http://hdl.handle.net/10023/87 2013-05-22T17:27:13Z http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3477 2004-05-20T00:00:00Z Richardson, Louise http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3260 Abstract: Europe’s relation with the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is discussed in the context of normative (International Society) and materialist approaches (World System’s Theory). First, European imperialism’s export of a flawed Westphalian state system is summarized. How Europe is “caught” between MENA and the US and co-opted into a division of labour toward the region is then surveyed. The gap between the normative rhetoric and actual inequitable outcomes and structures constructed under the Euro-Mediterranean partnership isexamined, looking at the three “baskets” of economic developmental, political reform and cultural convergence. Four “hard cases,” EU policies toward Palestine, Iran, Syria and Turkey, illustrate the ambiguities of the EU’s approach to MENA. MENA public opinion’s ambivalence toward Europe reflects these realities. The conclusion is that the EU’sMENA policy is caught between the rhetoric of post-colonialism and practices of neo-colonialism. 2012-07-01T00:00:00Z Hinnebusch, Raymond Europe’s relation with the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is discussed in the context of normative (International Society) and materialist approaches (World System’s Theory). First, European imperialism’s export of a flawed Westphalian state system is summarized. How Europe is “caught” between MENA and the US and co-opted into a division of labour toward the region is then surveyed. The gap between the normative rhetoric and actual inequitable outcomes and structures constructed under the Euro-Mediterranean partnership isexamined, looking at the three “baskets” of economic developmental, political reform and cultural convergence. Four “hard cases,” EU policies toward Palestine, Iran, Syria and Turkey, illustrate the ambiguities of the EU’s approach to MENA. MENA public opinion’s ambivalence toward Europe reflects these realities. The conclusion is that the EU’sMENA policy is caught between the rhetoric of post-colonialism and practices of neo-colonialism. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3251 Abstract: Examines the causes of the US invasion n terms of US global grand strategy, the US strategic position in the Middle East and the interests of the ruling coalition. Focuses on the consequences: the destruction of Iraq; radical empowerment in the Middle East and the expenditure of US soft power and legitmacy as a hegemon globally and in the region 2007-01-01T00:00:00Z Hinnebusch, Raymond Examines the causes of the US invasion n terms of US global grand strategy, the US strategic position in the Middle East and the interests of the ruling coalition. Focuses on the consequences: the destruction of Iraq; radical empowerment in the Middle East and the expenditure of US soft power and legitmacy as a hegemon globally and in the region http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3015 Abstract: This article examines and compares efforts to reduce energy subsidies in China, India and Russia. Despite dissimilarities in forms of governance, these three states have followed surprisingly similar patterns in reducing energy subsidies, characterised by two steps forward, one step back. Non-democratic governments and energy importers might be expected to be more likely to halt subsidies. In fact, the degree of democracy and status as net energy exporters or importers does not seem to significantly affect these countries’ capacity to reduce subsidies, as far as can be judged from the data in this article. Politicians in all three fear that taking unpopular decisions may provoke social unrest. 2010-02-01T00:00:00Z Dansie, Grant Lanteigne, Marc Edouard Øverland, Indra This article examines and compares efforts to reduce energy subsidies in China, India and Russia. Despite dissimilarities in forms of governance, these three states have followed surprisingly similar patterns in reducing energy subsidies, characterised by two steps forward, one step back. Non-democratic governments and energy importers might be expected to be more likely to halt subsidies. In fact, the degree of democracy and status as net energy exporters or importers does not seem to significantly affect these countries’ capacity to reduce subsidies, as far as can be judged from the data in this article. Politicians in all three fear that taking unpopular decisions may provoke social unrest. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2597 Abstract: Robert Pape's well-received book, Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism (2005), presents what appears to be a gender-neutral study of both male and female suicide terrorists. Pape's main argument is that suicide terrorism is a strategic and rational terror campaign against democracies. While the study argues that male and female suicide terrorists are rational individuals, it depicts women as motivated by emotion. Thus, this article argues that gender-neutral work is rarely gender-neutral and such studies fail to recognize the social and political impact of gender. Furthermore, we argue that the rational choice model presented by Pape furthers the gender divide by emphasizing values associated with masculinity over values associated with femininity. As an alternative, we propose three propositions to change the study of suicide terrorism to include both political and emotional motivations. We propose that gendered presentations of female suicide bombers reify stereotypical images of gender and of suicide bombers, that silence about the complexity of suicide bombers' motivations does not erase the many variables that go into martyrs' decisions, and that adding emotion to the study of suicide bombing counterbalances the narrowness of the "strategic actor" model. The essay concludes with evidence from the study of the Chechen "black widows" that demonstrates the explanatory value of these propositions. 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z Gentry, Caron Eileen Sjoberg, Laura Robert Pape's well-received book, Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism (2005), presents what appears to be a gender-neutral study of both male and female suicide terrorists. Pape's main argument is that suicide terrorism is a strategic and rational terror campaign against democracies. While the study argues that male and female suicide terrorists are rational individuals, it depicts women as motivated by emotion. Thus, this article argues that gender-neutral work is rarely gender-neutral and such studies fail to recognize the social and political impact of gender. Furthermore, we argue that the rational choice model presented by Pape furthers the gender divide by emphasizing values associated with masculinity over values associated with femininity. As an alternative, we propose three propositions to change the study of suicide terrorism to include both political and emotional motivations. We propose that gendered presentations of female suicide bombers reify stereotypical images of gender and of suicide bombers, that silence about the complexity of suicide bombers' motivations does not erase the many variables that go into martyrs' decisions, and that adding emotion to the study of suicide bombing counterbalances the narrowness of the "strategic actor" model. The essay concludes with evidence from the study of the Chechen "black widows" that demonstrates the explanatory value of these propositions. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2157 Abstract: In the aftermath of Anders Breivik’s shooting spree and bombing in Norway, many people asked where did the anger and the violence come from? The article examines the contemporary trends in political and social discourses to conflate opponents with enemies. Popular discourses, television and on-line media, radio talk shows and even newspaper spread the language of threat and insecurity, and the idea that the biggest threats may be the people in our own neighbourhoods, in our own cities, on our own streets. These threatening individuals are those that do not quite fit in; they are familiar foreigners. Similarly it explores the discourses of who should be afforded trust and protection within multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural political and social environments, who exhibits social membership and who should be excluded. The language of austerity and shortage suggests that security is not a human right that all people are entitled to equally. Rather if states can only afford to protect certain people, then by default the state chooses to actively not protect others. This article explores the social and physical consequences these decisions have, particularly when certain individuals decide that they will do what others only talk about: eliminate enemies. 2011-10-24T00:00:00Z Murer, Jeffrey Stevenson In the aftermath of Anders Breivik’s shooting spree and bombing in Norway, many people asked where did the anger and the violence come from? The article examines the contemporary trends in political and social discourses to conflate opponents with enemies. Popular discourses, television and on-line media, radio talk shows and even newspaper spread the language of threat and insecurity, and the idea that the biggest threats may be the people in our own neighbourhoods, in our own cities, on our own streets. These threatening individuals are those that do not quite fit in; they are familiar foreigners. Similarly it explores the discourses of who should be afforded trust and protection within multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural political and social environments, who exhibits social membership and who should be excluded. The language of austerity and shortage suggests that security is not a human right that all people are entitled to equally. Rather if states can only afford to protect certain people, then by default the state chooses to actively not protect others. This article explores the social and physical consequences these decisions have, particularly when certain individuals decide that they will do what others only talk about: eliminate enemies. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2031 Abstract: A book review of Law and Outsiders: Norms, Processes and “Othering” in the 21st Century, by Cian Murphy and Penny Green 2011-01-01T00:00:00Z Murer, Jeffrey Stevenson A book review of Law and Outsiders: Norms, Processes and “Othering” in the 21st Century, by Cian Murphy and Penny Green http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1838 Abstract: The Report relays the findings and methodology of the three year European Study of Youth Mobilisation which interviewed more than 800 youth activists in five Central European cities (Bratislava, Brno, Budapest, Krakow and Warsaw), and brought together 200 practitioners and academic researchers in expert panel discussions in three Nordic cities (Copenhagen, Helsinki, and Stockholm) to discuss the attitudes and motivations of young people involved in political and social movements outside of the mainstream. The most important findings related to the wide-scale lack of trust in political institutions and that the perception of the legitimacy of violence was dependent on group membership, and not other factors including gender. 2011-03-11T00:00:00Z Murer, Jeffrey Stevenson The Report relays the findings and methodology of the three year European Study of Youth Mobilisation which interviewed more than 800 youth activists in five Central European cities (Bratislava, Brno, Budapest, Krakow and Warsaw), and brought together 200 practitioners and academic researchers in expert panel discussions in three Nordic cities (Copenhagen, Helsinki, and Stockholm) to discuss the attitudes and motivations of young people involved in political and social movements outside of the mainstream. The most important findings related to the wide-scale lack of trust in political institutions and that the perception of the legitimacy of violence was dependent on group membership, and not other factors including gender. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1567 2005-07-01T00:00:00Z Williams, Andrew John http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1566 Abstract: Recent years have seen the growth of approaches critical of traditional state-centred examinations of international relations, arguing instead for analyses that recognise actors and methods previously held largely silent within the mainstream International Relations (IR) discourse. This article argues that children are a group of actors worthy of similar recognition. Despite the fact that 'childhood studies' are comparatively well established in a number of academic disciplines, similar recognition has been later in coming to the study of IR. This article aims to address this perceived gap in the literature by first of all outlining the ways in which the discourse surrounding the child in IR has so far developed. This leads into an, examination of how the child may potentially best be conceptualised within the mainstream discourse and the implications of the inclusion of children as a 'site of knowledge' through which the international system may be more clearly understood. 2006-04-01T00:00:00Z Watson, Alison Martha Scott Recent years have seen the growth of approaches critical of traditional state-centred examinations of international relations, arguing instead for analyses that recognise actors and methods previously held largely silent within the mainstream International Relations (IR) discourse. This article argues that children are a group of actors worthy of similar recognition. Despite the fact that 'childhood studies' are comparatively well established in a number of academic disciplines, similar recognition has been later in coming to the study of IR. This article aims to address this perceived gap in the literature by first of all outlining the ways in which the discourse surrounding the child in IR has so far developed. This leads into an, examination of how the child may potentially best be conceptualised within the mainstream discourse and the implications of the inclusion of children as a 'site of knowledge' through which the international system may be more clearly understood. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1560 Abstract: Sovereignty is heavily contested by existing states which view the survival of territorial sovereignty as vital to international order and many ethnic groups that see states as an obstacle to their own claims to sovereignty. This article looks at how and why ethnic claims to sovereignty arise. It examines when such claims may emerge, what forms Such claims may take, the benefits ethnic groups perceive may accrue. and the implications for the international system and the emerging post-Westphalian international society. 2002-04-01T00:00:00Z Richmond, Oliver Paul Sovereignty is heavily contested by existing states which view the survival of territorial sovereignty as vital to international order and many ethnic groups that see states as an obstacle to their own claims to sovereignty. This article looks at how and why ethnic claims to sovereignty arise. It examines when such claims may emerge, what forms Such claims may take, the benefits ethnic groups perceive may accrue. and the implications for the international system and the emerging post-Westphalian international society. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1559 2005-12-01T00:00:00Z Rengger, Nicholas John Hugh http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1506 Abstract: In cases such as World War I grief or trauma were nearly universal in the European context and a direct consequence of a political experience of war. This article asks whether widespread social suffering may have a social and political expression that is larger than the sum of traumatised or bereaved individuals. Section 1 explores Martha Nussbaum's theory of emotion, particularly as it relates to grief and compassion and uses this to build two contrasting typologies of grief and trauma. Central to this contrast is the idea that grief, as an emotion, is embedded in a community, while trauma and emotional numbing correspond with a breakdown of community and an isolation, which may give rise to solipsism, The latter would appear to make any notion of social trauma a contradiction in terms. Section 2 draws on the philosopher Wittgenstein's critique in the Philosophical Investigations of his early work in the Tractatus, to argue that even the solipsist exists in a particular kind of social world. This provides a foundation for arguing, in Section 3, that social trauma can find expression in a political solipsism, which has dangerous consequences. Section 4 theorises the relationship between trauma, identity and agency at the international level. 2004-10-01T00:00:00Z Fierke, Karin Marie In cases such as World War I grief or trauma were nearly universal in the European context and a direct consequence of a political experience of war. This article asks whether widespread social suffering may have a social and political expression that is larger than the sum of traumatised or bereaved individuals. Section 1 explores Martha Nussbaum's theory of emotion, particularly as it relates to grief and compassion and uses this to build two contrasting typologies of grief and trauma. Central to this contrast is the idea that grief, as an emotion, is embedded in a community, while trauma and emotional numbing correspond with a breakdown of community and an isolation, which may give rise to solipsism, The latter would appear to make any notion of social trauma a contradiction in terms. Section 2 draws on the philosopher Wittgenstein's critique in the Philosophical Investigations of his early work in the Tractatus, to argue that even the solipsist exists in a particular kind of social world. This provides a foundation for arguing, in Section 3, that social trauma can find expression in a political solipsism, which has dangerous consequences. Section 4 theorises the relationship between trauma, identity and agency at the international level. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/643 Abstract: Abstract. This article asks the question: ‘Why have the French not developed ‘‘think tanks’’?’ by looking at the period when such institutions were being set up in The UK and the United States, during the preparation for the Paris Peace Conference and its aftermath. It is suggested that the reasons were a mixture of French bureaucratic and intellectual disposition but also in a growing revulsion in Paris at what was seen as duplicity and conspiracy by its Allies to ignore the legitimate concerns and needs of the French people. The central source material used is the papers of the ‘Commission Bourgeois’ whose deliberations are often rather air brushed out of academic literature on the period and work done within the French Foreign Ministry. Description: Copyright of Cambridge University Press 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z Williams, A Abstract. This article asks the question: ‘Why have the French not developed ‘‘think tanks’’?’ by looking at the period when such institutions were being set up in The UK and the United States, during the preparation for the Paris Peace Conference and its aftermath. It is suggested that the reasons were a mixture of French bureaucratic and intellectual disposition but also in a growing revulsion in Paris at what was seen as duplicity and conspiracy by its Allies to ignore the legitimate concerns and needs of the French people. The central source material used is the papers of the ‘Commission Bourgeois’ whose deliberations are often rather air brushed out of academic literature on the period and work done within the French Foreign Ministry.