http://hdl.handle.net/10023/75 2013-05-23T17:42:20Z http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2966 Abstract: The present work is mainly concerned with the commercial relations between the Arab world and India in the 3rd and 4th / 9th and 10th centuries. The thesis consists of an Introduction and five chapters. The introduction contains a brief survey of the historical background to the Arab-Indian trade links In the period prior to the period of the research. lt also includes the reasons for choosing the subject, and the difficulties with which the research was faced. The introduction also contains the methods of the research and a study of the main sources. Chapter One deals with the Arab provinces, the main kingdoms of India, the political situation in the Arab world and India, and its effects on the subject. It also deals with the main economic products in the countries concerned. Moreover, the chapter focuses on the factors which encouraged the Arab-Indian trade. Chapter Two deals with the trade routes (Land and Sea routes), the caravans, ships, the sea ports and the commercial cities in the Arab world and India. Chapter Three deals with the trade procedures between the Arab world and India. It also deals with the taxes levied in ports and some land posts. The chapter ends by giving some details of the prices of of goods in both countries. Chapter Four gives a detailed account of goods exported and imported by both sides, and the real causes behind the export and import of these goods. The chapter also gives an account of how sometimes goods are imported by one side from the other in order to meet the local demands or to be exported in a process of trading nn a world wide scale. Chapter Five deals with a conclusion of what has been discussed earlier, in addition to some cultural aspects which have not been dealt with in the chapters above. 1987-01-01T00:00:00Z Tahtooh, Hussain Ali The present work is mainly concerned with the commercial relations between the Arab world and India in the 3rd and 4th / 9th and 10th centuries. The thesis consists of an Introduction and five chapters. The introduction contains a brief survey of the historical background to the Arab-Indian trade links In the period prior to the period of the research. lt also includes the reasons for choosing the subject, and the difficulties with which the research was faced. The introduction also contains the methods of the research and a study of the main sources. Chapter One deals with the Arab provinces, the main kingdoms of India, the political situation in the Arab world and India, and its effects on the subject. It also deals with the main economic products in the countries concerned. Moreover, the chapter focuses on the factors which encouraged the Arab-Indian trade. Chapter Two deals with the trade routes (Land and Sea routes), the caravans, ships, the sea ports and the commercial cities in the Arab world and India. Chapter Three deals with the trade procedures between the Arab world and India. It also deals with the taxes levied in ports and some land posts. The chapter ends by giving some details of the prices of of goods in both countries. Chapter Four gives a detailed account of goods exported and imported by both sides, and the real causes behind the export and import of these goods. The chapter also gives an account of how sometimes goods are imported by one side from the other in order to meet the local demands or to be exported in a process of trading nn a world wide scale. Chapter Five deals with a conclusion of what has been discussed earlier, in addition to some cultural aspects which have not been dealt with in the chapters above. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2959 1971-01-01T00:00:00Z Othman, Muhammad Zain bin Haji http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2944 Abstract: This dissertation aims to formulate a view of Arabian tribalism in the pre- Islamic period and its development in Islamic times. The first part assesses the historical usability of the literary source material of the Jahiliya. The focus is on oral historical traditions - the ayyam al- carab. These are found to have remained textually fluid until the time of their recording. This fluidity may have affected style and form but did not substantially affect certain historical elements. The more inter-tribal and less local the account was, the more reliable it is likely to be historically. A sample comparison between tribal hostility and tribal distribution showed that the accounts seem to be highly consistent. The second part of the thesis is concerned firstly with establishing a Jahili profile for two tribal groups; secondly with tracing the affairs of their descendants into the Umayyad period. The tribal groups of Taghlib and Ghatafan were picked for examination. Both were strong cohesive groups in the pre-Islamic period. In Islamic times, Taghlibis lose importance since they opted to remain Christian, thus, Taghlibis are virtually impossible to trace. Ghatafanis did join Islam on a far greater scale and are often mentioned in the Islamic period. After the second civil war Ghatafanis are only ever mentioned as individuals. Close kin continued to cooperate but cooperation above this level was only conducted within the Qaysi faction. The third part discusses changes in the tribal system. A review of the functions of modern tribal genealogies illuminates the process by which genealogies can change in order to reflect changing realities. Early Arabic genealogies are clearly seen to be also naturally dynamic and the subject of deliberate change. New links reflected new realities, particularly the political alliances forged under the Umayyads. A belief in a single progenitor led to a move towards creating genealogical links to one ancestor, while the conditions of the conquests let to a regionalization of tribalism. The professionalization of the Marwanid army enabled cross-regional tribal co-operation which resulted in dividing in two the Umayyad army and Arab genealogies. 1994-01-01T00:00:00Z El-Sakkout, Ihab Hamdi This dissertation aims to formulate a view of Arabian tribalism in the pre- Islamic period and its development in Islamic times. The first part assesses the historical usability of the literary source material of the Jahiliya. The focus is on oral historical traditions - the ayyam al- carab. These are found to have remained textually fluid until the time of their recording. This fluidity may have affected style and form but did not substantially affect certain historical elements. The more inter-tribal and less local the account was, the more reliable it is likely to be historically. A sample comparison between tribal hostility and tribal distribution showed that the accounts seem to be highly consistent. The second part of the thesis is concerned firstly with establishing a Jahili profile for two tribal groups; secondly with tracing the affairs of their descendants into the Umayyad period. The tribal groups of Taghlib and Ghatafan were picked for examination. Both were strong cohesive groups in the pre-Islamic period. In Islamic times, Taghlibis lose importance since they opted to remain Christian, thus, Taghlibis are virtually impossible to trace. Ghatafanis did join Islam on a far greater scale and are often mentioned in the Islamic period. After the second civil war Ghatafanis are only ever mentioned as individuals. Close kin continued to cooperate but cooperation above this level was only conducted within the Qaysi faction. The third part discusses changes in the tribal system. A review of the functions of modern tribal genealogies illuminates the process by which genealogies can change in order to reflect changing realities. Early Arabic genealogies are clearly seen to be also naturally dynamic and the subject of deliberate change. New links reflected new realities, particularly the political alliances forged under the Umayyads. A belief in a single progenitor led to a move towards creating genealogical links to one ancestor, while the conditions of the conquests let to a regionalization of tribalism. The professionalization of the Marwanid army enabled cross-regional tribal co-operation which resulted in dividing in two the Umayyad army and Arab genealogies. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2937 Abstract: This study "The Emirate of Damascus During the Early Crusading Period 488-549/1095-1154 deals with this Emirate which was established in 488/1095, after the defeat and the murder of Taj al-Dawla Tutush near Rayy in 488/1095 by his nephew Sultan Berkiyaruq Ibn Sult-an Malik-Sh5h. The dominions of Ti al-Dawla, mainly in Syria and the Jazira divided between his elder sons King Fakhr al-Mullik Ridwan in Aleppo and King Shams al-Muliik Ducfaq in Damascus. The Kingdom of Damascus comprized south Syria and some parts of the Jazira such as al- Rahba and Mayyafäriqin. Zahir al-Din Tughtekln, who was Atabek of King Duclaq, became the de facto ruler of Damascus during the reign of King Duqaq 488-497/1095-1104. After the death of Duqaq, Tughtekin was to be the real Amir of Damascus, and his dynasty was to gain control of the Emirate until its fall at the hands of Niir al-Din Mahmild of Aleppo in 549/1154. In this thesis, the following matters are discussed: 1. The conditions which led to the foundation of this Emirate. 2. The role of Tughtekin in establishing his authority in the Emirate. 3. The foreign policy of the Emirate, and the factors which shaped this policy. 4. The effects (on the Emirate) of the coming of the Crusaders particularly those of Jerusalem. S. Internal rivalries in the Emirate, and their influence on the stability of the Emirate and its external relations. 6. The policy of alliances adopted by the Emirate and the factors which affected this. 7. The influence of the growing power of Zangi of Aleppo and Mosul (521-541/1127-1146) on Damascus and why he did not succeed in annexing Damascus to his united front in Syria and the Jazira aimed at challenging the power of the Crusaders. 8. The reasons which helped Mir al-Din Mahmüd Ibn Zangi of Aleppo to annex Damascus to his state in 549/1154. 9. The importance of the military power of Damascus and Its role in protecting the Emirate. Finally a concluding section sums up the achievement of the Emirate of Damascus in maintaining its Independence during the period and the role of the Emirate in the Counter-Crusade. 1990-01-01T00:00:00Z Al-Zanki, Jamal M. H. A. This study "The Emirate of Damascus During the Early Crusading Period 488-549/1095-1154 deals with this Emirate which was established in 488/1095, after the defeat and the murder of Taj al-Dawla Tutush near Rayy in 488/1095 by his nephew Sultan Berkiyaruq Ibn Sult-an Malik-Sh5h. The dominions of Ti al-Dawla, mainly in Syria and the Jazira divided between his elder sons King Fakhr al-Mullik Ridwan in Aleppo and King Shams al-Muliik Ducfaq in Damascus. The Kingdom of Damascus comprized south Syria and some parts of the Jazira such as al- Rahba and Mayyafäriqin. Zahir al-Din Tughtekln, who was Atabek of King Duclaq, became the de facto ruler of Damascus during the reign of King Duqaq 488-497/1095-1104. After the death of Duqaq, Tughtekin was to be the real Amir of Damascus, and his dynasty was to gain control of the Emirate until its fall at the hands of Niir al-Din Mahmild of Aleppo in 549/1154. In this thesis, the following matters are discussed: 1. The conditions which led to the foundation of this Emirate. 2. The role of Tughtekin in establishing his authority in the Emirate. 3. The foreign policy of the Emirate, and the factors which shaped this policy. 4. The effects (on the Emirate) of the coming of the Crusaders particularly those of Jerusalem. S. Internal rivalries in the Emirate, and their influence on the stability of the Emirate and its external relations. 6. The policy of alliances adopted by the Emirate and the factors which affected this. 7. The influence of the growing power of Zangi of Aleppo and Mosul (521-541/1127-1146) on Damascus and why he did not succeed in annexing Damascus to his united front in Syria and the Jazira aimed at challenging the power of the Crusaders. 8. The reasons which helped Mir al-Din Mahmüd Ibn Zangi of Aleppo to annex Damascus to his state in 549/1154. 9. The importance of the military power of Damascus and Its role in protecting the Emirate. Finally a concluding section sums up the achievement of the Emirate of Damascus in maintaining its Independence during the period and the role of the Emirate in the Counter-Crusade. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2929 Abstract: This thesis seeks to study in depth the influence of Imam al-Juwayni on Imam al-Ghazali's discussion of theology and whether or not the latter's ideas are properly derived from the former. The first chapter deals with an analysis of the life of both the Imams against the background of the religious milieu of their time. The second chapter discuss the views of the two Imams on Ilm al-Kalam. The third chapter attempts to compare and contrast Imam al-Juwayni's and Imam al- Ghazali's approach to the doctrine of the origin of the world and the existence of God. In the fourth chapter we assess the views of the two Imams on the problem of the attributes of God. The fifth chapter deals with the question of human actions and free will. The final chapter present their views on prophethood and messengership. While many Islamic scholars have a vague notion that Imam al-Ghazali's ideas on theology depend heavily upon Imam al-Juwayni, this thesis attempts to prove that Imam al-Ghazali's theological position and views have been greatly influenced by his teacher, Imam al-Juwayni. This work sets out to show this in detail. 1996-01-01T00:00:00Z Abdullah, Ismail Haji This thesis seeks to study in depth the influence of Imam al-Juwayni on Imam al-Ghazali's discussion of theology and whether or not the latter's ideas are properly derived from the former. The first chapter deals with an analysis of the life of both the Imams against the background of the religious milieu of their time. The second chapter discuss the views of the two Imams on Ilm al-Kalam. The third chapter attempts to compare and contrast Imam al-Juwayni's and Imam al- Ghazali's approach to the doctrine of the origin of the world and the existence of God. In the fourth chapter we assess the views of the two Imams on the problem of the attributes of God. The fifth chapter deals with the question of human actions and free will. The final chapter present their views on prophethood and messengership. While many Islamic scholars have a vague notion that Imam al-Ghazali's ideas on theology depend heavily upon Imam al-Juwayni, this thesis attempts to prove that Imam al-Ghazali's theological position and views have been greatly influenced by his teacher, Imam al-Juwayni. This work sets out to show this in detail. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2926 Abstract: This thesis, to the best of our knowledge, is the first attempt to apply semantics to the translation of pre-Islamic poetry. But this is a thorny path. This poetry is some of the most ambiguous, confusing, disorganized and perfunctorily investigated in the whole of Arabic literature. The Mucallaga of Imru'al-Qays, our subject of study, the crowning achievement of this poetry, is in an even worse case. The principal problem which confronts the researcher as well as the translator is the usual one of how best to bridge the cultural gulf of both time and place, to set this Mucallaga in its cultural context so as to understand its theme, and achieve the same communicative effect of the text in translation. Commentaries and lexicons are of. little help here, because their main interest is the denotation of single words of this Mucallaga rather than in its organic unity. The setting of this Mucallaga in its Semitic literary context would cast some light on its essential theme and hence open new horizons for further comprehensive research in this field. This is the task we embarked upon in Chapter 1. Confronted with fifteen main commentaries, and two English translations of this Mucallaga, we have resorted to the current semantic theories in the hope that in one of them we would find a happy solution to the problem of translating these commentaries, or at'least help in organizing them systematically. Much to our dismay, however, the bulky literature on this subject bequeathed to us a welter of controversial theories, perhaps because semantics is quite a new branch of linguistics. These contradictory theories have been presented to demonstrate the difficulty of adopting any one particular semantic theory. Nonetheless, certain structural semantic relationships have been found to be of highly significant application. This, and particularly the structural semantic-relationships as well as their employment throughout this thesis have been discussed in Chapter II. A theory of translation necessarily overlaps with a theory of semantics. Chapter II made it clear that the help we might have expected from semantics is but a pipe-dream. Instead of bemoaning, philological, linguistic and socio-linguistic approaches to the theory and practice of translation have been suggested. In Chapter III these approaches have been demonstrated and applied to the translations of (J. ) and (A. ) who, owing to the ambiguity of the text, have resorted to the commentaries - appendices of which have been attached. It has been concluded that the full translation of this Mucallaqa is almost impossible because of the myriad phonological, semantic and cultural problems. However, it has been argued that the development of a more comprehensive semantic theory upon which an eclectic theory of translation could depend, and a more profound and accurate investigation of the essential theme of this Mucallaga would get rid of a lot of the problems of research and translation. 1984-01-01T00:00:00Z Husayn, 'Ala al-Din Ahmad This thesis, to the best of our knowledge, is the first attempt to apply semantics to the translation of pre-Islamic poetry. But this is a thorny path. This poetry is some of the most ambiguous, confusing, disorganized and perfunctorily investigated in the whole of Arabic literature. The Mucallaga of Imru'al-Qays, our subject of study, the crowning achievement of this poetry, is in an even worse case. The principal problem which confronts the researcher as well as the translator is the usual one of how best to bridge the cultural gulf of both time and place, to set this Mucallaga in its cultural context so as to understand its theme, and achieve the same communicative effect of the text in translation. Commentaries and lexicons are of. little help here, because their main interest is the denotation of single words of this Mucallaga rather than in its organic unity. The setting of this Mucallaga in its Semitic literary context would cast some light on its essential theme and hence open new horizons for further comprehensive research in this field. This is the task we embarked upon in Chapter 1. Confronted with fifteen main commentaries, and two English translations of this Mucallaga, we have resorted to the current semantic theories in the hope that in one of them we would find a happy solution to the problem of translating these commentaries, or at'least help in organizing them systematically. Much to our dismay, however, the bulky literature on this subject bequeathed to us a welter of controversial theories, perhaps because semantics is quite a new branch of linguistics. These contradictory theories have been presented to demonstrate the difficulty of adopting any one particular semantic theory. Nonetheless, certain structural semantic relationships have been found to be of highly significant application. This, and particularly the structural semantic-relationships as well as their employment throughout this thesis have been discussed in Chapter II. A theory of translation necessarily overlaps with a theory of semantics. Chapter II made it clear that the help we might have expected from semantics is but a pipe-dream. Instead of bemoaning, philological, linguistic and socio-linguistic approaches to the theory and practice of translation have been suggested. In Chapter III these approaches have been demonstrated and applied to the translations of (J. ) and (A. ) who, owing to the ambiguity of the text, have resorted to the commentaries - appendices of which have been attached. It has been concluded that the full translation of this Mucallaqa is almost impossible because of the myriad phonological, semantic and cultural problems. However, it has been argued that the development of a more comprehensive semantic theory upon which an eclectic theory of translation could depend, and a more profound and accurate investigation of the essential theme of this Mucallaga would get rid of a lot of the problems of research and translation. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2885 Abstract: This thesis presents a critical edition of a medieval Arabic text, which is widely known under the insufficiently attested title "al-Ta'rikh al-Muzaffari'.. It is ascribed to a celebrated historian and scholar of the first half of the 7th/13th century, Shihab al-Din abu Ishaq Ibrahim b. abi al-Dam al-Hamawi al-Shafi'i (583/1187-642/1244), 40 a native and Qadi (judge) of Hamah. The thesis consists of two parts, the introductory study and then the text. The introductory study facilitates the understanding of the problems the text raises and clarifies the more important issues surrounding it. The first chapter is intended to serve as a historical background. A brief account, therefore, of the Ayyubid empire, together with a brief history of Hamah, Ibn abi al-Dam's native town, is presented to shed light on the author's time. The second chapter of the introduction is devoted to examining the author's life. The sources concerning this part of the study are few. Some of the author's own works are still missing, others are at present inaccessible. From the obtainable works either printed or in MSS, a reconstruction of the author's life and times has been made. Sections I and 2 of the third and final chapter of the introductory study discuss the reliability of the ascription of the work to Ibn abTal-Dam and the controversial question of whether the title is original, and if it is not, what other title it could have had. The rest of this chapter has been devoted to Investigating and examining the MSS. in which the text has been preserved and transcribed ever since the original was composed. In the absence of the original, I have chosen the oldest and in my opinion, the most complete of the only five surviving copies so far identified and located. This copy, which is referred to in this thesis by the abbreviation Bo, was written in (695/1295) by a native of Hamah, 53 years after the death of the author. All the other four are almost definitely of a more recent date. The second part of this thesis is the text, edited on the basis of the oldest MS. which is preserved in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. The text has been transcribed retaining the conventions, orthographic and grammatical of the copyist wherever possible. Additions and modifications have been avoided unless in their absence the sense of the passage is obscured to the point of incomprehensibility. In these cases other copies, A. of Alexandria Municipal Library, E. of Edinburgh University Library, and Rand P2. of Bankipore Public Library were consulted and all differenced between these MSS. , however minor, are shown and detailed in the footnotes. The text, then is supplemented by indices of towns, places, tribes, sects and nations, which are followed by a bibliography and maps. 1984-01-01T00:00:00Z Al-Jomard, Jazeel Abdul Jabbar This thesis presents a critical edition of a medieval Arabic text, which is widely known under the insufficiently attested title "al-Ta'rikh al-Muzaffari'.. It is ascribed to a celebrated historian and scholar of the first half of the 7th/13th century, Shihab al-Din abu Ishaq Ibrahim b. abi al-Dam al-Hamawi al-Shafi'i (583/1187-642/1244), 40 a native and Qadi (judge) of Hamah. The thesis consists of two parts, the introductory study and then the text. The introductory study facilitates the understanding of the problems the text raises and clarifies the more important issues surrounding it. The first chapter is intended to serve as a historical background. A brief account, therefore, of the Ayyubid empire, together with a brief history of Hamah, Ibn abi al-Dam's native town, is presented to shed light on the author's time. The second chapter of the introduction is devoted to examining the author's life. The sources concerning this part of the study are few. Some of the author's own works are still missing, others are at present inaccessible. From the obtainable works either printed or in MSS, a reconstruction of the author's life and times has been made. Sections I and 2 of the third and final chapter of the introductory study discuss the reliability of the ascription of the work to Ibn abTal-Dam and the controversial question of whether the title is original, and if it is not, what other title it could have had. The rest of this chapter has been devoted to Investigating and examining the MSS. in which the text has been preserved and transcribed ever since the original was composed. In the absence of the original, I have chosen the oldest and in my opinion, the most complete of the only five surviving copies so far identified and located. This copy, which is referred to in this thesis by the abbreviation Bo, was written in (695/1295) by a native of Hamah, 53 years after the death of the author. All the other four are almost definitely of a more recent date. The second part of this thesis is the text, edited on the basis of the oldest MS. which is preserved in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. The text has been transcribed retaining the conventions, orthographic and grammatical of the copyist wherever possible. Additions and modifications have been avoided unless in their absence the sense of the passage is obscured to the point of incomprehensibility. In these cases other copies, A. of Alexandria Municipal Library, E. of Edinburgh University Library, and Rand P2. of Bankipore Public Library were consulted and all differenced between these MSS. , however minor, are shown and detailed in the footnotes. The text, then is supplemented by indices of towns, places, tribes, sects and nations, which are followed by a bibliography and maps. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2840 Abstract: This thesis is an attempt to introduce the governor of to-day to the work of their earliest predecessors, in the belief that it will prove to be, if not always an example, at least of considerable relevance to the problems of modern administration. The purpose of the thesis is to construct a history of the governorship (al-wilaya) and the governors (al-wulat). 1963-01-01T00:00:00Z Al-Adhami, Awad Majid This thesis is an attempt to introduce the governor of to-day to the work of their earliest predecessors, in the belief that it will prove to be, if not always an example, at least of considerable relevance to the problems of modern administration. The purpose of the thesis is to construct a history of the governorship (al-wilaya) and the governors (al-wulat). http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2831 Abstract: The thesis examines the use of traditional literacy promulgated by the Koranic schools among the Berti in the Northern Darfur Province of the Republic of the Sudan. This literacy is restricted both in the scope of its use as well as in its social distribution, which remains limited to religious specialists - fakis. Instead of leading to a change in the traditional mode of thought, Berti literacy contributes considerably to maintaining the homeostatic tendency supposedly characteristic of oral societies. Literacy plays an important role in the Berti religious life. The words of God contained in the Koran and other books widely used by the fakis are considered to be sacred, and an important aspect of Berti religion is their internalisation in the form of memorisation, drinking of erasure and the retaining of amulets (hijbat). The repetition of sacred words is used as a means of invoking God in communal rituals and the rites of passage. Literacy underlies book divination practised by the fakis and its literate origin is the ultimate sanction of sand divination which is primarily practised by the illiterate Berti. In their use of the sacred words in healing, divination, communal rituals, rites of passage and the preparation of amulets and erasure, Berti fakis impose their own meaning on the Koranic text which differs considerably from its theological meaning. The thesis includes translation and analysis of over 50 original texts pertaining to erasure writing, amulets, book divination and communal rituals. Photocopies of 25 original amulets are presented in the thesis and the majority of them are translated and commented upon. 1984-01-01T00:00:00Z Osman Eltom, Abdullahi The thesis examines the use of traditional literacy promulgated by the Koranic schools among the Berti in the Northern Darfur Province of the Republic of the Sudan. This literacy is restricted both in the scope of its use as well as in its social distribution, which remains limited to religious specialists - fakis. Instead of leading to a change in the traditional mode of thought, Berti literacy contributes considerably to maintaining the homeostatic tendency supposedly characteristic of oral societies. Literacy plays an important role in the Berti religious life. The words of God contained in the Koran and other books widely used by the fakis are considered to be sacred, and an important aspect of Berti religion is their internalisation in the form of memorisation, drinking of erasure and the retaining of amulets (hijbat). The repetition of sacred words is used as a means of invoking God in communal rituals and the rites of passage. Literacy underlies book divination practised by the fakis and its literate origin is the ultimate sanction of sand divination which is primarily practised by the illiterate Berti. In their use of the sacred words in healing, divination, communal rituals, rites of passage and the preparation of amulets and erasure, Berti fakis impose their own meaning on the Koranic text which differs considerably from its theological meaning. The thesis includes translation and analysis of over 50 original texts pertaining to erasure writing, amulets, book divination and communal rituals. Photocopies of 25 original amulets are presented in the thesis and the majority of them are translated and commented upon. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2748 Abstract: It is generally understood that nearly all Malay Muslims in the Malay Peninsula are followers of the school of al-Imäm al-Shäfi'i in the field of Islamic Firth or Law. Fiqh is the science of the knowledge of one's rights and obligations as derived from the Qur'än or the Tradition of the Prophet Muhammad, or deduced There from, or about which the Muslim learned have agreed. The influence of this school of Law (al-madhhab) seems to have gained its ground in the Malay Peninsula following the successful introduction of the religion of Islam. So, it is essential, firstly, to unveil the hidden history of the coming of this religion to this part of the world and to illustrate broadly, the background of the formation of the four orthodox schools in interpreting the Muslim Law, before dealing directly with the Shäfi'i influence. It seems proper to do so because the former is like the root of a tree itself, while the latter is its branch. It is also possible to observe in certain of the customary attitudes to all questions of marriage and divorce the underlying influences of surviving native customary principles (Adat). These will be referred to in the course of this study whenever they have a degree of relevancy and where material is available. 1969-01-01T00:00:00Z Hassan, Abdul Jalil Bin Haji It is generally understood that nearly all Malay Muslims in the Malay Peninsula are followers of the school of al-Imäm al-Shäfi'i in the field of Islamic Firth or Law. Fiqh is the science of the knowledge of one's rights and obligations as derived from the Qur'än or the Tradition of the Prophet Muhammad, or deduced There from, or about which the Muslim learned have agreed. The influence of this school of Law (al-madhhab) seems to have gained its ground in the Malay Peninsula following the successful introduction of the religion of Islam. So, it is essential, firstly, to unveil the hidden history of the coming of this religion to this part of the world and to illustrate broadly, the background of the formation of the four orthodox schools in interpreting the Muslim Law, before dealing directly with the Shäfi'i influence. It seems proper to do so because the former is like the root of a tree itself, while the latter is its branch. It is also possible to observe in certain of the customary attitudes to all questions of marriage and divorce the underlying influences of surviving native customary principles (Adat). These will be referred to in the course of this study whenever they have a degree of relevancy and where material is available. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2739 Abstract: As is well-known, fasting is one of the 'Pillars of Islam'. It might therefore be expected that as such, it would already have been extensively investigated. But this is not the case, for, besides the many minor points of interest which still require elucidation, it is not an exaggeration to say that even the broadest facts about the beginnings and early development of the Islamic fast have not hitherto been conclusively established. Theoretically, the fast is based in the Quran, yet part of the relevant section in the Quran is consciously ignored by most Muslims, while many of their conceptions as regards the rest are at best ill-founded. It should be stressed from the outset that there is no intention here of implying any conscious perversion in this; the reasons underlying the Muslim view of the fast are expounded later. 1972-01-01T00:00:00Z Hodsdon, James Dennis As is well-known, fasting is one of the 'Pillars of Islam'. It might therefore be expected that as such, it would already have been extensively investigated. But this is not the case, for, besides the many minor points of interest which still require elucidation, it is not an exaggeration to say that even the broadest facts about the beginnings and early development of the Islamic fast have not hitherto been conclusively established. Theoretically, the fast is based in the Quran, yet part of the relevant section in the Quran is consciously ignored by most Muslims, while many of their conceptions as regards the rest are at best ill-founded. It should be stressed from the outset that there is no intention here of implying any conscious perversion in this; the reasons underlying the Muslim view of the fast are expounded later. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2735 1997-01-01T00:00:00Z Omar, Ramli http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2717 1953-01-01T00:00:00Z Alder, Catherine http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2713 Abstract: This thesis deals with Shafi’i's theories on the role in usul al-fiqh of the Qur’an and the hadith. By detailed reference to Shifi’i’s writings, it becomes clear that his chief concern was with the role of the sunna of the Prophet, Islamic scholars in previous generations had referred to a number of sources in defence of regional attitudes. Their failure to produce a theory of sources enabled Shaf’i to charge them with inconsistency. Certain scholars of his own generation were apparently alleging the sufficiency of the Qur’an source. Inter-school squabbles involving the first group of scholars represented in Shafi’i’s view as great a threat to the overriding importance which the party known as ahl al-hadith desired to secure for the hadith of the Prophet as did the more direct assault of the second group's insistence upon the primary significance of the Qur’an source. An attempt is made to show that Shaf’i’s source theories were constructed in response to the arguments of both groups and were directed to the creation of a unifying principle which would solve the problem of ikhtilaf al-muslimin while simultaneously guaranteeing minimum disruption for the fiqh conclusions which Shafi’i’ had espoused. Since he proposed to document these conclusions on the basis of the sunna, Shafi’i’s theories were designed to place the sunna beyond further scholarly attack. The study consists of nine chapters. Chapter one examines Shafi’ i's intellectual life, his acquaintance with scholars from different regions and of different schools. Chapter two deals with the materials employed by his predecessors to document their legal doctrines, and Shafi’i’s handling of these materials in his efforts to systematize the sunni fiqh. Chapters three, four and five deal with his endeavour to establish the overriding importance for the sunni fiqh, of the sunna embodied in the hadith of the Prophet. Chapter nine discusses his views on the isnad. Chapters six and seven examine his endeavour to establish a necessary connection between the Qur’an and the sunna, and the resultant subjection of the qur’an to the sunna by means of the Shafi’i theory of bayan and exclusion (takhsis). Chapter eight deals with his views on qiyas, the only form of legal reasoning of which he approved, and the resultant curtailing of independent legal reasoning and, thereby, of the development of the fiqh. 1976-01-01T00:00:00Z Othman, Abdul Hamid bin Haji This thesis deals with Shafi’i's theories on the role in usul al-fiqh of the Qur’an and the hadith. By detailed reference to Shifi’i’s writings, it becomes clear that his chief concern was with the role of the sunna of the Prophet, Islamic scholars in previous generations had referred to a number of sources in defence of regional attitudes. Their failure to produce a theory of sources enabled Shaf’i to charge them with inconsistency. Certain scholars of his own generation were apparently alleging the sufficiency of the Qur’an source. Inter-school squabbles involving the first group of scholars represented in Shafi’i’s view as great a threat to the overriding importance which the party known as ahl al-hadith desired to secure for the hadith of the Prophet as did the more direct assault of the second group's insistence upon the primary significance of the Qur’an source. An attempt is made to show that Shaf’i’s source theories were constructed in response to the arguments of both groups and were directed to the creation of a unifying principle which would solve the problem of ikhtilaf al-muslimin while simultaneously guaranteeing minimum disruption for the fiqh conclusions which Shafi’i’ had espoused. Since he proposed to document these conclusions on the basis of the sunna, Shafi’i’s theories were designed to place the sunna beyond further scholarly attack. The study consists of nine chapters. Chapter one examines Shafi’ i's intellectual life, his acquaintance with scholars from different regions and of different schools. Chapter two deals with the materials employed by his predecessors to document their legal doctrines, and Shafi’i’s handling of these materials in his efforts to systematize the sunni fiqh. Chapters three, four and five deal with his endeavour to establish the overriding importance for the sunni fiqh, of the sunna embodied in the hadith of the Prophet. Chapter nine discusses his views on the isnad. Chapters six and seven examine his endeavour to establish a necessary connection between the Qur’an and the sunna, and the resultant subjection of the qur’an to the sunna by means of the Shafi’i theory of bayan and exclusion (takhsis). Chapter eight deals with his views on qiyas, the only form of legal reasoning of which he approved, and the resultant curtailing of independent legal reasoning and, thereby, of the development of the fiqh. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2668 1970-01-01T00:00:00Z Abd El Aal, Nour Hoda Hasan