It considers how this was achieved by placing the text in the context of the clashes between Ebbo and his successor, Hincmar, the predestination debate and the idea that mission was fulfilling apocalyptic prophecies. Thu, 01 Apr 2004 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1554 2004-04-01T00:00:00Z Palmer, James Trevor The idea of converting Scandinavia to Christianity had been enthusiastically pursued by the Emperor Louis the Pious and Archbishop Ebbo of Rheims in the 820s. Optimism such as their was, however, not to last, and little progress was made between the death of Archbishop Rimbert of Hamburg-Bremen in 888 and the conversion of Harald Bluetooth a century later. This article examines how Rimbert wrote a saint's "Life" about Anskar, his predecessor and "apostle to the north", in an attempt to arrest the waning support for the mission. It considers how this was achieved by placing the text in the context of the clashes between Ebbo and his successor, Hincmar, the predestination debate and the idea that mission was fulfilling apocalyptic prophecies. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1552 Abstract: This article focusses on the concept of cultural pluralism in the North American folk music revival of the 1960s. Building on the excellent work of earlier folk revival scholars, the article looks in greater depth at the “vision of diversity” promoted by the folk revival in North America – at the ways in which this vision was constructed, at the reasons for its maintenance and at its ultimate decline and on the consequences of this for anglophone Canadian and American musicians and enthusiasts alike. Fri, 01 Dec 2006 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1552 2006-12-01T00:00:00Z Mitchell, Gillian Anna Margaret This article focusses on the concept of cultural pluralism in the North American folk music revival of the 1960s. Building on the excellent work of earlier folk revival scholars, the article looks in greater depth at the “vision of diversity” promoted by the folk revival in North America – at the ways in which this vision was constructed, at the reasons for its maintenance and at its ultimate decline and on the consequences of this for anglophone Canadian and American musicians and enthusiasts alike. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1551 Abstract: This paper explores aspects of Anglo-Scottish relations in Elizabeth's reign with particular emphasis on the idea of dynastic union and the creation of a Protestant British kingdom. It begins by examining the legacy of pre-Elizabethan ideas of Britain and the extent to which Elizabeth and her government sought to realise the vision of a Protestant and imperial British kingdom first articulated in the late 1540s. It then focuses on the issues arising from the deposition of Mary Queen of Scots and her long captivity in England. The dynastic implications of Mary's execution in 1587 are highlighted and it is argued that Elizabeth's policy towards James VI and Scotland betrays little or no interest in developing a truly British agenda. Wed, 01 Dec 2004 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1551 2004-12-01T00:00:00Z Mason, Roger Alexander This paper explores aspects of Anglo-Scottish relations in Elizabeth's reign with particular emphasis on the idea of dynastic union and the creation of a Protestant British kingdom. It begins by examining the legacy of pre-Elizabethan ideas of Britain and the extent to which Elizabeth and her government sought to realise the vision of a Protestant and imperial British kingdom first articulated in the late 1540s. It then focuses on the issues arising from the deposition of Mary Queen of Scots and her long captivity in England. The dynastic implications of Mary's execution in 1587 are highlighted and it is argued that Elizabeth's policy towards James VI and Scotland betrays little or no interest in developing a truly British agenda. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1529 Abstract: This article charts and tries to explain the changing use of ‘minority’ languages in Europe between the end of the Middle Ages and the 19th century. This period saw the beginnings of a decline in the use of certain dialects and separate languages, notably Irish and Scottish Gaelic, although some tongues such as Catalan and Welsh remained widely used. The article develops some models of the relationship between language and its social, economic and political context. That relationship was mediated through the availability of printed literature; the political (including military) relations between areas where different languages or dialects were spoken; the nature and relative level of economic development (including urbanization); the policy of the providers of formal education and that of the church on religious instruction and worship; and, finally, local social structures and power relationships. The focus is principally on western Europe, but material is also drawn from Scandinavia and from eastern and central Europe. Tue, 01 Jul 2003 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1529 2003-07-01T00:00:00Z Houston, Robert Allan This article charts and tries to explain the changing use of ‘minority’ languages in Europe between the end of the Middle Ages and the 19th century. This period saw the beginnings of a decline in the use of certain dialects and separate languages, notably Irish and Scottish Gaelic, although some tongues such as Catalan and Welsh remained widely used. The article develops some models of the relationship between language and its social, economic and political context. That relationship was mediated through the availability of printed literature; the political (including military) relations between areas where different languages or dialects were spoken; the nature and relative level of economic development (including urbanization); the policy of the providers of formal education and that of the church on religious instruction and worship; and, finally, local social structures and power relationships. The focus is principally on western Europe, but material is also drawn from Scandinavia and from eastern and central Europe. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1527 Abstract: In recent years, the idea that Britain and its northern American colonies were part of a single ‘British Atlantic world’ has provided historians of both the Old World and the New with a novel perspective from which to explore their subjects during the long eighteenth century. With a case study of Charleston, South Carolina, this essay extends British categories of analysis across the Atlantic to uncover the origins of an American middle class. Emphasis is placed on the simultaneous consideration of all arenas of identity formation, with a view to demonstrating that examining either the cultural sphere or the economic one cannot bring a genuine understanding of the coherence of this eighteenth-century middling sort. Investigating the emergence of this social group in the widest possible sense, I show how the economic experience of these middling people forged common values which then found their expression in the cultural and political sphere. Since this middle sort achieved such coherence before 1776 I suggest that we must move away from accounts that depict colonial society as a place of binary opposites and occupational groupings, for such models cannot convey the complexity of the British Atlantic urban society that took shape during this era. Wed, 01 Aug 2007 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1527 2007-08-01T00:00:00Z Hart, Emma Frances Katherine In recent years, the idea that Britain and its northern American colonies were part of a single ‘British Atlantic world’ has provided historians of both the Old World and the New with a novel perspective from which to explore their subjects during the long eighteenth century. With a case study of Charleston, South Carolina, this essay extends British categories of analysis across the Atlantic to uncover the origins of an American middle class. Emphasis is placed on the simultaneous consideration of all arenas of identity formation, with a view to demonstrating that examining either the cultural sphere or the economic one cannot bring a genuine understanding of the coherence of this eighteenth-century middling sort. Investigating the emergence of this social group in the widest possible sense, I show how the economic experience of these middling people forged common values which then found their expression in the cultural and political sphere. Since this middle sort achieved such coherence before 1776 I suggest that we must move away from accounts that depict colonial society as a place of binary opposites and occupational groupings, for such models cannot convey the complexity of the British Atlantic urban society that took shape during this era. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1492 Abstract: In the last decade of the nineteenth century, the English seaside and health resort of Torquay abandoned its old practice of municipal waste tipping and invested in a destructor, or incinerator. Technical, legal and financial considerations lay behind this decision. The ensuing protests against the operation of the destructor highlight the tensions between nascent technocrats and the affected residents. At a time when pollution was most often displaced or dispersed, topography conspired against the residents of Torquay, and challenged the accepted spatial and social relationships of waste. Wed, 01 Aug 2007 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1492 2007-08-01T00:00:00Z Clark, John Finlay Mcdiarmid In the last decade of the nineteenth century, the English seaside and health resort of Torquay abandoned its old practice of municipal waste tipping and invested in a destructor, or incinerator. Technical, legal and financial considerations lay behind this decision. The ensuing protests against the operation of the destructor highlight the tensions between nascent technocrats and the affected residents. At a time when pollution was most often displaced or dispersed, topography conspired against the residents of Torquay, and challenged the accepted spatial and social relationships of waste. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1032 Thu, 01 Jan 2009 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1032 2009-01-01T00:00:00Z Greenwood, Timothy William