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    <title>DSpace Collection:</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1948</link>
    <description />
    <pubDate>Sun, 28 Apr 2013 00:30:19 GMT</pubDate>
    <dc:date>2013-04-28T00:30:19Z</dc:date>
    <item>
      <title>A description of 'aspectual' phenomena in Arabic</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2976</link>
      <description>Abstract: The present work is mainly concerned with a description of&#xD;
the morphological and syntactic analyses of the predicative aspectual&#xD;
phenomena in Modern Standard Arabic using Axiomatic Functionalism&#xD;
as its theoretical framework.&#xD;
The thesis consists of an introduction, three major parts, and&#xD;
a conclusion. The introduction deals with a brief overview of the&#xD;
Axiomatic Functionalist theory. Part one, which comprises four&#xD;
chapters, offers a brief account of the theoretical background of this&#xD;
work as well as presenting the predicative (verbal and non-verbal)&#xD;
aspectual phenomena in MSA. Chapter I discusses the term 'aspect',&#xD;
and the relation between lexical and grammatical aspect. Chapter II&#xD;
discusses the Arabic language, particularly the category of 'aspect'.&#xD;
Chapter III discusses the interaction between punctuality and aspect.&#xD;
Chapter IV is exclusively devoted to methodology; it explains an&#xD;
explanation of the essential and relevant theoretical notions in grammar,&#xD;
uniting the description to the theory. It also provides a step-by-step&#xD;
application of successive criteria for discriminating between&#xD;
morphological complexes and syntactic complexes.&#xD;
The second part (Chaps. V &amp; VI), deals with morphological&#xD;
analysis. Chapter V analyses the category of verb in Arabic. For this&#xD;
purpose the following paradigms are set up: Verb-root, Aspect, Voice,&#xD;
Person, Gender, and Number. Each of these contains monemes which&#xD;
which are constituents of the verbal entity. These monemes commute&#xD;
with each other yielding a difference in the message conveyed. The&#xD;
chapter concludes that entities of the verb category in Arabic may&#xD;
contain the constituent monemes verb-root,&#xD;
perfective,&#xD;
imperfective,&#xD;
active,&#xD;
passive,&#xD;
first person, second person, third person, masculine,&#xD;
feminine,&#xD;
singular, dual, and plural. Chapter VI deals with the&#xD;
realisational as pect of the constituent monemes of the complex pleremes&#xD;
in chapter V. It also deals with the distribution of the allomorphs of&#xD;
the constituent monemes in question.&#xD;
Part three (Chaps. VII - IX), deals with the syntactic&#xD;
description of the aspectual phenomena in MSA. Chapter VII sets up&#xD;
the distributional unit (model) which accounts for the relations within&#xD;
the VPB syntagm. This chapter tests the adequacy of the model by&#xD;
establishing all the VPB syntagms which map onto it. These syntagms&#xD;
vary according to the type of the verbal nucleus in each of them,&#xD;
(transitive or intransitive and of what kind). It further deals with&#xD;
types of non-verbal nucleus I&#xD;
and the realisations of the predicative&#xD;
based syntagms (verbal and non-verbal). Chapter VIII deals in detail&#xD;
with the syntactic relations within the predicative syntagms. It also&#xD;
deals with the syntactic structures of various as pectual phenomena in&#xD;
MSA. Chapter IX discusses the syntactic relation within the functional&#xD;
syntagm in MSA which may form an immediate constituent in a&#xD;
predicative based syntagm.&#xD;
A final brief 'Conclusion' points out the need for further research&#xD;
and development in Axiomatic Functionalism in the field of "semantic&#xD;
syntagm-analysis".</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Jan 1986 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2976</guid>
      <dc:date>1986-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
      <dc:creator>Sitrak, Sami J.</dc:creator>
      <dc:description>The present work is mainly concerned with a description of&#xD;
the morphological and syntactic analyses of the predicative aspectual&#xD;
phenomena in Modern Standard Arabic using Axiomatic Functionalism&#xD;
as its theoretical framework.&#xD;
The thesis consists of an introduction, three major parts, and&#xD;
a conclusion. The introduction deals with a brief overview of the&#xD;
Axiomatic Functionalist theory. Part one, which comprises four&#xD;
chapters, offers a brief account of the theoretical background of this&#xD;
work as well as presenting the predicative (verbal and non-verbal)&#xD;
aspectual phenomena in MSA. Chapter I discusses the term 'aspect',&#xD;
and the relation between lexical and grammatical aspect. Chapter II&#xD;
discusses the Arabic language, particularly the category of 'aspect'.&#xD;
Chapter III discusses the interaction between punctuality and aspect.&#xD;
Chapter IV is exclusively devoted to methodology; it explains an&#xD;
explanation of the essential and relevant theoretical notions in grammar,&#xD;
uniting the description to the theory. It also provides a step-by-step&#xD;
application of successive criteria for discriminating between&#xD;
morphological complexes and syntactic complexes.&#xD;
The second part (Chaps. V &amp; VI), deals with morphological&#xD;
analysis. Chapter V analyses the category of verb in Arabic. For this&#xD;
purpose the following paradigms are set up: Verb-root, Aspect, Voice,&#xD;
Person, Gender, and Number. Each of these contains monemes which&#xD;
which are constituents of the verbal entity. These monemes commute&#xD;
with each other yielding a difference in the message conveyed. The&#xD;
chapter concludes that entities of the verb category in Arabic may&#xD;
contain the constituent monemes verb-root,&#xD;
perfective,&#xD;
imperfective,&#xD;
active,&#xD;
passive,&#xD;
first person, second person, third person, masculine,&#xD;
feminine,&#xD;
singular, dual, and plural. Chapter VI deals with the&#xD;
realisational as pect of the constituent monemes of the complex pleremes&#xD;
in chapter V. It also deals with the distribution of the allomorphs of&#xD;
the constituent monemes in question.&#xD;
Part three (Chaps. VII - IX), deals with the syntactic&#xD;
description of the aspectual phenomena in MSA. Chapter VII sets up&#xD;
the distributional unit (model) which accounts for the relations within&#xD;
the VPB syntagm. This chapter tests the adequacy of the model by&#xD;
establishing all the VPB syntagms which map onto it. These syntagms&#xD;
vary according to the type of the verbal nucleus in each of them,&#xD;
(transitive or intransitive and of what kind). It further deals with&#xD;
types of non-verbal nucleus I&#xD;
and the realisations of the predicative&#xD;
based syntagms (verbal and non-verbal). Chapter VIII deals in detail&#xD;
with the syntactic relations within the predicative syntagms. It also&#xD;
deals with the syntactic structures of various as pectual phenomena in&#xD;
MSA. Chapter IX discusses the syntactic relation within the functional&#xD;
syntagm in MSA which may form an immediate constituent in a&#xD;
predicative based syntagm.&#xD;
A final brief 'Conclusion' points out the need for further research&#xD;
and development in Axiomatic Functionalism in the field of "semantic&#xD;
syntagm-analysis".</dc:description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The theory, practice and administration of waqf with special reference to the Malayan state of Kedah</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2959</link>
      <pubDate>Fri, 01 Jan 1971 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2959</guid>
      <dc:date>1971-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
      <dc:creator>Othman, Muhammad Zain bin Haji</dc:creator>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Teaching of Arabic as a foreign language (TAFL) : a study of the communicative approach in relation to Arabic</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2949</link>
      <description>Abstract: The study is concerned with the problem of how to improve the teaching&#xD;
of Arabic as a foreign or a second language. It lays down some of the&#xD;
essential foundation-work necessary for bringing about systematic and&#xD;
constructive improvements in the teaching of Arabic as a foreign language&#xD;
(TAFL) by investigating the contributions of modern linguistic sciences&#xD;
(such as applied linguistics, educational linguistics, psycholinguistics&#xD;
and sociolinguistics) to the development of foreign language (FL) teaching&#xD;
and learning. A survey of the literature indicates that a 'revolution' is&#xD;
currently taking place in FL teaching and that a new approach, known as&#xD;
the Communicative Approach (CA), has begun to emerge and influence the&#xD;
teaching of FLs in general, over the last decade or so. Since the CA&#xD;
is currently being adopted to the teaching of most major FLs and since&#xD;
this revolution has not yet had much impact on TAPL, the study explores&#xD;
the possibility of the application of the CA to the teaching of Arabic as&#xD;
a living language.&#xD;
The thesis is divided into 7 chapters. Chapter 1 introduces the importance&#xD;
of viewing the nature of language and FL teaching from a multidimensional&#xD;
point of view. Chapter 2 outlines the general nature and importance of&#xD;
the subject matter (i.e. the Arabic language) in a wide context. In order&#xD;
to understand what has directly or indirectly influenced the teaching&#xD;
practices of TAFL, Chapter 3 provides an overview of the development of&#xD;
views of FL teaching approaches and methods in recent times, from&#xD;
formalism (teacher-centred learning) to functionalism (student -centred&#xD;
learning). Chapter 4 concentrates on providing an interpretation of&#xD;
the current 'state of the art' of TPPL in Britain. A theoretical outline&#xD;
of the CA is presented in Chapter 5. This chapter provides a working&#xD;
hypothesis of a proposed integrative model for communicative competence&#xD;
that can be used as a practical reference tool in the relevant areas of&#xD;
communicative language development In TAPL. Chapter 6 focuses on&#xD;
one of these areas; communicative syllabus design, in which the stages&#xD;
in Arabic language programme development and types of communicative&#xD;
syllabuses are discussed. The last chapter concludes with a suggetion&#xD;
of specific further research needs in TAFL: communicative teaching&#xD;
methodology, communicative materials development, communicative&#xD;
testing techniques and communicative tea cher training.</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 01 Jan 1988 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2949</guid>
      <dc:date>1988-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
      <dc:creator>Jadwat, Ayoob Y.</dc:creator>
      <dc:description>The study is concerned with the problem of how to improve the teaching&#xD;
of Arabic as a foreign or a second language. It lays down some of the&#xD;
essential foundation-work necessary for bringing about systematic and&#xD;
constructive improvements in the teaching of Arabic as a foreign language&#xD;
(TAFL) by investigating the contributions of modern linguistic sciences&#xD;
(such as applied linguistics, educational linguistics, psycholinguistics&#xD;
and sociolinguistics) to the development of foreign language (FL) teaching&#xD;
and learning. A survey of the literature indicates that a 'revolution' is&#xD;
currently taking place in FL teaching and that a new approach, known as&#xD;
the Communicative Approach (CA), has begun to emerge and influence the&#xD;
teaching of FLs in general, over the last decade or so. Since the CA&#xD;
is currently being adopted to the teaching of most major FLs and since&#xD;
this revolution has not yet had much impact on TAPL, the study explores&#xD;
the possibility of the application of the CA to the teaching of Arabic as&#xD;
a living language.&#xD;
The thesis is divided into 7 chapters. Chapter 1 introduces the importance&#xD;
of viewing the nature of language and FL teaching from a multidimensional&#xD;
point of view. Chapter 2 outlines the general nature and importance of&#xD;
the subject matter (i.e. the Arabic language) in a wide context. In order&#xD;
to understand what has directly or indirectly influenced the teaching&#xD;
practices of TAFL, Chapter 3 provides an overview of the development of&#xD;
views of FL teaching approaches and methods in recent times, from&#xD;
formalism (teacher-centred learning) to functionalism (student -centred&#xD;
learning). Chapter 4 concentrates on providing an interpretation of&#xD;
the current 'state of the art' of TPPL in Britain. A theoretical outline&#xD;
of the CA is presented in Chapter 5. This chapter provides a working&#xD;
hypothesis of a proposed integrative model for communicative competence&#xD;
that can be used as a practical reference tool in the relevant areas of&#xD;
communicative language development In TAPL. Chapter 6 focuses on&#xD;
one of these areas; communicative syllabus design, in which the stages&#xD;
in Arabic language programme development and types of communicative&#xD;
syllabuses are discussed. The last chapter concludes with a suggetion&#xD;
of specific further research needs in TAFL: communicative teaching&#xD;
methodology, communicative materials development, communicative&#xD;
testing techniques and communicative tea cher training.</dc:description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Arab tribes from Jāhilīya to Islām : sources and historical trends</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2944</link>
      <description>Abstract: This dissertation&#xD;
aims&#xD;
to formulate&#xD;
a view of&#xD;
Arabian tribalism in the&#xD;
pre-&#xD;
Islamic&#xD;
period and&#xD;
its development in Islamic times.&#xD;
The first&#xD;
part assesses&#xD;
the historical&#xD;
usability of&#xD;
the literary&#xD;
source&#xD;
material of&#xD;
the Jahiliya. The focus is&#xD;
on oral&#xD;
historical traditions&#xD;
-&#xD;
the&#xD;
ayyam al-&#xD;
carab. These&#xD;
are&#xD;
found to have&#xD;
remained&#xD;
textually fluid&#xD;
until&#xD;
the time&#xD;
of&#xD;
their&#xD;
recording.&#xD;
This fluidity&#xD;
may&#xD;
have&#xD;
affected style and&#xD;
form but did&#xD;
not&#xD;
substantially affect certain&#xD;
historical&#xD;
elements.&#xD;
The&#xD;
more&#xD;
inter-tribal&#xD;
and&#xD;
less&#xD;
local the&#xD;
account was,&#xD;
the&#xD;
more reliable&#xD;
it is likely to be historically. A&#xD;
sample&#xD;
comparison&#xD;
between tribal hostility&#xD;
and&#xD;
tribal distribution&#xD;
showed&#xD;
that the&#xD;
accounts seem&#xD;
to be highly&#xD;
consistent.&#xD;
The&#xD;
second part of&#xD;
the thesis is&#xD;
concerned&#xD;
firstly&#xD;
with establishing a&#xD;
Jahili&#xD;
profile&#xD;
for two tribal&#xD;
groups; secondly with&#xD;
tracing the&#xD;
affairs of&#xD;
their&#xD;
descendants into the Umayyad&#xD;
period.&#xD;
The tribal&#xD;
groups of&#xD;
Taghlib&#xD;
and&#xD;
Ghatafan&#xD;
were picked&#xD;
for&#xD;
examination.&#xD;
Both&#xD;
were strong cohesive groups&#xD;
in the&#xD;
pre-Islamic period.&#xD;
In Islamic times, Taghlibis lose importance&#xD;
since&#xD;
they&#xD;
opted&#xD;
to&#xD;
remain&#xD;
Christian, thus, Taghlibis&#xD;
are virtually&#xD;
impossible to trace. Ghatafanis&#xD;
did join Islam&#xD;
on a&#xD;
far&#xD;
greater scale and are often mentioned&#xD;
in the Islamic&#xD;
period.&#xD;
After the&#xD;
second civil war&#xD;
Ghatafanis&#xD;
are only ever mentioned as&#xD;
individuals. Close kin&#xD;
continued&#xD;
to&#xD;
cooperate&#xD;
but&#xD;
cooperation above&#xD;
this level&#xD;
was&#xD;
only conducted within&#xD;
the Qaysi faction.&#xD;
The third&#xD;
part&#xD;
discusses&#xD;
changes&#xD;
in the tribal&#xD;
system.&#xD;
A&#xD;
review of&#xD;
the&#xD;
functions&#xD;
of modern&#xD;
tribal&#xD;
genealogies&#xD;
illuminates the&#xD;
process&#xD;
by&#xD;
which&#xD;
genealogies can change&#xD;
in&#xD;
order&#xD;
to&#xD;
reflect changing realities.&#xD;
Early Arabic&#xD;
genealogies are clearly seen&#xD;
to be&#xD;
also naturally&#xD;
dynamic&#xD;
and&#xD;
the&#xD;
subject of&#xD;
deliberate&#xD;
change.&#xD;
New links&#xD;
reflected new realities, particularly&#xD;
the&#xD;
political&#xD;
alliances&#xD;
forged&#xD;
under&#xD;
the Umayyads. A belief in&#xD;
a single progenitor&#xD;
led to&#xD;
a&#xD;
move&#xD;
towards&#xD;
creating genealogical&#xD;
links to&#xD;
one ancestor, while&#xD;
the&#xD;
conditions of&#xD;
the&#xD;
conquests&#xD;
let to&#xD;
a regionalization of&#xD;
tribalism. The&#xD;
professionalization of&#xD;
the&#xD;
Marwanid&#xD;
army enabled cross-regional&#xD;
tribal&#xD;
co-operation which resulted&#xD;
in&#xD;
dividing in two the Umayyad&#xD;
army and&#xD;
Arab&#xD;
genealogies.</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 01 Jan 1994 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2944</guid>
      <dc:date>1994-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
      <dc:creator>El-Sakkout, Ihab Hamdi</dc:creator>
      <dc:description>This dissertation&#xD;
aims&#xD;
to formulate&#xD;
a view of&#xD;
Arabian tribalism in the&#xD;
pre-&#xD;
Islamic&#xD;
period and&#xD;
its development in Islamic times.&#xD;
The first&#xD;
part assesses&#xD;
the historical&#xD;
usability of&#xD;
the literary&#xD;
source&#xD;
material of&#xD;
the Jahiliya. The focus is&#xD;
on oral&#xD;
historical traditions&#xD;
-&#xD;
the&#xD;
ayyam al-&#xD;
carab. These&#xD;
are&#xD;
found to have&#xD;
remained&#xD;
textually fluid&#xD;
until&#xD;
the time&#xD;
of&#xD;
their&#xD;
recording.&#xD;
This fluidity&#xD;
may&#xD;
have&#xD;
affected style and&#xD;
form but did&#xD;
not&#xD;
substantially affect certain&#xD;
historical&#xD;
elements.&#xD;
The&#xD;
more&#xD;
inter-tribal&#xD;
and&#xD;
less&#xD;
local the&#xD;
account was,&#xD;
the&#xD;
more reliable&#xD;
it is likely to be historically. A&#xD;
sample&#xD;
comparison&#xD;
between tribal hostility&#xD;
and&#xD;
tribal distribution&#xD;
showed&#xD;
that the&#xD;
accounts seem&#xD;
to be highly&#xD;
consistent.&#xD;
The&#xD;
second part of&#xD;
the thesis is&#xD;
concerned&#xD;
firstly&#xD;
with establishing a&#xD;
Jahili&#xD;
profile&#xD;
for two tribal&#xD;
groups; secondly with&#xD;
tracing the&#xD;
affairs of&#xD;
their&#xD;
descendants into the Umayyad&#xD;
period.&#xD;
The tribal&#xD;
groups of&#xD;
Taghlib&#xD;
and&#xD;
Ghatafan&#xD;
were picked&#xD;
for&#xD;
examination.&#xD;
Both&#xD;
were strong cohesive groups&#xD;
in the&#xD;
pre-Islamic period.&#xD;
In Islamic times, Taghlibis lose importance&#xD;
since&#xD;
they&#xD;
opted&#xD;
to&#xD;
remain&#xD;
Christian, thus, Taghlibis&#xD;
are virtually&#xD;
impossible to trace. Ghatafanis&#xD;
did join Islam&#xD;
on a&#xD;
far&#xD;
greater scale and are often mentioned&#xD;
in the Islamic&#xD;
period.&#xD;
After the&#xD;
second civil war&#xD;
Ghatafanis&#xD;
are only ever mentioned as&#xD;
individuals. Close kin&#xD;
continued&#xD;
to&#xD;
cooperate&#xD;
but&#xD;
cooperation above&#xD;
this level&#xD;
was&#xD;
only conducted within&#xD;
the Qaysi faction.&#xD;
The third&#xD;
part&#xD;
discusses&#xD;
changes&#xD;
in the tribal&#xD;
system.&#xD;
A&#xD;
review of&#xD;
the&#xD;
functions&#xD;
of modern&#xD;
tribal&#xD;
genealogies&#xD;
illuminates the&#xD;
process&#xD;
by&#xD;
which&#xD;
genealogies can change&#xD;
in&#xD;
order&#xD;
to&#xD;
reflect changing realities.&#xD;
Early Arabic&#xD;
genealogies are clearly seen&#xD;
to be&#xD;
also naturally&#xD;
dynamic&#xD;
and&#xD;
the&#xD;
subject of&#xD;
deliberate&#xD;
change.&#xD;
New links&#xD;
reflected new realities, particularly&#xD;
the&#xD;
political&#xD;
alliances&#xD;
forged&#xD;
under&#xD;
the Umayyads. A belief in&#xD;
a single progenitor&#xD;
led to&#xD;
a&#xD;
move&#xD;
towards&#xD;
creating genealogical&#xD;
links to&#xD;
one ancestor, while&#xD;
the&#xD;
conditions of&#xD;
the&#xD;
conquests&#xD;
let to&#xD;
a regionalization of&#xD;
tribalism. The&#xD;
professionalization of&#xD;
the&#xD;
Marwanid&#xD;
army enabled cross-regional&#xD;
tribal&#xD;
co-operation which resulted&#xD;
in&#xD;
dividing in two the Umayyad&#xD;
army and&#xD;
Arab&#xD;
genealogies.</dc:description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Emirate of Damascus in the early Crusading period, 488-549/1095-1154</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2937</link>
      <description>Abstract: This study "The Emirate of Damascus During the Early&#xD;
Crusading Period 488-549/1095-1154 deals with this&#xD;
Emirate which was established in 488/1095, after the&#xD;
defeat and the murder of Taj al-Dawla Tutush near Rayy&#xD;
in 488/1095 by his nephew Sultan Berkiyaruq Ibn Sult-an&#xD;
Malik-Sh5h. The dominions of Ti al-Dawla, mainly in&#xD;
Syria and the Jazira divided between his elder sons King&#xD;
Fakhr al-Mullik Ridwan in Aleppo and King Shams al-Muliik&#xD;
Ducfaq in Damascus. The Kingdom of Damascus comprized&#xD;
south Syria and some parts of the Jazira such as al-&#xD;
Rahba and Mayyafäriqin.&#xD;
Zahir al-Din Tughtekln, who was Atabek of King Duclaq, became the de facto ruler of Damascus during the&#xD;
reign of King Duqaq 488-497/1095-1104. After the death&#xD;
of Duqaq, Tughtekin was to be the real Amir of Damascus,&#xD;
and his dynasty was to gain control of the Emirate until&#xD;
its fall at the hands of Niir al-Din Mahmild of Aleppo in&#xD;
549/1154.&#xD;
In this thesis, the following matters are discussed:&#xD;
1. The conditions which led to the foundation of this&#xD;
Emirate.&#xD;
2. The role of Tughtekin in establishing his authority&#xD;
in the Emirate.&#xD;
3. The foreign policy of the Emirate, and the factors&#xD;
which shaped this policy.&#xD;
4. The effects (on the Emirate) of the coming of the&#xD;
Crusaders particularly those of Jerusalem.&#xD;
S. Internal rivalries in the Emirate, and their&#xD;
influence on the stability of the Emirate and its&#xD;
external relations.&#xD;
6. The policy of alliances adopted by the Emirate and&#xD;
the factors which affected this.&#xD;
7. The influence of the growing power of Zangi of&#xD;
Aleppo and Mosul (521-541/1127-1146) on Damascus and&#xD;
why he did not succeed in annexing Damascus to his&#xD;
united front in Syria and the Jazira aimed at&#xD;
challenging the power of the Crusaders.&#xD;
8. The reasons which helped Mir al-Din Mahmüd Ibn Zangi&#xD;
of Aleppo to annex Damascus to his state in&#xD;
549/1154.&#xD;
9. The importance of the military power of Damascus and&#xD;
Its role in protecting the Emirate.&#xD;
Finally a concluding section sums up the achievement&#xD;
of the Emirate of Damascus in maintaining its&#xD;
Independence during the period and the role of the&#xD;
Emirate in the Counter-Crusade.</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 01 Jan 1990 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2937</guid>
      <dc:date>1990-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
      <dc:creator>Al-Zanki, Jamal M. H. A.</dc:creator>
      <dc:description>This study "The Emirate of Damascus During the Early&#xD;
Crusading Period 488-549/1095-1154 deals with this&#xD;
Emirate which was established in 488/1095, after the&#xD;
defeat and the murder of Taj al-Dawla Tutush near Rayy&#xD;
in 488/1095 by his nephew Sultan Berkiyaruq Ibn Sult-an&#xD;
Malik-Sh5h. The dominions of Ti al-Dawla, mainly in&#xD;
Syria and the Jazira divided between his elder sons King&#xD;
Fakhr al-Mullik Ridwan in Aleppo and King Shams al-Muliik&#xD;
Ducfaq in Damascus. The Kingdom of Damascus comprized&#xD;
south Syria and some parts of the Jazira such as al-&#xD;
Rahba and Mayyafäriqin.&#xD;
Zahir al-Din Tughtekln, who was Atabek of King Duclaq, became the de facto ruler of Damascus during the&#xD;
reign of King Duqaq 488-497/1095-1104. After the death&#xD;
of Duqaq, Tughtekin was to be the real Amir of Damascus,&#xD;
and his dynasty was to gain control of the Emirate until&#xD;
its fall at the hands of Niir al-Din Mahmild of Aleppo in&#xD;
549/1154.&#xD;
In this thesis, the following matters are discussed:&#xD;
1. The conditions which led to the foundation of this&#xD;
Emirate.&#xD;
2. The role of Tughtekin in establishing his authority&#xD;
in the Emirate.&#xD;
3. The foreign policy of the Emirate, and the factors&#xD;
which shaped this policy.&#xD;
4. The effects (on the Emirate) of the coming of the&#xD;
Crusaders particularly those of Jerusalem.&#xD;
S. Internal rivalries in the Emirate, and their&#xD;
influence on the stability of the Emirate and its&#xD;
external relations.&#xD;
6. The policy of alliances adopted by the Emirate and&#xD;
the factors which affected this.&#xD;
7. The influence of the growing power of Zangi of&#xD;
Aleppo and Mosul (521-541/1127-1146) on Damascus and&#xD;
why he did not succeed in annexing Damascus to his&#xD;
united front in Syria and the Jazira aimed at&#xD;
challenging the power of the Crusaders.&#xD;
8. The reasons which helped Mir al-Din Mahmüd Ibn Zangi&#xD;
of Aleppo to annex Damascus to his state in&#xD;
549/1154.&#xD;
9. The importance of the military power of Damascus and&#xD;
Its role in protecting the Emirate.&#xD;
Finally a concluding section sums up the achievement&#xD;
of the Emirate of Damascus in maintaining its&#xD;
Independence during the period and the role of the&#xD;
Emirate in the Counter-Crusade.</dc:description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The principles of abrogation : with special reference to the 'Usūl' of al-Jassās</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2936</link>
      <description>Abstract: I have&#xD;
prepared a critical edition of the&#xD;
portion on a1-Nasikh&#xD;
wa-l mansukh&#xD;
from Usul al-Jassas&#xD;
(Usul&#xD;
al-figh), by Abu Bakr Ahmad&#xD;
b.&#xD;
'Ali&#xD;
a1-Razi a1-jassas&#xD;
(d. 370 A. H. ). The&#xD;
manuscript, used in&#xD;
this edition,&#xD;
is preserved under&#xD;
229 Usul: Dar al-Kutub al-Misriya.&#xD;
I have&#xD;
also prepared separate notes&#xD;
in&#xD;
order to elucidate and compare&#xD;
this work with&#xD;
the views of the renowned Muslim scholars such as&#xD;
Shafi&#xD;
'1,&#xD;
Tabari, Nahhas, Razi, Sarakhsi&#xD;
and many others. The&#xD;
manuscript&#xD;
itself is edited carefully so that to the best&#xD;
of my&#xD;
knowledge&#xD;
no incorrect materials&#xD;
have failed to be&#xD;
mentioned&#xD;
in the footnotes.&#xD;
I have&#xD;
also provided references to the Qur'anic&#xD;
verses and&#xD;
athar&#xD;
mentioned&#xD;
in this work of&#xD;
jassas.&#xD;
To discuss the subject of al-Nasikh wa-l mansukh,&#xD;
I have&#xD;
also&#xD;
prepared an introduction. This&#xD;
section consists of eight chapters.&#xD;
The first&#xD;
chapter&#xD;
is devoted to the description&#xD;
of the&#xD;
manuscript and&#xD;
text along with&#xD;
the importance&#xD;
of Usul al-Jassas. The second chapter&#xD;
is designed to provide&#xD;
details&#xD;
of the author's life&#xD;
and&#xD;
his&#xD;
works.&#xD;
The&#xD;
third&#xD;
chapter&#xD;
deals&#xD;
with the basic&#xD;
sources of&#xD;
Islamic law&#xD;
and throws&#xD;
light&#xD;
on the background&#xD;
of the phenomenon of naskh. In this chapter&#xD;
the views of anti-traditionists are also recorded. The fourth&#xD;
chapter&#xD;
provides&#xD;
details&#xD;
about the principles of abrogation&#xD;
- whether special&#xD;
or general together&#xD;
with the significance of naskh. It also discusses&#xD;
the problem of the&#xD;
change of the gibla and informs&#xD;
us that&#xD;
naskh&#xD;
is a&#xD;
speciality of the Fugaha'.&#xD;
In&#xD;
chapters&#xD;
five to seven,&#xD;
I have discussed the three&#xD;
modes&#xD;
of naskh&#xD;
described by the Usulis. They are: naskh al-hukm du-na&#xD;
al-tilawa, naskh al-tilawa&#xD;
duna&#xD;
al-hukm and naskh al-hukm wa al-&#xD;
tilawa. The first&#xD;
mode&#xD;
involves the discussion&#xD;
of the problem of&#xD;
wasiyya&#xD;
(bequest)&#xD;
and&#xD;
cidda&#xD;
(waiting&#xD;
period).&#xD;
The&#xD;
second mode&#xD;
investigates the origin of the Islamic stoning penalty&#xD;
for&#xD;
adultery.&#xD;
The third mode&#xD;
is&#xD;
concerned with the Tafsir&#xD;
of&#xD;
Q. 87,6-7. In the&#xD;
final&#xD;
chapter,&#xD;
I have&#xD;
examined jassas'&#xD;
concept of the relationship of&#xD;
the Qur'an&#xD;
with the sunna and vice versa&#xD;
in the formation&#xD;
of the ahkam.</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 01 Jan 1987 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2936</guid>
      <dc:date>1987-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
      <dc:creator>Akram, Mohammad</dc:creator>
      <dc:description>I have&#xD;
prepared a critical edition of the&#xD;
portion on a1-Nasikh&#xD;
wa-l mansukh&#xD;
from Usul al-Jassas&#xD;
(Usul&#xD;
al-figh), by Abu Bakr Ahmad&#xD;
b.&#xD;
'Ali&#xD;
a1-Razi a1-jassas&#xD;
(d. 370 A. H. ). The&#xD;
manuscript, used in&#xD;
this edition,&#xD;
is preserved under&#xD;
229 Usul: Dar al-Kutub al-Misriya.&#xD;
I have&#xD;
also prepared separate notes&#xD;
in&#xD;
order to elucidate and compare&#xD;
this work with&#xD;
the views of the renowned Muslim scholars such as&#xD;
Shafi&#xD;
'1,&#xD;
Tabari, Nahhas, Razi, Sarakhsi&#xD;
and many others. The&#xD;
manuscript&#xD;
itself is edited carefully so that to the best&#xD;
of my&#xD;
knowledge&#xD;
no incorrect materials&#xD;
have failed to be&#xD;
mentioned&#xD;
in the footnotes.&#xD;
I have&#xD;
also provided references to the Qur'anic&#xD;
verses and&#xD;
athar&#xD;
mentioned&#xD;
in this work of&#xD;
jassas.&#xD;
To discuss the subject of al-Nasikh wa-l mansukh,&#xD;
I have&#xD;
also&#xD;
prepared an introduction. This&#xD;
section consists of eight chapters.&#xD;
The first&#xD;
chapter&#xD;
is devoted to the description&#xD;
of the&#xD;
manuscript and&#xD;
text along with&#xD;
the importance&#xD;
of Usul al-Jassas. The second chapter&#xD;
is designed to provide&#xD;
details&#xD;
of the author's life&#xD;
and&#xD;
his&#xD;
works.&#xD;
The&#xD;
third&#xD;
chapter&#xD;
deals&#xD;
with the basic&#xD;
sources of&#xD;
Islamic law&#xD;
and throws&#xD;
light&#xD;
on the background&#xD;
of the phenomenon of naskh. In this chapter&#xD;
the views of anti-traditionists are also recorded. The fourth&#xD;
chapter&#xD;
provides&#xD;
details&#xD;
about the principles of abrogation&#xD;
- whether special&#xD;
or general together&#xD;
with the significance of naskh. It also discusses&#xD;
the problem of the&#xD;
change of the gibla and informs&#xD;
us that&#xD;
naskh&#xD;
is a&#xD;
speciality of the Fugaha'.&#xD;
In&#xD;
chapters&#xD;
five to seven,&#xD;
I have discussed the three&#xD;
modes&#xD;
of naskh&#xD;
described by the Usulis. They are: naskh al-hukm du-na&#xD;
al-tilawa, naskh al-tilawa&#xD;
duna&#xD;
al-hukm and naskh al-hukm wa al-&#xD;
tilawa. The first&#xD;
mode&#xD;
involves the discussion&#xD;
of the problem of&#xD;
wasiyya&#xD;
(bequest)&#xD;
and&#xD;
cidda&#xD;
(waiting&#xD;
period).&#xD;
The&#xD;
second mode&#xD;
investigates the origin of the Islamic stoning penalty&#xD;
for&#xD;
adultery.&#xD;
The third mode&#xD;
is&#xD;
concerned with the Tafsir&#xD;
of&#xD;
Q. 87,6-7. In the&#xD;
final&#xD;
chapter,&#xD;
I have&#xD;
examined jassas'&#xD;
concept of the relationship of&#xD;
the Qur'an&#xD;
with the sunna and vice versa&#xD;
in the formation&#xD;
of the ahkam.</dc:description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The application of semantics to the translation of pre-Islamic poetry: with special reference to the 'Mu'allaqa' of Imru al-Qays</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2926</link>
      <description>Abstract: This thesis, to the best of our knowledge, is the first attempt to&#xD;
apply semantics to the translation of pre-Islamic poetry. But this is a&#xD;
thorny path. This poetry is some of the most ambiguous, confusing,&#xD;
disorganized and perfunctorily investigated in the whole of Arabic&#xD;
literature. The Mucallaga of Imru'al-Qays, our subject of study, the&#xD;
crowning achievement of this poetry, is in an even worse case. The&#xD;
principal problem which confronts the researcher as well as the&#xD;
translator is the usual one of how best to bridge the cultural gulf of&#xD;
both time and place, to set this Mucallaga in its cultural context so&#xD;
as to understand its theme, and achieve the same communicative effect&#xD;
of the text in translation. Commentaries and lexicons are of. little&#xD;
help here, because their main interest is the denotation of single&#xD;
words of this Mucallaga rather than in its organic unity. The setting&#xD;
of this Mucallaga in its Semitic literary context would cast some light&#xD;
on its essential theme and hence open new horizons for further comprehensive&#xD;
research in this field. This is the task we embarked upon in&#xD;
Chapter 1.&#xD;
Confronted with fifteen main commentaries, and two English translations&#xD;
of this Mucallaga, we have resorted to the current semantic&#xD;
theories in the hope that in one of them we would find a happy solution&#xD;
to the problem of translating these commentaries, or at'least help in&#xD;
organizing them systematically. Much to our dismay, however, the bulky&#xD;
literature on this subject bequeathed to us a welter of controversial&#xD;
theories, perhaps because semantics is quite a new branch of linguistics.&#xD;
These contradictory theories have been presented to demonstrate the&#xD;
difficulty of adopting any one particular semantic theory. Nonetheless,&#xD;
certain structural semantic relationships have been found to be of&#xD;
highly significant application.&#xD;
This, and particularly the structural semantic-relationships as&#xD;
well as their employment throughout this thesis have been discussed in&#xD;
Chapter II.&#xD;
A theory of translation necessarily overlaps with a theory of&#xD;
semantics. Chapter II made it clear that the help we might have&#xD;
expected from semantics is but a pipe-dream. Instead of bemoaning,&#xD;
philological, linguistic and socio-linguistic approaches to the theory&#xD;
and practice of translation have been suggested. In Chapter III these&#xD;
approaches have been demonstrated and applied to the translations of&#xD;
(J. ) and (A. ) who, owing to the ambiguity of the text, have resorted to&#xD;
the commentaries - appendices of which have been attached.&#xD;
It has been concluded that the full translation of this Mucallaqa&#xD;
is almost impossible because of the myriad phonological, semantic and&#xD;
cultural problems. However, it has been argued that the development of&#xD;
a more comprehensive semantic theory upon which an eclectic theory of&#xD;
translation could depend, and a more profound and accurate investigation&#xD;
of the essential theme of this Mucallaga would get rid of a lot of the&#xD;
problems of research and translation.</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Jan 1984 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2926</guid>
      <dc:date>1984-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
      <dc:creator>Husayn, 'Ala al-Din Ahmad</dc:creator>
      <dc:description>This thesis, to the best of our knowledge, is the first attempt to&#xD;
apply semantics to the translation of pre-Islamic poetry. But this is a&#xD;
thorny path. This poetry is some of the most ambiguous, confusing,&#xD;
disorganized and perfunctorily investigated in the whole of Arabic&#xD;
literature. The Mucallaga of Imru'al-Qays, our subject of study, the&#xD;
crowning achievement of this poetry, is in an even worse case. The&#xD;
principal problem which confronts the researcher as well as the&#xD;
translator is the usual one of how best to bridge the cultural gulf of&#xD;
both time and place, to set this Mucallaga in its cultural context so&#xD;
as to understand its theme, and achieve the same communicative effect&#xD;
of the text in translation. Commentaries and lexicons are of. little&#xD;
help here, because their main interest is the denotation of single&#xD;
words of this Mucallaga rather than in its organic unity. The setting&#xD;
of this Mucallaga in its Semitic literary context would cast some light&#xD;
on its essential theme and hence open new horizons for further comprehensive&#xD;
research in this field. This is the task we embarked upon in&#xD;
Chapter 1.&#xD;
Confronted with fifteen main commentaries, and two English translations&#xD;
of this Mucallaga, we have resorted to the current semantic&#xD;
theories in the hope that in one of them we would find a happy solution&#xD;
to the problem of translating these commentaries, or at'least help in&#xD;
organizing them systematically. Much to our dismay, however, the bulky&#xD;
literature on this subject bequeathed to us a welter of controversial&#xD;
theories, perhaps because semantics is quite a new branch of linguistics.&#xD;
These contradictory theories have been presented to demonstrate the&#xD;
difficulty of adopting any one particular semantic theory. Nonetheless,&#xD;
certain structural semantic relationships have been found to be of&#xD;
highly significant application.&#xD;
This, and particularly the structural semantic-relationships as&#xD;
well as their employment throughout this thesis have been discussed in&#xD;
Chapter II.&#xD;
A theory of translation necessarily overlaps with a theory of&#xD;
semantics. Chapter II made it clear that the help we might have&#xD;
expected from semantics is but a pipe-dream. Instead of bemoaning,&#xD;
philological, linguistic and socio-linguistic approaches to the theory&#xD;
and practice of translation have been suggested. In Chapter III these&#xD;
approaches have been demonstrated and applied to the translations of&#xD;
(J. ) and (A. ) who, owing to the ambiguity of the text, have resorted to&#xD;
the commentaries - appendices of which have been attached.&#xD;
It has been concluded that the full translation of this Mucallaqa&#xD;
is almost impossible because of the myriad phonological, semantic and&#xD;
cultural problems. However, it has been argued that the development of&#xD;
a more comprehensive semantic theory upon which an eclectic theory of&#xD;
translation could depend, and a more profound and accurate investigation&#xD;
of the essential theme of this Mucallaga would get rid of a lot of the&#xD;
problems of research and translation.</dc:description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A critical edition of 'Al-ta'rīkh al-islāmī al-mukhtasar' by Shihāb al-Dīn Abū Ishāq Ibrāhīm ibn 'Abdullāh ibn Alī ibn Abī al-Dam al-Hamawī (583/1187-642/1244)</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2885</link>
      <description>Abstract: This thesis presents a critical edition of a medieval Arabic&#xD;
text, which is widely known under the insufficiently attested title&#xD;
"al-Ta'rikh al-Muzaffari'.. It is ascribed to a celebrated historian&#xD;
and scholar of the first half of the 7th/13th century, Shihab al-Din abu&#xD;
Ishaq Ibrahim b. abi al-Dam al-Hamawi al-Shafi'i (583/1187-642/1244),&#xD;
40&#xD;
a native and Qadi (judge) of Hamah.&#xD;
The thesis consists of two parts, the introductory study and then&#xD;
the text. The introductory study facilitates the understanding of the&#xD;
problems the text raises and clarifies the more important issues&#xD;
surrounding it.&#xD;
The first chapter is intended to serve as a historical background.&#xD;
A brief account, therefore, of the Ayyubid empire, together with a brief&#xD;
history of Hamah, Ibn abi al-Dam's native town, is presented to shed light on the author's time.&#xD;
The second chapter of the introduction is devoted to examining the&#xD;
author's life. The sources concerning this part of the study are few.&#xD;
Some of the author's own works are still missing, others are at present&#xD;
inaccessible. From the obtainable works either printed or in MSS, a&#xD;
reconstruction of the author's life and times has been made.&#xD;
Sections I and 2 of the third and final chapter of the introductory&#xD;
study discuss the reliability of the ascription of the work to Ibn abTal-Dam&#xD;
and the controversial question of whether the title is original, and if it is&#xD;
not, what other title it could have had. The rest of this chapter has&#xD;
been devoted to Investigating and examining the MSS. in which the text&#xD;
has been preserved and transcribed ever since the original was composed.&#xD;
In the absence of the original, I have chosen the oldest and in&#xD;
my opinion, the most complete of the only five surviving copies so far&#xD;
identified and located. This copy, which is referred to in this thesis by&#xD;
the abbreviation Bo, was written in (695/1295) by a native of Hamah, 53&#xD;
years after the death of the author. All the other four are almost&#xD;
definitely of a more recent date.&#xD;
The second part of this thesis is the text, edited on the basis of&#xD;
the oldest MS. which is preserved in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. The&#xD;
text has been transcribed retaining the conventions, orthographic and&#xD;
grammatical of the copyist wherever possible. Additions and&#xD;
modifications have been avoided unless in their absence the sense of the&#xD;
passage is obscured to the point of incomprehensibility. In these cases&#xD;
other copies, A. of Alexandria Municipal Library, E. of Edinburgh University&#xD;
Library, and Rand P2. of Bankipore Public Library were consulted and all&#xD;
differenced between these MSS. , however minor, are shown and detailed&#xD;
in the footnotes.&#xD;
The text, then is supplemented by indices of towns, places,&#xD;
tribes, sects and nations, which are followed by a bibliography and maps.</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Jan 1984 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2885</guid>
      <dc:date>1984-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
      <dc:creator>Al-Jomard, Jazeel Abdul Jabbar</dc:creator>
      <dc:description>This thesis presents a critical edition of a medieval Arabic&#xD;
text, which is widely known under the insufficiently attested title&#xD;
"al-Ta'rikh al-Muzaffari'.. It is ascribed to a celebrated historian&#xD;
and scholar of the first half of the 7th/13th century, Shihab al-Din abu&#xD;
Ishaq Ibrahim b. abi al-Dam al-Hamawi al-Shafi'i (583/1187-642/1244),&#xD;
40&#xD;
a native and Qadi (judge) of Hamah.&#xD;
The thesis consists of two parts, the introductory study and then&#xD;
the text. The introductory study facilitates the understanding of the&#xD;
problems the text raises and clarifies the more important issues&#xD;
surrounding it.&#xD;
The first chapter is intended to serve as a historical background.&#xD;
A brief account, therefore, of the Ayyubid empire, together with a brief&#xD;
history of Hamah, Ibn abi al-Dam's native town, is presented to shed light on the author's time.&#xD;
The second chapter of the introduction is devoted to examining the&#xD;
author's life. The sources concerning this part of the study are few.&#xD;
Some of the author's own works are still missing, others are at present&#xD;
inaccessible. From the obtainable works either printed or in MSS, a&#xD;
reconstruction of the author's life and times has been made.&#xD;
Sections I and 2 of the third and final chapter of the introductory&#xD;
study discuss the reliability of the ascription of the work to Ibn abTal-Dam&#xD;
and the controversial question of whether the title is original, and if it is&#xD;
not, what other title it could have had. The rest of this chapter has&#xD;
been devoted to Investigating and examining the MSS. in which the text&#xD;
has been preserved and transcribed ever since the original was composed.&#xD;
In the absence of the original, I have chosen the oldest and in&#xD;
my opinion, the most complete of the only five surviving copies so far&#xD;
identified and located. This copy, which is referred to in this thesis by&#xD;
the abbreviation Bo, was written in (695/1295) by a native of Hamah, 53&#xD;
years after the death of the author. All the other four are almost&#xD;
definitely of a more recent date.&#xD;
The second part of this thesis is the text, edited on the basis of&#xD;
the oldest MS. which is preserved in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. The&#xD;
text has been transcribed retaining the conventions, orthographic and&#xD;
grammatical of the copyist wherever possible. Additions and&#xD;
modifications have been avoided unless in their absence the sense of the&#xD;
passage is obscured to the point of incomprehensibility. In these cases&#xD;
other copies, A. of Alexandria Municipal Library, E. of Edinburgh University&#xD;
Library, and Rand P2. of Bankipore Public Library were consulted and all&#xD;
differenced between these MSS. , however minor, are shown and detailed&#xD;
in the footnotes.&#xD;
The text, then is supplemented by indices of towns, places,&#xD;
tribes, sects and nations, which are followed by a bibliography and maps.</dc:description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Religious men and literacy in Berti society</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2831</link>
      <description>Abstract: The thesis examines the use of traditional literacy promulgated&#xD;
by the Koranic schools among the Berti in the Northern Darfur&#xD;
Province of the Republic of the Sudan. This literacy is restricted&#xD;
both in the scope of its use as well as in its social distribution,&#xD;
which remains limited to religious specialists - fakis. Instead of&#xD;
leading to a change in the traditional mode of thought, Berti&#xD;
literacy contributes considerably to maintaining the homeostatic&#xD;
tendency supposedly characteristic of oral societies.&#xD;
Literacy plays an important role in the Berti religious life.&#xD;
The words of God contained in the Koran and other books widely used&#xD;
by the fakis are considered to be sacred, and an important aspect of&#xD;
Berti religion is their internalisation in the form of memorisation,&#xD;
drinking of erasure and the retaining of amulets (hijbat). The&#xD;
repetition of sacred words is used as a means of invoking God in&#xD;
communal rituals and the rites of passage. Literacy underlies book&#xD;
divination practised by the fakis and its literate origin is the&#xD;
ultimate sanction of sand divination which is primarily practised by&#xD;
the illiterate Berti.&#xD;
In their use of the sacred words in healing, divination,&#xD;
communal rituals, rites of passage and the preparation of amulets&#xD;
and erasure, Berti fakis impose their own meaning on the Koranic&#xD;
text which differs considerably from its theological meaning.&#xD;
The thesis includes translation and analysis of over 50&#xD;
original texts pertaining to erasure writing, amulets, book&#xD;
divination and communal rituals. Photocopies of 25 original amulets&#xD;
are presented in the thesis and the majority of them are translated&#xD;
and commented upon.</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Jan 1984 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2831</guid>
      <dc:date>1984-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
      <dc:creator>Osman Eltom, Abdullahi</dc:creator>
      <dc:description>The thesis examines the use of traditional literacy promulgated&#xD;
by the Koranic schools among the Berti in the Northern Darfur&#xD;
Province of the Republic of the Sudan. This literacy is restricted&#xD;
both in the scope of its use as well as in its social distribution,&#xD;
which remains limited to religious specialists - fakis. Instead of&#xD;
leading to a change in the traditional mode of thought, Berti&#xD;
literacy contributes considerably to maintaining the homeostatic&#xD;
tendency supposedly characteristic of oral societies.&#xD;
Literacy plays an important role in the Berti religious life.&#xD;
The words of God contained in the Koran and other books widely used&#xD;
by the fakis are considered to be sacred, and an important aspect of&#xD;
Berti religion is their internalisation in the form of memorisation,&#xD;
drinking of erasure and the retaining of amulets (hijbat). The&#xD;
repetition of sacred words is used as a means of invoking God in&#xD;
communal rituals and the rites of passage. Literacy underlies book&#xD;
divination practised by the fakis and its literate origin is the&#xD;
ultimate sanction of sand divination which is primarily practised by&#xD;
the illiterate Berti.&#xD;
In their use of the sacred words in healing, divination,&#xD;
communal rituals, rites of passage and the preparation of amulets&#xD;
and erasure, Berti fakis impose their own meaning on the Koranic&#xD;
text which differs considerably from its theological meaning.&#xD;
The thesis includes translation and analysis of over 50&#xD;
original texts pertaining to erasure writing, amulets, book&#xD;
divination and communal rituals. Photocopies of 25 original amulets&#xD;
are presented in the thesis and the majority of them are translated&#xD;
and commented upon.</dc:description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Studies in two transmissions of the Qur'an</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2770</link>
      <description>Abstract: Two transmissions of the Qur'an can be found in printed copies&#xD;
today. One stems from Kufa and the other from Medina. They are&#xD;
more commonly called by the names of their respective second-century&#xD;
transmitters, Hafs and 'Wars.&#xD;
This thesis examines the relationship between these two transmissions,&#xD;
as exemplified in the first five suras.&#xD;
The Hafs transmission is found in printed Qur'an copies from all but&#xD;
West and North-West Africa, which employ the War transmission. The&#xD;
Hafs transmission is therefore the transmission found in the vast majority&#xD;
of printed copies of the Qur'an, and printed copies of the 'Wars transmission&#xD;
are rare in comparison.&#xD;
There is no doubt that copies according to other transmissions have&#xD;
existed as well, but none has apparently been printed. The Basrans al—Xalil&#xD;
and Sibawayhi, for instance, had texts that differed in places from both the&#xD;
Hafs and 'Wars transmissions. And the existence of manuscripts according&#xD;
to the Basran reading-system of abu 'Amr by way of al—Duri has been&#xD;
testified in the Sudan this century.&#xD;
The Qur'an according to this last transmission has in fact been printed&#xD;
at the head and side of the pages of editions of al—Zamaxari's commentary&#xD;
a1—Kaf, but these are not considered by Muslims as Qur'an copies&#xD;
proper. They are type-set and have occasional misprints, and at times&#xD;
do not tally with data on the reading-system of abu 'Amr given in works&#xD;
on Qur'an readings.&#xD;
Qur'an copies according to transmissions such as these or others might&#xD;
therefore still exist in manuscript, but would not readily be consultable.&#xD;
So it would be of use to document differences between those transmissions&#xD;
that actually are available in print.&#xD;
On a general level, this provides a step towards a critical apparatus&#xD;
of the Qur'an, and on a more specific one, it provides the data for this&#xD;
thesis.</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Jan 1985 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2770</guid>
      <dc:date>1985-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
      <dc:creator>Brockett, Adrian Alan</dc:creator>
      <dc:description>Two transmissions of the Qur'an can be found in printed copies&#xD;
today. One stems from Kufa and the other from Medina. They are&#xD;
more commonly called by the names of their respective second-century&#xD;
transmitters, Hafs and 'Wars.&#xD;
This thesis examines the relationship between these two transmissions,&#xD;
as exemplified in the first five suras.&#xD;
The Hafs transmission is found in printed Qur'an copies from all but&#xD;
West and North-West Africa, which employ the War transmission. The&#xD;
Hafs transmission is therefore the transmission found in the vast majority&#xD;
of printed copies of the Qur'an, and printed copies of the 'Wars transmission&#xD;
are rare in comparison.&#xD;
There is no doubt that copies according to other transmissions have&#xD;
existed as well, but none has apparently been printed. The Basrans al—Xalil&#xD;
and Sibawayhi, for instance, had texts that differed in places from both the&#xD;
Hafs and 'Wars transmissions. And the existence of manuscripts according&#xD;
to the Basran reading-system of abu 'Amr by way of al—Duri has been&#xD;
testified in the Sudan this century.&#xD;
The Qur'an according to this last transmission has in fact been printed&#xD;
at the head and side of the pages of editions of al—Zamaxari's commentary&#xD;
a1—Kaf, but these are not considered by Muslims as Qur'an copies&#xD;
proper. They are type-set and have occasional misprints, and at times&#xD;
do not tally with data on the reading-system of abu 'Amr given in works&#xD;
on Qur'an readings.&#xD;
Qur'an copies according to transmissions such as these or others might&#xD;
therefore still exist in manuscript, but would not readily be consultable.&#xD;
So it would be of use to document differences between those transmissions&#xD;
that actually are available in print.&#xD;
On a general level, this provides a step towards a critical apparatus&#xD;
of the Qur'an, and on a more specific one, it provides the data for this&#xD;
thesis.</dc:description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Arabic versions of the Psalter in use in Muslim Spain</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2717</link>
      <pubDate>Thu, 01 Jan 1953 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2717</guid>
      <dc:date>1953-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
      <dc:creator>Alder, Catherine</dc:creator>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Shāfiʻī and the interpretation of the role of the Qurʾān and the Ḥadīth</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2713</link>
      <description>Abstract: This thesis deals with Shafi’i's theories on the&#xD;
role in usul al-fiqh of the Qur’an and the hadith.&#xD;
By detailed reference to Shifi’i’s writings, it becomes&#xD;
clear that his chief concern was with the role of the sunna of&#xD;
the Prophet, Islamic scholars in previous generations had referred&#xD;
to a number of sources in defence of regional attitudes. Their&#xD;
failure to produce a theory of sources enabled Shaf’i to charge&#xD;
them with inconsistency. Certain scholars of his own generation&#xD;
were apparently alleging the sufficiency of the Qur’an source.&#xD;
Inter-school squabbles involving the first group of scholars represented&#xD;
in Shafi’i’s view as great a threat to the overriding&#xD;
importance which the party known as ahl al-hadith desired to secure&#xD;
for the hadith of the Prophet as did the more direct assault of&#xD;
the second group's insistence upon the primary significance of&#xD;
the Qur’an source. An attempt is made to show that Shaf’i’s&#xD;
source theories were constructed in response to the arguments of&#xD;
both groups and were directed to the creation of a unifying principle&#xD;
which would solve the problem of ikhtilaf al-muslimin while&#xD;
simultaneously guaranteeing minimum disruption for the fiqh conclusions&#xD;
which Shafi’i’ had espoused. Since he proposed to document&#xD;
these conclusions on the basis of the sunna, Shafi’i’s&#xD;
theories were designed to place the sunna beyond further scholarly&#xD;
attack.&#xD;
The study consists of nine chapters. Chapter one examines&#xD;
Shafi’ i's intellectual life, his acquaintance with scholars&#xD;
from different regions and of different schools. Chapter two&#xD;
deals with the materials employed by his predecessors to document&#xD;
their legal doctrines, and Shafi’i’s handling of these materials&#xD;
in his efforts to systematize the sunni fiqh. Chapters three,&#xD;
four and five deal with his endeavour to establish the overriding&#xD;
importance for the sunni fiqh, of the sunna embodied in the hadith&#xD;
of the Prophet. Chapter nine discusses his views on the isnad.&#xD;
Chapters six and seven examine his endeavour to establish a necessary&#xD;
connection between the Qur’an and the sunna, and the resultant&#xD;
subjection of the qur’an to the sunna by means of the Shafi’i&#xD;
theory of bayan and exclusion (takhsis). Chapter eight deals with&#xD;
his views on qiyas, the only form of legal reasoning of which he&#xD;
approved, and the resultant curtailing of independent legal reasoning&#xD;
and, thereby, of the development of the fiqh.</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 01 Jan 1976 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2713</guid>
      <dc:date>1976-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
      <dc:creator>Othman, Abdul Hamid bin Haji</dc:creator>
      <dc:description>This thesis deals with Shafi’i's theories on the&#xD;
role in usul al-fiqh of the Qur’an and the hadith.&#xD;
By detailed reference to Shifi’i’s writings, it becomes&#xD;
clear that his chief concern was with the role of the sunna of&#xD;
the Prophet, Islamic scholars in previous generations had referred&#xD;
to a number of sources in defence of regional attitudes. Their&#xD;
failure to produce a theory of sources enabled Shaf’i to charge&#xD;
them with inconsistency. Certain scholars of his own generation&#xD;
were apparently alleging the sufficiency of the Qur’an source.&#xD;
Inter-school squabbles involving the first group of scholars represented&#xD;
in Shafi’i’s view as great a threat to the overriding&#xD;
importance which the party known as ahl al-hadith desired to secure&#xD;
for the hadith of the Prophet as did the more direct assault of&#xD;
the second group's insistence upon the primary significance of&#xD;
the Qur’an source. An attempt is made to show that Shaf’i’s&#xD;
source theories were constructed in response to the arguments of&#xD;
both groups and were directed to the creation of a unifying principle&#xD;
which would solve the problem of ikhtilaf al-muslimin while&#xD;
simultaneously guaranteeing minimum disruption for the fiqh conclusions&#xD;
which Shafi’i’ had espoused. Since he proposed to document&#xD;
these conclusions on the basis of the sunna, Shafi’i’s&#xD;
theories were designed to place the sunna beyond further scholarly&#xD;
attack.&#xD;
The study consists of nine chapters. Chapter one examines&#xD;
Shafi’ i's intellectual life, his acquaintance with scholars&#xD;
from different regions and of different schools. Chapter two&#xD;
deals with the materials employed by his predecessors to document&#xD;
their legal doctrines, and Shafi’i’s handling of these materials&#xD;
in his efforts to systematize the sunni fiqh. Chapters three,&#xD;
four and five deal with his endeavour to establish the overriding&#xD;
importance for the sunni fiqh, of the sunna embodied in the hadith&#xD;
of the Prophet. Chapter nine discusses his views on the isnad.&#xD;
Chapters six and seven examine his endeavour to establish a necessary&#xD;
connection between the Qur’an and the sunna, and the resultant&#xD;
subjection of the qur’an to the sunna by means of the Shafi’i&#xD;
theory of bayan and exclusion (takhsis). Chapter eight deals with&#xD;
his views on qiyas, the only form of legal reasoning of which he&#xD;
approved, and the resultant curtailing of independent legal reasoning&#xD;
and, thereby, of the development of the fiqh.</dc:description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The influence of English grammar, syntax, idiom and style upon contemporary literary Arabic</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2677</link>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Jan 1967 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2677</guid>
      <dc:date>1967-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
      <dc:creator>Aziz, Yowell Yosef</dc:creator>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>'Tawdīh makāsid al-alfiyya' by Hasan b. Kāsim al-Murādī (749/1348) : a critical edition</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2669</link>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Jan 1984 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2669</guid>
      <dc:date>1984-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
      <dc:creator>Al-Tikriti, Tālīb A.R.</dc:creator>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jews in Yemen in 17th-19th century according to Hebrew sources with comparison with Arabi Yamani sources</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2668</link>
      <pubDate>Thu, 01 Jan 1970 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2668</guid>
      <dc:date>1970-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
      <dc:creator>Abd El Aal, Nour Hoda Hasan</dc:creator>
    </item>
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