http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1 2013-04-24T15:43:31Z 2013-04-24T15:43:31Z Halliwell, Francis Stephen http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3468 2013-04-05T09:31:01Z 2009-08-01T00:00:00Z 2009-08-01T00:00:00Z Halliwell, Francis Stephen Halliwell, Francis Stephen http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3392 2013-03-14T12:34:11Z 2007-08-01T00:00:00Z 2007-08-01T00:00:00Z Halliwell, Francis Stephen Halliwell, Francis Stephen http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3384 2013-03-08T09:01:05Z 2012-01-01T00:00:00Z 2012-01-01T00:00:00Z Halliwell, Francis Stephen Kennedy, Sarah Dow, Lisa Oliver, Iain Angus Sweetman, Rebecca Jane Miller, Alan Henry David Campbell, Anne Davies, Christopher John McCaffery, John Philip Allison, Colin Green, Daryl Luxford, Julian Marcus Fawcett, Richard http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3332 2013-01-24T10:01:16Z 2012-12-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: St Andrews Cathedral is located on the East Coast of Scotland, construction started in 1160 and spanned Romanesque and Gothic architectural styles. It was consecrated in 1318, four years after the battle of Bannockburn in the presence of King Robert the Bruce. For several hundred years, the Cathedral was one of the most important religious buildings in Europe and the centre of religious life in Scotland. During the Scottish Reformation, John Knox lead reformers in divesting the Cathedral of much of its finery. Thereafter it fell into disuse and decline. Today the impressive remains only hint at the former glory of this important building. Cultural Heritage encompasses physical aspects such as architecture and artifacts along with less tangible culture such as music, songs and stories. Open virtual worlds offer an extensible collaborative environment for developing historic scenes against the background of which material and ephemeral aspects of cultural heritage associated with a site may be explored through engagement with historic narratives. They offer the potential to reconstruct within a 3D computer environment both the physical structures of the past and important aspects of the light, music and life that once filled those structures. Virtual reconstructions enable scenarios to be created where individual pieces of art can be located and appreciated within the audio, visual and spacial contexts for which they were originally created. Bringing together architecture, sculpture, illumination, stained-glass, music, procession and lighting into a scene which can be explored from multiple spatial perspectives enables holistic experience and appreciation. Historic reconstructions may be created upon virtual stages allowing new and engaging Cultural Heritage perspectives to be accessible to diverse audiences. Through the example of St Andrews Cathedral reconstruction this paper presents an example of Open Virtual Worlds as a technology for supporting the creation and use of virtual reconstructions as a platform that promotes understanding of and engagement with Cultural Heritage. The use contexts discussed range from research based exploration of 3D spaces, to primary schools students using the reconstructions as a backdrop for tag. The digital literacies of the audience and goals of the use case impact on the appropriateness of the user interface. A range of interfaces are explored including games controllers, touch screens, tablets that provide location aware views into the model and hands free gesture control systems.

2012-12-01T00:00:00Z Kennedy, Sarah Dow, Lisa Oliver, Iain Angus Sweetman, Rebecca Jane Miller, Alan Henry David Campbell, Anne Davies, Christopher John McCaffery, John Philip Allison, Colin Green, Daryl Luxford, Julian Marcus Fawcett, Richard St Andrews Cathedral is located on the East Coast of Scotland, construction started in 1160 and spanned Romanesque and Gothic architectural styles. It was consecrated in 1318, four years after the battle of Bannockburn in the presence of King Robert the Bruce. For several hundred years, the Cathedral was one of the most important religious buildings in Europe and the centre of religious life in Scotland. During the Scottish Reformation, John Knox lead reformers in divesting the Cathedral of much of its finery. Thereafter it fell into disuse and decline. Today the impressive remains only hint at the former glory of this important building. Cultural Heritage encompasses physical aspects such as architecture and artifacts along with less tangible culture such as music, songs and stories. Open virtual worlds offer an extensible collaborative environment for developing historic scenes against the background of which material and ephemeral aspects of cultural heritage associated with a site may be explored through engagement with historic narratives. They offer the potential to reconstruct within a 3D computer environment both the physical structures of the past and important aspects of the light, music and life that once filled those structures. Virtual reconstructions enable scenarios to be created where individual pieces of art can be located and appreciated within the audio, visual and spacial contexts for which they were originally created. Bringing together architecture, sculpture, illumination, stained-glass, music, procession and lighting into a scene which can be explored from multiple spatial perspectives enables holistic experience and appreciation. Historic reconstructions may be created upon virtual stages allowing new and engaging Cultural Heritage perspectives to be accessible to diverse audiences. Through the example of St Andrews Cathedral reconstruction this paper presents an example of Open Virtual Worlds as a technology for supporting the creation and use of virtual reconstructions as a platform that promotes understanding of and engagement with Cultural Heritage. The use contexts discussed range from research based exploration of 3D spaces, to primary schools students using the reconstructions as a backdrop for tag. The digital literacies of the audience and goals of the use case impact on the appropriateness of the user interface. A range of interfaces are explored including games controllers, touch screens, tablets that provide location aware views into the model and hands free gesture control systems. Howley, Joseph A. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3146 2012-09-22T20:30:37Z 2011-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: This thesis o ers a new interpretation of the literary techniques of the Noctes Atticae, a second-century Latin miscellaneous work by Aulus Gellius, with new readings of various passages. It takes as its main subject the various ways in which Gellius narrates and otherwise represents mental and intellectual activity. It proposes a typology for these representations in Chapter One, the Introduction. Chapter Two examines the \dialogic" scenes, which relate the conversations of characters, in the context of the history of dialogic writing. It argues that Gellius's unique approach to relating conversation, besides revealing speci c concerns about each stage of ancient education, encourages readers to develop strategies for imagining and reconstructing the intellectual character and lifestyle that lie behind an individual's speech | in short, to see every instance of conversation as a glimpse at others' mental quality. Chapter Three of the thesis examines Gellius's narrative accounts of his own reading experiences, a body of ancient evidence unparalleled in both substance and detail. Focusing on his depictions of reading Pliny the Elder, it shows the way Gellius, in the traditionally public contexts of ancient reading, seeks to invent a performative space in the privacy of the reader's mind. Chapter Four explores Gellius's essays and notes which, despite lacking clear narrative frameworks, nonetheless share common themes with the rest of the Noctes, and can be understood as representations of the mental activity and standards that Gellius associates with his contemporaries' relationship to the past. The Conclusion points the way for further applications of the thesis's conclusions in Imperial intellectual culture and beyond. This thesis suggests a new approach for examining depictions of the acquisition, evaluation and use of knowledge in the Imperial period, and contributes to the ongoing scholarly discussion about the reading of miscellaneous literature.

2011-01-01T00:00:00Z Howley, Joseph A. This thesis o ers a new interpretation of the literary techniques of the Noctes Atticae, a second-century Latin miscellaneous work by Aulus Gellius, with new readings of various passages. It takes as its main subject the various ways in which Gellius narrates and otherwise represents mental and intellectual activity. It proposes a typology for these representations in Chapter One, the Introduction. Chapter Two examines the \dialogic" scenes, which relate the conversations of characters, in the context of the history of dialogic writing. It argues that Gellius's unique approach to relating conversation, besides revealing speci c concerns about each stage of ancient education, encourages readers to develop strategies for imagining and reconstructing the intellectual character and lifestyle that lie behind an individual's speech | in short, to see every instance of conversation as a glimpse at others' mental quality. Chapter Three of the thesis examines Gellius's narrative accounts of his own reading experiences, a body of ancient evidence unparalleled in both substance and detail. Focusing on his depictions of reading Pliny the Elder, it shows the way Gellius, in the traditionally public contexts of ancient reading, seeks to invent a performative space in the privacy of the reader's mind. Chapter Four explores Gellius's essays and notes which, despite lacking clear narrative frameworks, nonetheless share common themes with the rest of the Noctes, and can be understood as representations of the mental activity and standards that Gellius associates with his contemporaries' relationship to the past. The Conclusion points the way for further applications of the thesis's conclusions in Imperial intellectual culture and beyond. This thesis suggests a new approach for examining depictions of the acquisition, evaluation and use of knowledge in the Imperial period, and contributes to the ongoing scholarly discussion about the reading of miscellaneous literature. Chiu, Yi-Chieh http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3145 2012-09-22T20:23:26Z 2012-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: The image of dominance, subservience and tyrannicide is prevalent in Lucan's Pharsalia. For him, Caesar's descendents will dominate the universe and enslave the people. Murder is the only political solution. This ideological belief has a Republican and Augustan tradition. Lucan's presentation of dominance and subservience exemplifies the evolution of a specific political ideology in the early Empire.

2012-01-01T00:00:00Z Chiu, Yi-Chieh The image of dominance, subservience and tyrannicide is prevalent in Lucan's Pharsalia. For him, Caesar's descendents will dominate the universe and enslave the people. Murder is the only political solution. This ideological belief has a Republican and Augustan tradition. Lucan's presentation of dominance and subservience exemplifies the evolution of a specific political ideology in the early Empire. Lavan, Myles Patrick http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3045 2013-04-21T02:36:54Z 2011-05-01T00:00:00Z 2011-05-01T00:00:00Z Lavan, Myles Patrick Lavan, Myles Patrick http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3044 2012-12-12T12:53:08Z 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z Lavan, Myles Patrick Dempsie, William Alan Robert http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2968 2012-07-12T12:34:10Z 1992-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: This thesis consists of a text and commentary on Book Ten of Quintus Curtius Rufus' His toriae Alexandri Magni Macedonis; the work was probably written in the middle of the first century A.D. The main body of the commentary deals with linguistic, stylistic and historical matters; each episode is preceded by a more general introduction to the issues involved. In addition, there is an introduction, dealing with the manuscript tradition, the date of composition, the identity of the writer, the popularity of Alexander as an exemplum in Rome and contemporary historical and biographical practices. There are three appendices: the first deals with Curtius' sources and includes detailed tables in which the five main Alexander sources are compared throughout Book Ten; the second brings together elements of contemporary political allusion in Book Ten and attempts to draw a conclusion concerning the undoubted similarities between the accessions of Arrhidaeus, Alexander's brother, and the emperor Claudius; the third compares Curtius' preferences for certain clausulae with that of other writers. At the end, there is an index nominum and an index rerum.

1992-01-01T00:00:00Z Dempsie, William Alan Robert This thesis consists of a text and commentary on Book Ten of Quintus Curtius Rufus' His toriae Alexandri Magni Macedonis; the work was probably written in the middle of the first century A.D. The main body of the commentary deals with linguistic, stylistic and historical matters; each episode is preceded by a more general introduction to the issues involved. In addition, there is an introduction, dealing with the manuscript tradition, the date of composition, the identity of the writer, the popularity of Alexander as an exemplum in Rome and contemporary historical and biographical practices. There are three appendices: the first deals with Curtius' sources and includes detailed tables in which the five main Alexander sources are compared throughout Book Ten; the second brings together elements of contemporary political allusion in Book Ten and attempts to draw a conclusion concerning the undoubted similarities between the accessions of Arrhidaeus, Alexander's brother, and the emperor Claudius; the third compares Curtius' preferences for certain clausulae with that of other writers. At the end, there is an index nominum and an index rerum. Peake, Scott http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2961 2012-07-10T12:38:58Z 1991-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: The role of the Athenian generals in the Fourth Century B.C. has remained one viewed in simplistic dismissal as mercenaries and lawless condottieri. Such ideas, based upon the political rhetoric of the Athenian ecclesia, led historians to remove the generals to the periphery of Athenian history in the Fourth Century. Though misguided, there has been neither a basic reinterpretation nor an in-depth re-examination of this idea. This thesis examines the role of the Athenian strategoi from several different angles but with one central argument, that the specialist Athenian generals demonstrated throughout the C4th. a remarkably strong sense of loyalty and patriotism towards their polis. Through such an argument the generals may be brought back from the cloudy edges of legality and action they have been seen as occupying, and given a central role in the affairs of Athens in the Fourth Century. This role will be reinforced on the military front by an examination of the Athenian command network and the evolution of warfare. I hope to show that the developments in the art of war that were occurring in this period merely exacerbated the sociopolitical tensions that were present in Athens and offered the generals further opportunity for the development of their office. By concentrating upon the relatively few specialist strategoi that emerged in the Fourth Century I hope to demonstrate that this development of the strategia was one of gradual evolution, continuing from Conon at the dawn of the century till the emergence of Leosthenes as virtually a popular dictator by the time of the Lamian War. Loyalty to "state" did not bring direct political power to the specialist strategoi. Through the influence of public support, reliant upon a continued distancing from the squabblings of the rhetors, the strategoi might not have dominated Athenian political life but by 323 they were certainly in a position to threaten the complete sovereignty of the ecclesia itself.

1991-01-01T00:00:00Z Peake, Scott The role of the Athenian generals in the Fourth Century B.C. has remained one viewed in simplistic dismissal as mercenaries and lawless condottieri. Such ideas, based upon the political rhetoric of the Athenian ecclesia, led historians to remove the generals to the periphery of Athenian history in the Fourth Century. Though misguided, there has been neither a basic reinterpretation nor an in-depth re-examination of this idea. This thesis examines the role of the Athenian strategoi from several different angles but with one central argument, that the specialist Athenian generals demonstrated throughout the C4th. a remarkably strong sense of loyalty and patriotism towards their polis. Through such an argument the generals may be brought back from the cloudy edges of legality and action they have been seen as occupying, and given a central role in the affairs of Athens in the Fourth Century. This role will be reinforced on the military front by an examination of the Athenian command network and the evolution of warfare. I hope to show that the developments in the art of war that were occurring in this period merely exacerbated the sociopolitical tensions that were present in Athens and offered the generals further opportunity for the development of their office. By concentrating upon the relatively few specialist strategoi that emerged in the Fourth Century I hope to demonstrate that this development of the strategia was one of gradual evolution, continuing from Conon at the dawn of the century till the emergence of Leosthenes as virtually a popular dictator by the time of the Lamian War. Loyalty to "state" did not bring direct political power to the specialist strategoi. Through the influence of public support, reliant upon a continued distancing from the squabblings of the rhetors, the strategoi might not have dominated Athenian political life but by 323 they were certainly in a position to threaten the complete sovereignty of the ecclesia itself. Galbraith, Craig http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2790 2012-06-15T14:08:59Z 2005-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: This thesis will add to the debate on the nature of popular politics at Rome from the time of the Gracchi to Sulla. It examines contemporary evidence in order to reconstruct the terms in which political discourse was conducted. The period marks a time of political dynamism in the Republic, prior the fateful precedents set by Sulla, and falls before the period dominated the Ciceronian corpus. The first aim of the thesis will be to evaluate and utilize the fragmentary evidence of contemporary oratory in order to consider the terms in which politicians described themselves and their opponents. This will allow for a critique of the model of Roman politics derived from Cicero's works which has been often ascribed to the period. Rather than substantiating the traditional picture of politics, conducted in terms of the opposition between popularis and optimas, it reveals that this period is characterized by competition to appropriate the same rhetorical concepts and identification with the traditional role of the Senate in the res publica. The second aim is to contribute to the question of the role of ideology in Roman politics by further demonstrating the existence of a versatile and varied vocabulary capable of articulating a discourse between different ideological standpoints.

2005-01-01T00:00:00Z Galbraith, Craig This thesis will add to the debate on the nature of popular politics at Rome from the time of the Gracchi to Sulla. It examines contemporary evidence in order to reconstruct the terms in which political discourse was conducted. The period marks a time of political dynamism in the Republic, prior the fateful precedents set by Sulla, and falls before the period dominated the Ciceronian corpus. The first aim of the thesis will be to evaluate and utilize the fragmentary evidence of contemporary oratory in order to consider the terms in which politicians described themselves and their opponents. This will allow for a critique of the model of Roman politics derived from Cicero's works which has been often ascribed to the period. Rather than substantiating the traditional picture of politics, conducted in terms of the opposition between popularis and optimas, it reveals that this period is characterized by competition to appropriate the same rhetorical concepts and identification with the traditional role of the Senate in the res publica. The second aim is to contribute to the question of the role of ideology in Roman politics by further demonstrating the existence of a versatile and varied vocabulary capable of articulating a discourse between different ideological standpoints. Castles, Nicola Jane http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2785 2012-06-14T16:01:35Z 1993-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: This thesis consists of a general introduction to the historical and palaeographical background to the subject of the transmission of Classical and Patristic texts in late Anglo-Saxon and early Norman England, followed by five chapters each dealing with a classical or patristic author. Each chapter lists the information we have available on manuscripts containing the author's work, and conclusions are drawn as to the transmission of that work. In the case of five texts, Persius, Satirae; Augustine, Enchiridion; Gregory, Cura pastoralis and Moralia and Isidore, Synonymar portions of each MS are taken and compared in detail with each other and with the modern printed edition, and a stemma is constructed on the basis of evidence thus obtained. A conclusion draws together the information on the transmission of such manuscripts throughout the eighth to twelfth centuries. There are two appendices: the first contains brief notes on texts by Classical and Patristic authors of which there are not enough copies to form stemmata, while the second takes the form of a short analysis of the use of the letter k in the margins of some insular MSS studied. There are also indices nominum et manuscriptorum. The work is divided into two volumes after Chapter Three.

1993-01-01T00:00:00Z Castles, Nicola Jane This thesis consists of a general introduction to the historical and palaeographical background to the subject of the transmission of Classical and Patristic texts in late Anglo-Saxon and early Norman England, followed by five chapters each dealing with a classical or patristic author. Each chapter lists the information we have available on manuscripts containing the author's work, and conclusions are drawn as to the transmission of that work. In the case of five texts, Persius, Satirae; Augustine, Enchiridion; Gregory, Cura pastoralis and Moralia and Isidore, Synonymar portions of each MS are taken and compared in detail with each other and with the modern printed edition, and a stemma is constructed on the basis of evidence thus obtained. A conclusion draws together the information on the transmission of such manuscripts throughout the eighth to twelfth centuries. There are two appendices: the first contains brief notes on texts by Classical and Patristic authors of which there are not enough copies to form stemmata, while the second takes the form of a short analysis of the use of the letter k in the margins of some insular MSS studied. There are also indices nominum et manuscriptorum. The work is divided into two volumes after Chapter Three. Spinoula, Barbara http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2780 2012-06-14T14:23:09Z 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: This thesis examines the similes of wild animals in the third century epic poem Posthomerica, of Quintus of Smyrna. The similes are studied in both inter-textual and textual levels. The former approach discusses the debt of Quintus' similes to preceding poets in terms of language and imagery. Quintus proves to be a creative and imaginative poet who knows well the tradition he has inherited. The latter approach deals with the similes in the Posthomerica only and reveals how they are thoughtfully inter-related and form sequences which ensure the unity and coherence of the poem, and enhance its overall melancholy tonality. It is also shown that by describing individual cases of doom, the sequences of animal-similes mirror the main theme of the poem, the fall of Troy. Nevertheless Quintus does not concentrate exclusively on the individual victorious hero but gives an important position to the victim, to the mass, as well as to characters who are distant from the battlefield, as women are. This multi-sided presentation of the human being who is directly or indirectly involved in the destructive war brings Quintus close to the Hellenistic attitude of the heroic as well as to psychological portraits of women from that period. The similes in the first chapter describe exclusively male characters and show the heroic valour being undermined. Women have an increasing presence in the similes of the second chapter; vulnerable as they are, they add to the melancholy of the Posthomerica. The third chapter studies the pure wild animal, the beast. The chapter contains an analysis of the beast in epic similes preceding those of Quintus and shows that the beast- simile is mainly psychological and reflects the incomprehensible power of Nature.

2008-01-01T00:00:00Z Spinoula, Barbara This thesis examines the similes of wild animals in the third century epic poem Posthomerica, of Quintus of Smyrna. The similes are studied in both inter-textual and textual levels. The former approach discusses the debt of Quintus' similes to preceding poets in terms of language and imagery. Quintus proves to be a creative and imaginative poet who knows well the tradition he has inherited. The latter approach deals with the similes in the Posthomerica only and reveals how they are thoughtfully inter-related and form sequences which ensure the unity and coherence of the poem, and enhance its overall melancholy tonality. It is also shown that by describing individual cases of doom, the sequences of animal-similes mirror the main theme of the poem, the fall of Troy. Nevertheless Quintus does not concentrate exclusively on the individual victorious hero but gives an important position to the victim, to the mass, as well as to characters who are distant from the battlefield, as women are. This multi-sided presentation of the human being who is directly or indirectly involved in the destructive war brings Quintus close to the Hellenistic attitude of the heroic as well as to psychological portraits of women from that period. The similes in the first chapter describe exclusively male characters and show the heroic valour being undermined. Women have an increasing presence in the similes of the second chapter; vulnerable as they are, they add to the melancholy of the Posthomerica. The third chapter studies the pure wild animal, the beast. The chapter contains an analysis of the beast in epic similes preceding those of Quintus and shows that the beast- simile is mainly psychological and reflects the incomprehensible power of Nature. Smythe, Dion Clive http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2779 2012-09-03T15:39:38Z 1992-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: This thesis examines the portrayal of outsiders in Michael Psellos's Chronographia, Anna Komnene's Alexiad, and Niketas Choniates's Narrative - using sociological theories of deviancy. The twofold aim is to "treat texts seriously", localized in Jakobson's speech-event nexus of addresser, context, content, contact, code and addressee; and secondly to understand the texts as statements of the ideology of the dominant elite. Outsiders are defined (using the labelling orientation) as people successfully defined as deviants; deviant behaviour is whatever they do. The dominant elite creates cultural boundaries, and places individuals in outsider roles on the other side of those boundaries. Outsiders can be understood only in terms of who defines them as deviant; there is no material reality to deviancy. Stereotypes, which identify social categories of people by evaluative trait-characteristics, are necessary elements of human cognition; they become prejudice only when they are over-generalized, based on too limited data, applied too widely and maintained in the face of contrary empirical evidence. The analysis of the three texts in depth allows the identification of those groups labelled as outsiders by these expositors of the dominant ideology. My conclusion is that these authors portray a picture of the Byzantine outsider, which is coherent between this limited sample group, allowing for individual variation. These authors used stereotypes to conceptualize and encode in the linguistic and lexicographical complexities of their texts the outsiders they identified in their societies. Their presentation uses stereotypes, but does not descend to prejudice.

1992-01-01T00:00:00Z Smythe, Dion Clive This thesis examines the portrayal of outsiders in Michael Psellos's Chronographia, Anna Komnene's Alexiad, and Niketas Choniates's Narrative - using sociological theories of deviancy. The twofold aim is to "treat texts seriously", localized in Jakobson's speech-event nexus of addresser, context, content, contact, code and addressee; and secondly to understand the texts as statements of the ideology of the dominant elite. Outsiders are defined (using the labelling orientation) as people successfully defined as deviants; deviant behaviour is whatever they do. The dominant elite creates cultural boundaries, and places individuals in outsider roles on the other side of those boundaries. Outsiders can be understood only in terms of who defines them as deviant; there is no material reality to deviancy. Stereotypes, which identify social categories of people by evaluative trait-characteristics, are necessary elements of human cognition; they become prejudice only when they are over-generalized, based on too limited data, applied too widely and maintained in the face of contrary empirical evidence. The analysis of the three texts in depth allows the identification of those groups labelled as outsiders by these expositors of the dominant ideology. My conclusion is that these authors portray a picture of the Byzantine outsider, which is coherent between this limited sample group, allowing for individual variation. These authors used stereotypes to conceptualize and encode in the linguistic and lexicographical complexities of their texts the outsiders they identified in their societies. Their presentation uses stereotypes, but does not descend to prejudice. Mannick, Paul David http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2755 2012-06-12T15:47:52Z 1984-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: The question which seeks the essence of something, (ti ēn einai), according to the argument of this thesis, was fashioned by Aristotle because of ambiguity or 'homonymy' inherent in the nature of universal predicates. However successful the conceptual analysis of universals may be as such, their meaning or significance cannot be fully fixed or determined except as a function of the subjects to which they are applied. The distinction between understanding a universal predicate as such and understanding its application to a particular subject may be roughly expressed as that between the ability to recognize the presence of an attribute in a subject and the knowledge of what the predicate says about the subject. It is in order to transform knowledge of the first kind into knowledge of the second that the 'essence-question' is asked. It is shown that the Aristotelian notion of an essence (to ti ēn einai) is explained through the notions of a subject (ypokeimenon) and of an actuality (energeia). Aristotelian 'essences' express the actuality or activity of a substance conceived from the 'categorical' point of view as the subject of qualities and universal predicates in general. An 'essence', insofar as the term applies to sensible substances, is the being of something as the subject of qualities and material predicates, i.e. universal predicates in general. Entailed is the denial that an essence in Aristotle's sense is constituted by attributes, characteristics, or universal predicates of any sort whatsoever. The argument exploits the distinction drawn by Aristotle on a number of occasions in the Metaphysics between material substrata of a substance and the subjects of qualities. The development of the position hinges on an analysis of matter and form in terms of the relations of potentiality and actuality conceived as contemporaneous modes of existence.

1984-01-01T00:00:00Z Mannick, Paul David The question which seeks the essence of something, (ti ēn einai), according to the argument of this thesis, was fashioned by Aristotle because of ambiguity or 'homonymy' inherent in the nature of universal predicates. However successful the conceptual analysis of universals may be as such, their meaning or significance cannot be fully fixed or determined except as a function of the subjects to which they are applied. The distinction between understanding a universal predicate as such and understanding its application to a particular subject may be roughly expressed as that between the ability to recognize the presence of an attribute in a subject and the knowledge of what the predicate says about the subject. It is in order to transform knowledge of the first kind into knowledge of the second that the 'essence-question' is asked. It is shown that the Aristotelian notion of an essence (to ti ēn einai) is explained through the notions of a subject (ypokeimenon) and of an actuality (energeia). Aristotelian 'essences' express the actuality or activity of a substance conceived from the 'categorical' point of view as the subject of qualities and universal predicates in general. An 'essence', insofar as the term applies to sensible substances, is the being of something as the subject of qualities and material predicates, i.e. universal predicates in general. Entailed is the denial that an essence in Aristotle's sense is constituted by attributes, characteristics, or universal predicates of any sort whatsoever. The argument exploits the distinction drawn by Aristotle on a number of occasions in the Metaphysics between material substrata of a substance and the subjects of qualities. The development of the position hinges on an analysis of matter and form in terms of the relations of potentiality and actuality conceived as contemporaneous modes of existence. Upton, Christopher A. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2734 2012-06-11T15:28:24Z 1986-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: This thesis examines certain aspects of Scottish Latin, particularly in the period 1580-1637. The first chapter chronicles the endeavours of John Scot of Scotstarvet to compile an anthology of Scottish Latin poetry, based on the unpublished letters to Scot in the NLS. Both the letters and contemporary verse indicate that the project was under way twenty years before the Delitiae was printed and that John Leech was an important influence. Leech's letters to Scot highlight Scot's editorial reticence, confirmed by the alterations in Scotstarvet's own verse. The final product was more a reflection of the taste and ethos of the early 1620s, after which Scot apparently ceased to collect material. The second chapter documents the attempts to impose a national grammar upon the schools, akin to the Lily-Colet grammar in England. Attempts to provide a radical alternative to Despauter, firstly by a committee and later by Alexander Hume, were inhibited by the inherent conservatism of teaching establishments. The most successful of the new grammars, those by Wedderburn and the Dunbar Rudiments, remained as general introductions to Despauter. Evidence for the composition of Latin verse in schools and universities, both statutory and manuscript, is assessed in the third chapter. Active involvement in the practice by local authorities influenced the range and extent of verse being written after 1600. The poetry of David Wedderburn of Aberdeen, promoted by the town council, reflects that influence. The importance of teaching methods upon a poet's future development is most clearly seen in the verse of David Hume, discussed in the fourth chapter. Hume continually re-works and re-evaluates the themes of his adolescent verse, measuring them against the achievements of James VI, whose birth he had earlier celebrated. The thesis concludes with a check-list of Scots whose Latin verse was printed before 1640.

1986-01-01T00:00:00Z Upton, Christopher A. This thesis examines certain aspects of Scottish Latin, particularly in the period 1580-1637. The first chapter chronicles the endeavours of John Scot of Scotstarvet to compile an anthology of Scottish Latin poetry, based on the unpublished letters to Scot in the NLS. Both the letters and contemporary verse indicate that the project was under way twenty years before the Delitiae was printed and that John Leech was an important influence. Leech's letters to Scot highlight Scot's editorial reticence, confirmed by the alterations in Scotstarvet's own verse. The final product was more a reflection of the taste and ethos of the early 1620s, after which Scot apparently ceased to collect material. The second chapter documents the attempts to impose a national grammar upon the schools, akin to the Lily-Colet grammar in England. Attempts to provide a radical alternative to Despauter, firstly by a committee and later by Alexander Hume, were inhibited by the inherent conservatism of teaching establishments. The most successful of the new grammars, those by Wedderburn and the Dunbar Rudiments, remained as general introductions to Despauter. Evidence for the composition of Latin verse in schools and universities, both statutory and manuscript, is assessed in the third chapter. Active involvement in the practice by local authorities influenced the range and extent of verse being written after 1600. The poetry of David Wedderburn of Aberdeen, promoted by the town council, reflects that influence. The importance of teaching methods upon a poet's future development is most clearly seen in the verse of David Hume, discussed in the fourth chapter. Hume continually re-works and re-evaluates the themes of his adolescent verse, measuring them against the achievements of James VI, whose birth he had earlier celebrated. The thesis concludes with a check-list of Scots whose Latin verse was printed before 1640. Blakeman, Christorpher John http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2661 2012-06-06T09:33:52Z 1991-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: The first introductory chapter addresses the facts of Theodulf's life and career and the primary and secondary source material that supports these facts and attempts to establish a firm outline of his life and career. The second chapter looks at Theodulf's position and work in the court, and his relations with the court, in particular his relations with Alcuin. The chapter also discusses the importance of panegyric and patronage for Theodulf. The third and last introductory chapter is a detailed analysis of the poetry of Theodulf as a whole. This chapter looks at the subject, language and prosody of the poems and the influence on them from other poets. The six poems then follow. Each is first prefaced by a short introduction, then the text is given with a translation on the following page, the text and translation for each poem is then followed by a line by line commentary, noting literary and historical points of interest.

1991-01-01T00:00:00Z Blakeman, Christorpher John The first introductory chapter addresses the facts of Theodulf's life and career and the primary and secondary source material that supports these facts and attempts to establish a firm outline of his life and career. The second chapter looks at Theodulf's position and work in the court, and his relations with the court, in particular his relations with Alcuin. The chapter also discusses the importance of panegyric and patronage for Theodulf. The third and last introductory chapter is a detailed analysis of the poetry of Theodulf as a whole. This chapter looks at the subject, language and prosody of the poems and the influence on them from other poets. The six poems then follow. Each is first prefaced by a short introduction, then the text is given with a translation on the following page, the text and translation for each poem is then followed by a line by line commentary, noting literary and historical points of interest. Pritchard, David M. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2658 2012-06-06T09:03:06Z 1993-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: This thesis is an investigation into the image of the emperor Heraclius as depicted by the ancient sources who cover his reign (610-641 A. D.). In order to establish the relevant criteria for the portrayal of an emperor it was first necessary to provide the reader with a synopsis of writings on the role of the emperor from the time of Eusebius onwards. The reign of Heraclius was then treated in roughly chronological fashion, there follow four chapters concerning the sources' description of his military exploits, his coup, and the warfare with the Avars and the Persians, including the siege of Constantinople. Here the discussion concerns the personal role of Heraclius in events and his culpability for their outcome. Heraclius' triumph in these wars led him to seek a compromise with the Monophysite Church that was defeated by opposition from the Chalcedonian Church in the recently liberated provinces. His failure to achieve any lasting settlement is then discussed as a reason for the success of the Arab invasions that followed. Heraclius' reputation as a reformer, amongst ancient and modern authors alike, is then considered with special reference to the controversy surrounding the introduction of the themes. The last chapter is a review of the interrelationship of all the sources that describe Heraclius' reign, in an attempt to define their various influences.

1993-01-01T00:00:00Z Pritchard, David M. This thesis is an investigation into the image of the emperor Heraclius as depicted by the ancient sources who cover his reign (610-641 A. D.). In order to establish the relevant criteria for the portrayal of an emperor it was first necessary to provide the reader with a synopsis of writings on the role of the emperor from the time of Eusebius onwards. The reign of Heraclius was then treated in roughly chronological fashion, there follow four chapters concerning the sources' description of his military exploits, his coup, and the warfare with the Avars and the Persians, including the siege of Constantinople. Here the discussion concerns the personal role of Heraclius in events and his culpability for their outcome. Heraclius' triumph in these wars led him to seek a compromise with the Monophysite Church that was defeated by opposition from the Chalcedonian Church in the recently liberated provinces. His failure to achieve any lasting settlement is then discussed as a reason for the success of the Arab invasions that followed. Heraclius' reputation as a reformer, amongst ancient and modern authors alike, is then considered with special reference to the controversy surrounding the introduction of the themes. The last chapter is a review of the interrelationship of all the sources that describe Heraclius' reign, in an attempt to define their various influences. Grant, Mark D. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2648 2012-06-05T13:45:47Z 1988-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: The opinion of W. H. S. Jones that Oribasius is 'an author that nobody wishes to read through' is probably coincident with the view of most Classicists who have ever read the Medical Compilations to judge from the almost total neglect Oribasius has suffered. Translations of the whole work have appeared only in Latin and French. This thesis is an attempt to redress this injustice, and the commentary is designed to indicate Oribasius' source for each quotation or paraphrase, assess the accuracy and comprehensibility of the contents, and discover the reasons behind the recommendations and rejections of certain cakes, breads, fruits, and vegetables, the emphasis being on ancient food and diet rather than medicine and philosophy. Books 1 and 4 are linked by their common themes of grains and breads, and thus have been chosen for examination. With the absence of any modern work on ancient Greek cuisine, and with the fullest accounts of Roman cooking often lacking in detail or accuracy, particular care has been taken to supply as full a set of references as possible which will perhaps prove useful for further study. The text on which the commentary is based is that prepared with great thoroughness and accuracy in 1928 by J. Raeder with some small changes. The translation, the first into English, offers no claims at elegance, but is there merely to assist with the reading of the Greek text. The thesis ends with both an index listing according to the forms in which they appear all the words in Books 1 and 4, with the exception of some common particles, and also a general index.

1988-01-01T00:00:00Z Grant, Mark D. The opinion of W. H. S. Jones that Oribasius is 'an author that nobody wishes to read through' is probably coincident with the view of most Classicists who have ever read the Medical Compilations to judge from the almost total neglect Oribasius has suffered. Translations of the whole work have appeared only in Latin and French. This thesis is an attempt to redress this injustice, and the commentary is designed to indicate Oribasius' source for each quotation or paraphrase, assess the accuracy and comprehensibility of the contents, and discover the reasons behind the recommendations and rejections of certain cakes, breads, fruits, and vegetables, the emphasis being on ancient food and diet rather than medicine and philosophy. Books 1 and 4 are linked by their common themes of grains and breads, and thus have been chosen for examination. With the absence of any modern work on ancient Greek cuisine, and with the fullest accounts of Roman cooking often lacking in detail or accuracy, particular care has been taken to supply as full a set of references as possible which will perhaps prove useful for further study. The text on which the commentary is based is that prepared with great thoroughness and accuracy in 1928 by J. Raeder with some small changes. The translation, the first into English, offers no claims at elegance, but is there merely to assist with the reading of the Greek text. The thesis ends with both an index listing according to the forms in which they appear all the words in Books 1 and 4, with the exception of some common particles, and also a general index. Longley-Cook, Isobel A. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2644 2012-06-06T08:53:06Z 1989-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: Pythian 4 is Pindar's grandest ode. It was commissioned along with Pythian 5 to celebrate the chariot victory at Delphi of Arcesilas IV of Cyrene. The lengthy myth of Pythian 4 narrates the tale of Jason and the Argonauts, long established in the Greek mythic tradition. Pindar's treatment of this tradition to create his myth is examined. It reveals much about his aims in writing the ode, in particular in the characterisation of his hero, Jason, and his opponent, Pelias. The poem's structure and the narrative technique employed in the myth are also examined. A remarkable feature of Pythian 4 is its epic flavour. Analysis of Pindar's production of this effect reveals many different devices which would remind his audience of epic, not least a singular concentration of epic language in the ode. The epilogue of Pythian 4 refers to the contemporary political situation in Cyrene. The poet's presentation and use of this material is assessed in the light of his treatment of contemporary allusions elsewhere in the odes. The complex relationship between the two odes for Arcesilas is considered in the light of other double commissions. Pythian 4 contains an unusual plea for an exile, Damophilus. He may have paid for the ode. The unusual features of Pythian 5 are examined: an extraordinary tribute to Arcesilas' charioteer, Carrhotus; vivid and numerous details of the topography of Cyrene and details of religious cult practice there. Pythian 5 also raises the question of the identity of the first person in Pindar. The poet's treatment of Cyrenean history, especially the figure of Battus, the victor's ancestor, who features in the myths of both odes, is also considered.

1989-01-01T00:00:00Z Longley-Cook, Isobel A. Pythian 4 is Pindar's grandest ode. It was commissioned along with Pythian 5 to celebrate the chariot victory at Delphi of Arcesilas IV of Cyrene. The lengthy myth of Pythian 4 narrates the tale of Jason and the Argonauts, long established in the Greek mythic tradition. Pindar's treatment of this tradition to create his myth is examined. It reveals much about his aims in writing the ode, in particular in the characterisation of his hero, Jason, and his opponent, Pelias. The poem's structure and the narrative technique employed in the myth are also examined. A remarkable feature of Pythian 4 is its epic flavour. Analysis of Pindar's production of this effect reveals many different devices which would remind his audience of epic, not least a singular concentration of epic language in the ode. The epilogue of Pythian 4 refers to the contemporary political situation in Cyrene. The poet's presentation and use of this material is assessed in the light of his treatment of contemporary allusions elsewhere in the odes. The complex relationship between the two odes for Arcesilas is considered in the light of other double commissions. Pythian 4 contains an unusual plea for an exile, Damophilus. He may have paid for the ode. The unusual features of Pythian 5 are examined: an extraordinary tribute to Arcesilas' charioteer, Carrhotus; vivid and numerous details of the topography of Cyrene and details of religious cult practice there. Pythian 5 also raises the question of the identity of the first person in Pindar. The poet's treatment of Cyrenean history, especially the figure of Battus, the victor's ancestor, who features in the myths of both odes, is also considered. Humphries, Mark http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2633 2012-06-05T08:13:55Z 1997-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: This thesis argues that the origins and evolution of Christian communities in Northern Italy between c. 250 and 381 are comprehensible only within the region's social environment. Whereas previous studies of early Christianity in Italy have sought to explain its origins in terms of modern diocesan structures, this thesis shows that the evidence for this view is untrustworthy and that a new methodology is needed to explain the rise of the church. To this end, the thesis describes the 'north Italian human environment', which consists not just of the physical landscape, but of the social networks within it. This environment allows an understanding of why Christian communities had developed in some places and not in others by c. 300. The development of the church continued to be influenced by this human environment in the fourth century. Christian diffusion remained a partial and variable phenomenon. In the cities Christians found themselves confronted by the adherents of other religions, notably Judaism. Thus, in the fourth century, Christians did not yet dominate the communities in which they lived. Moreover, the active participation in ecclesiastical affairs of emperors after Constantine - particularly the intervention of Constantius II in Italy during the 350s - added a new dimension to the human environment. Such interventions defined how north Italian Christianity came into contact with ecclesiastical and theological affairs throughout the empire. In sum, the history of early Christianity in northern Italy is circumscribed by the social environment within which it developed. This thesis argues that for northern Italy - indeed for the rest of the Mediterranean - a proper understanding of Christian growth can only come from an appreciation of the particular social context of the region within which it occurred.

1997-01-01T00:00:00Z Humphries, Mark This thesis argues that the origins and evolution of Christian communities in Northern Italy between c. 250 and 381 are comprehensible only within the region's social environment. Whereas previous studies of early Christianity in Italy have sought to explain its origins in terms of modern diocesan structures, this thesis shows that the evidence for this view is untrustworthy and that a new methodology is needed to explain the rise of the church. To this end, the thesis describes the 'north Italian human environment', which consists not just of the physical landscape, but of the social networks within it. This environment allows an understanding of why Christian communities had developed in some places and not in others by c. 300. The development of the church continued to be influenced by this human environment in the fourth century. Christian diffusion remained a partial and variable phenomenon. In the cities Christians found themselves confronted by the adherents of other religions, notably Judaism. Thus, in the fourth century, Christians did not yet dominate the communities in which they lived. Moreover, the active participation in ecclesiastical affairs of emperors after Constantine - particularly the intervention of Constantius II in Italy during the 350s - added a new dimension to the human environment. Such interventions defined how north Italian Christianity came into contact with ecclesiastical and theological affairs throughout the empire. In sum, the history of early Christianity in northern Italy is circumscribed by the social environment within which it developed. This thesis argues that for northern Italy - indeed for the rest of the Mediterranean - a proper understanding of Christian growth can only come from an appreciation of the particular social context of the region within which it occurred. Konig, Jason Peter http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2160 2012-12-12T08:53:02Z 2007-11-01T00:00:00Z 2007-11-01T00:00:00Z Konig, Jason Peter Sloan, Michael Collier http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1996 2011-09-02T15:15:59Z 2011-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: Most of the limited scholarship on Sedulius Scottus focuses on his poems and treatise, De Rectoribus Christianis. As the product of a central ecclesiastical figure in Liège, the intellectual capital of Louis the German’s kingdom, Sedulius’ biblical exegesis also deserves study. The Carolingians revered classical society and culture and at the same time sought to become a wholly Christian empire, thus, it is not surprising that the content of Sedulius’ Collectaneum in Apostolum contains both classical and Christian elements. In 1997, J. Frede published a critical edition of Sedulius’ Collectaneum in Apostolum, but there remains today neither a translation nor specific study of this work in any modern language. My thesis seeks to provide an introduction and translation for the Prologue and commentaries on Galatians and Ephesians as contained in Frede’s critical edition of Sedulius Scottus’ Collectaneum in Apostolum. After situating Sedulius in his historical context and highlighting the tradition of biblical collectanea, I present external evidence – which demonstrates Sedulius’ familiarity with Donatus’ Vita and Servius’ commentary on the Aeneid – as well as intertextual links to the latter works to argue that Servius’ pedagogical commentary served as a literary model for Sedulius’ Collectaneum. I also introduce and explain Sedulius’ organizing template for the Prologue, which is his employment of the classical rhetorical schema, “the seven types of circumstance”. This schema is an important rhetorical tool of many classical and medieval authors that has heretofore been misrepresented as originating from Hermagoras. Sedulius’ literary style and format are examined as matters of introduction, which further reveals the influence of Servius. The commentaries within the Collectaneum in Apostolum are essentially based on older, formative religious writers such as Jerome, Augustine, and Pelagius. Not only do I survey Sedulius’ doctrinal stances on important theological and ecclesiastical issues of his time, but I discuss Sedulius’ reception of the above three authors in particular and demonstrate how his Collectaneum in Apostolum attempts to harmonize their sometimes discordant voices.

2011-01-01T00:00:00Z Sloan, Michael Collier Most of the limited scholarship on Sedulius Scottus focuses on his poems and treatise, De Rectoribus Christianis. As the product of a central ecclesiastical figure in Liège, the intellectual capital of Louis the German’s kingdom, Sedulius’ biblical exegesis also deserves study. The Carolingians revered classical society and culture and at the same time sought to become a wholly Christian empire, thus, it is not surprising that the content of Sedulius’ Collectaneum in Apostolum contains both classical and Christian elements. In 1997, J. Frede published a critical edition of Sedulius’ Collectaneum in Apostolum, but there remains today neither a translation nor specific study of this work in any modern language. My thesis seeks to provide an introduction and translation for the Prologue and commentaries on Galatians and Ephesians as contained in Frede’s critical edition of Sedulius Scottus’ Collectaneum in Apostolum. After situating Sedulius in his historical context and highlighting the tradition of biblical collectanea, I present external evidence – which demonstrates Sedulius’ familiarity with Donatus’ Vita and Servius’ commentary on the Aeneid – as well as intertextual links to the latter works to argue that Servius’ pedagogical commentary served as a literary model for Sedulius’ Collectaneum. I also introduce and explain Sedulius’ organizing template for the Prologue, which is his employment of the classical rhetorical schema, “the seven types of circumstance”. This schema is an important rhetorical tool of many classical and medieval authors that has heretofore been misrepresented as originating from Hermagoras. Sedulius’ literary style and format are examined as matters of introduction, which further reveals the influence of Servius. The commentaries within the Collectaneum in Apostolum are essentially based on older, formative religious writers such as Jerome, Augustine, and Pelagius. Not only do I survey Sedulius’ doctrinal stances on important theological and ecclesiastical issues of his time, but I discuss Sedulius’ reception of the above three authors in particular and demonstrate how his Collectaneum in Apostolum attempts to harmonize their sometimes discordant voices. Lianou, Margarita http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1966 2011-08-11T11:56:00Z 2010-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: This thesis discusses the sources of royal power in the kingdoms of Argead Makedonia and early Ptolemaic Egypt. The overarching aim is to assess the degree of change and continuity between the structures and networks that framed Argead and Ptolemaic royal power. Viewing power not as an abstraction but as the outcome of the real and observable interrelations between individuals and groups, this thesis builds upon the historical sociology of Michael Mann in order to identify four main sources of royal power: dynastic, courtly, military and economic. In their capacity to enhance or limit royal power, the social networks that are formed between the king and representatives of these groups in each context, as well as the structures that produce and reproduce their behaviour, form the focal points of this research. As such, this thesis distances itself from that segment of socio-historical tradition, which grants ultimate primacy to human agency. The Introduction presents the main scholarly debates surrounding the nature of Ptolemaic and Argead kingship and highlights the fact that although both have received considerable attention separately, they have not yet been the focus of a systematic, comparative analysis. At the same time, this chapter brings in the theoretical and methodological framework employed in the thesis. Chapter One discusses the structural organisation of the dynasty, focusing on patterns of marriage and succession, and the manipulation of dynastic connections, real or constructed, as instruments of legitimation. It is argued that the colonial circumstances in early Ptolemaic Egypt led to an amplification of the importance of the dynasty as a source of power. Chapter Two examines the interrelations of the ruler with his extended circle of friends and associates, i.e. the courtiers. A discussion of the physical and social structure of the courts in Aigai, Pella and Alexandria in the early Ptolemaic period confirms that administration at the highest level continued to be organised around personal relations. Chapter Three identifies the enabling mechanisms, which sustained the military power of the Makedonian king. It is argued that royal military leadership and the integration of facets of military organisation (e.g. the institution of klerouchia) and values (through education) in society remained integral to the social organisation of early Ptolemaic Egypt. Finally, Chapter Four examines the economic power of the ruler, as revealed by the organisation of property rights. The absence of the Makedones and the prominence of temples as economically significant groups in early Ptolemaic Egypt underline the structural discontinuities that arise from the necessary adaptation to different local conditions. This thesis concludes that the structures that framed Argead royal power were in their majority remembered and instantiated in the organisational practices of the early Ptolemaic rulers. Deviations from the Argead paradigm occurred when pragmatism led to the introduction of corrective practices, such as the co-regency principle aimed at eradicating the dynastic instability that had plagued the Argead monarchy, and when ecological and political considerations, such as the needs of their non-Hellenic, non-Makedonian audience, dictated a greater degree of accommodation to local conditions, especially in the field of economic organisation. Even there, however, one can discern the influence of the flexible, all-inclusive model of Argead administration of its New Lands as an organisational template.

2010-01-01T00:00:00Z Lianou, Margarita This thesis discusses the sources of royal power in the kingdoms of Argead Makedonia and early Ptolemaic Egypt. The overarching aim is to assess the degree of change and continuity between the structures and networks that framed Argead and Ptolemaic royal power. Viewing power not as an abstraction but as the outcome of the real and observable interrelations between individuals and groups, this thesis builds upon the historical sociology of Michael Mann in order to identify four main sources of royal power: dynastic, courtly, military and economic. In their capacity to enhance or limit royal power, the social networks that are formed between the king and representatives of these groups in each context, as well as the structures that produce and reproduce their behaviour, form the focal points of this research. As such, this thesis distances itself from that segment of socio-historical tradition, which grants ultimate primacy to human agency. The Introduction presents the main scholarly debates surrounding the nature of Ptolemaic and Argead kingship and highlights the fact that although both have received considerable attention separately, they have not yet been the focus of a systematic, comparative analysis. At the same time, this chapter brings in the theoretical and methodological framework employed in the thesis. Chapter One discusses the structural organisation of the dynasty, focusing on patterns of marriage and succession, and the manipulation of dynastic connections, real or constructed, as instruments of legitimation. It is argued that the colonial circumstances in early Ptolemaic Egypt led to an amplification of the importance of the dynasty as a source of power. Chapter Two examines the interrelations of the ruler with his extended circle of friends and associates, i.e. the courtiers. A discussion of the physical and social structure of the courts in Aigai, Pella and Alexandria in the early Ptolemaic period confirms that administration at the highest level continued to be organised around personal relations. Chapter Three identifies the enabling mechanisms, which sustained the military power of the Makedonian king. It is argued that royal military leadership and the integration of facets of military organisation (e.g. the institution of klerouchia) and values (through education) in society remained integral to the social organisation of early Ptolemaic Egypt. Finally, Chapter Four examines the economic power of the ruler, as revealed by the organisation of property rights. The absence of the Makedones and the prominence of temples as economically significant groups in early Ptolemaic Egypt underline the structural discontinuities that arise from the necessary adaptation to different local conditions. This thesis concludes that the structures that framed Argead royal power were in their majority remembered and instantiated in the organisational practices of the early Ptolemaic rulers. Deviations from the Argead paradigm occurred when pragmatism led to the introduction of corrective practices, such as the co-regency principle aimed at eradicating the dynastic instability that had plagued the Argead monarchy, and when ecological and political considerations, such as the needs of their non-Hellenic, non-Makedonian audience, dictated a greater degree of accommodation to local conditions, especially in the field of economic organisation. Even there, however, one can discern the influence of the flexible, all-inclusive model of Argead administration of its New Lands as an organisational template. Konig, Jason Peter http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1750 2012-12-12T08:53:01Z 2008-05-01T00:00:00Z 2008-05-01T00:00:00Z Konig, Jason Peter Konig, Jason Peter http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1749 2012-12-12T08:53:00Z 2009-04-01T00:00:00Z 2009-04-01T00:00:00Z Konig, Jason Peter Konig, Jason Peter http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1687 2012-12-12T08:54:12Z 2009-12-01T00:00:00Z 2009-12-01T00:00:00Z Konig, Jason Peter Konig, Jason Peter http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1686 2012-12-12T08:54:14Z 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z 2008-01-01T00:00:00Z Konig, Jason Peter Gee, Emma Ruth Grenville http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1613 2013-04-21T01:36:02Z 2001-12-01T00:00:00Z 2001-12-01T00:00:00Z Gee, Emma Ruth Grenville Gee, Emma Ruth Grenville http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1517 2013-04-21T01:36:02Z 2007-12-01T00:00:00Z 2007-12-01T00:00:00Z Gee, Emma Ruth Grenville Cvetković, Carmen Angela http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1213 2010-11-03T16:28:38Z 2010-11-30T00:00:00Z

Abstract: The present thesis examines the way in which two twelfth century authors, the Cistercian monks, Bernard of Clairvaux (1091-1153) and William of St. Thierry (c. 1080-1148), used Augustine (354-430) in the articulation of their mystical thought. The approach to this subject takes into account the fact that in the works of all these medieval authors the “mystical” element is inescapably entangled with their theological discourse and that an accurate understanding of their views on the soul’s direct encounter with God cannot be achieved without a discussion of their theology. This thesis posits that the cohesion of Bernard’s and William’s mystical thought lies in their appropriation of the guiding principle of Augustine’s mystical theology: “You made us for yourself and our heart is restless until it rests in you” (conf. 1.1.1), reflected in the subtle interplay of three main themes, namely (1) the creation of humanity in the image and likeness of God, which provides the grounds for the understanding of the soul’s search for direct contact with God; (2) love as a longing innate in every human being, which explores the means to attain immediacy with God; and (3) the soul’s direct encounter with God, which discusses the nature of the soul’s immediate experience of the divine presence that can only be achieved in lasting fullness at the end of time. This examination of Bernard’s and William’s use of Augustine is structured on the basis of these three core themes which form the scaffolding of their mystical thought. Investigating the specific methods of their reception of Augustine will highlight the originality and uniqueness of each of the two Cistercian authors, who while drawing on the same patristic source use it nevertheless in various ways, by focussing on different aspects of Augustine’s immense oeuvre and by arriving at distinct mystical programmes.

2010-11-30T00:00:00Z Cvetković, Carmen Angela The present thesis examines the way in which two twelfth century authors, the Cistercian monks, Bernard of Clairvaux (1091-1153) and William of St. Thierry (c. 1080-1148), used Augustine (354-430) in the articulation of their mystical thought. The approach to this subject takes into account the fact that in the works of all these medieval authors the “mystical” element is inescapably entangled with their theological discourse and that an accurate understanding of their views on the soul’s direct encounter with God cannot be achieved without a discussion of their theology. This thesis posits that the cohesion of Bernard’s and William’s mystical thought lies in their appropriation of the guiding principle of Augustine’s mystical theology: “You made us for yourself and our heart is restless until it rests in you” (conf. 1.1.1), reflected in the subtle interplay of three main themes, namely (1) the creation of humanity in the image and likeness of God, which provides the grounds for the understanding of the soul’s search for direct contact with God; (2) love as a longing innate in every human being, which explores the means to attain immediacy with God; and (3) the soul’s direct encounter with God, which discusses the nature of the soul’s immediate experience of the divine presence that can only be achieved in lasting fullness at the end of time. This examination of Bernard’s and William’s use of Augustine is structured on the basis of these three core themes which form the scaffolding of their mystical thought. Investigating the specific methods of their reception of Augustine will highlight the originality and uniqueness of each of the two Cistercian authors, who while drawing on the same patristic source use it nevertheless in various ways, by focussing on different aspects of Augustine’s immense oeuvre and by arriving at distinct mystical programmes. Bunni, Adam http://hdl.handle.net/10023/998 2010-09-17T15:49:45Z 2010-06-22T00:00:00Z

Abstract: Vergil’s Georgics was published in 29 BCE, at a critical point in the political life of Octavian-Augustus. Although his position at the head of state had been confirmed by victory at Actium in 31, his longevity was threatened by his reputation for causing bloodshed during the civil wars. This thesis argues that Vergil, in the Georgics, presents a defence of Octavian against criticism of his past, in order to safeguard his future, and the future of Rome. Through a complex of metaphor and allusion, Vergil engages with the weaknesses in Octavian’s public image in order to diminish their damaging impact. Chapter One examines the way in which the poet invokes and complements the literary tradition of portraying young men as destructive, amorous creatures, through his depiction of iuvenes in the Georgics, in order to emphasise the inevitability of youthful misbehaviour. Since Octavian is still explicitly a iuvenis, he cannot be held accountable for his actions up to this point, including his role in the civil wars. The focus of Chapters Two and Three of this thesis is Vergil’s presentation of the spring season in the Georgics. Vergil’s preoccupation with spring is unorthodox in the context of agricultural didactic; under the influence of the Lucretian figure of Venus, Vergil moulds spring into a symbol of universal creation in nature, a metaphor for a projected revival of Roman affairs under Octavian’s leadership which would subsequently dominate the visual art of the Augustan period. Vergil’s spring is as concerned with the past as it is the future. Vergil stresses the fact that destructive activity can take place in spring, in the form of storms and animal violence; the farmer’s spring labor is characterised as a war against nature, which culminates in the horrific slaughter of oxen demanded by bugonia. In each case destruction is revealed as a necessary prerequisite for some form of creation: animal reproduction, increased crop yield, a renewed population of bees. Thus, the spring creation of a new Rome under Octavian will come as a direct result of the bloodshed of the civil wars, a cataclysm whose horrors are not denied, but whose outcome will ultimately be positive. Octavian is assimilated to Jupiter in his Stoic guise: a providential figure who sends fire and flood to Earth in order to improve mankind.

2010-06-22T00:00:00Z Bunni, Adam Vergil’s Georgics was published in 29 BCE, at a critical point in the political life of Octavian-Augustus. Although his position at the head of state had been confirmed by victory at Actium in 31, his longevity was threatened by his reputation for causing bloodshed during the civil wars. This thesis argues that Vergil, in the Georgics, presents a defence of Octavian against criticism of his past, in order to safeguard his future, and the future of Rome. Through a complex of metaphor and allusion, Vergil engages with the weaknesses in Octavian’s public image in order to diminish their damaging impact. Chapter One examines the way in which the poet invokes and complements the literary tradition of portraying young men as destructive, amorous creatures, through his depiction of iuvenes in the Georgics, in order to emphasise the inevitability of youthful misbehaviour. Since Octavian is still explicitly a iuvenis, he cannot be held accountable for his actions up to this point, including his role in the civil wars. The focus of Chapters Two and Three of this thesis is Vergil’s presentation of the spring season in the Georgics. Vergil’s preoccupation with spring is unorthodox in the context of agricultural didactic; under the influence of the Lucretian figure of Venus, Vergil moulds spring into a symbol of universal creation in nature, a metaphor for a projected revival of Roman affairs under Octavian’s leadership which would subsequently dominate the visual art of the Augustan period. Vergil’s spring is as concerned with the past as it is the future. Vergil stresses the fact that destructive activity can take place in spring, in the form of storms and animal violence; the farmer’s spring labor is characterised as a war against nature, which culminates in the horrific slaughter of oxen demanded by bugonia. In each case destruction is revealed as a necessary prerequisite for some form of creation: animal reproduction, increased crop yield, a renewed population of bees. Thus, the spring creation of a new Rome under Octavian will come as a direct result of the bloodshed of the civil wars, a cataclysm whose horrors are not denied, but whose outcome will ultimately be positive. Octavian is assimilated to Jupiter in his Stoic guise: a providential figure who sends fire and flood to Earth in order to improve mankind. Mahy, Trevor Bryan http://hdl.handle.net/10023/928 2010-12-06T16:03:12Z 2010-06-22T00:00:00Z

Abstract: In this thesis, I examine the nature and role of persuasion in Roman politics in the period immediately following the assassination of Caesar on the Ides of March 44 B.C. until the capture of the city of Rome by his heir Octavianus in August 43 B.C. The purpose of my thesis is to assess the extent to which persuasion played a critical role in political interactions and in the decision-making processes of those involved during this crucial period in Roman history. I do this by means of a careful discussion and analysis of a variety of different types of political interactions, both public and private. As regards the means of persuasion, I concentrate on the role and use of oratory in these political interactions. Consequently, my thesis owes much in terms of approach to the work of Millar (1998) and, more recently, Morstein-Marx (2004) on placing oratory at the centre of our understanding of how politics functioned in practice in the late Roman republic. Their studies, however, focus on the potential extent and significance of mass participation in the late Roman republican political system, and on the contio as the key locus of political interaction. In my thesis, I contribute to improving our new way of understanding late Roman republican politics by taking a broader approach that incorporates other types of political interactions in which oratory played a significant role. I also examine oratory as but one of a variety of means of persuasion in Roman political interactions. Finally, in analyzing politics and persuasion in the period immediately after Caesar’s assassination, I am examining not only a crucial period in Roman history, but one which is perhaps the best documented from the ancient world. The relative richness of contemporary evidence for this period calls out for the sort of close reading of sources and detailed analysis that I provide in my thesis that enables a better understanding of how politics actually played out in the late Roman republic.

2010-06-22T00:00:00Z Mahy, Trevor Bryan In this thesis, I examine the nature and role of persuasion in Roman politics in the period immediately following the assassination of Caesar on the Ides of March 44 B.C. until the capture of the city of Rome by his heir Octavianus in August 43 B.C. The purpose of my thesis is to assess the extent to which persuasion played a critical role in political interactions and in the decision-making processes of those involved during this crucial period in Roman history. I do this by means of a careful discussion and analysis of a variety of different types of political interactions, both public and private. As regards the means of persuasion, I concentrate on the role and use of oratory in these political interactions. Consequently, my thesis owes much in terms of approach to the work of Millar (1998) and, more recently, Morstein-Marx (2004) on placing oratory at the centre of our understanding of how politics functioned in practice in the late Roman republic. Their studies, however, focus on the potential extent and significance of mass participation in the late Roman republican political system, and on the contio as the key locus of political interaction. In my thesis, I contribute to improving our new way of understanding late Roman republican politics by taking a broader approach that incorporates other types of political interactions in which oratory played a significant role. I also examine oratory as but one of a variety of means of persuasion in Roman political interactions. Finally, in analyzing politics and persuasion in the period immediately after Caesar’s assassination, I am examining not only a crucial period in Roman history, but one which is perhaps the best documented from the ancient world. The relative richness of contemporary evidence for this period calls out for the sort of close reading of sources and detailed analysis that I provide in my thesis that enables a better understanding of how politics actually played out in the late Roman republic. Visser, Arnoud Silvester Quartus http://hdl.handle.net/10023/917 2010-12-07T15:51:05Z 2004-01-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: In this article the first portrait book of physicians and philosophers, Joannes Sambucus' Veterum aliquot ac recentium medicorum philosophorumque Icones [...] (Antwerp: Christopher Plantin, 1574) is examined as a prism of the history of science and the culture of scholarship in the sixteenth century. It shows how the book was produced and what sort of information it presents, with particular attention to its antiquarian interest. Many of the portraits turn out to be based on the famous Dioscorides manuscript (Codex Vindobonensis) which had recently been brought to the imperial court in Vienna. In the appendix all portraits are listed with specific reference to those based on the Dioscorides manuscript. Furthermore, the social functions of the portrait collection are considered. It is shown how the book has to be set in the context of Sambucus' ambition to replace the successful Dioscorides editions by Pier Andrea Mattioli. For this project Sambucus needed support from his colleagues and patrons. The portrait book was a useful instrument for this strategy. In the end, however, bad timing thwarted the plans: by 1570 medical humanism was becoming more and more of an antiquarian enterprise itself.

2004-01-01T00:00:00Z Visser, Arnoud Silvester Quartus In this article the first portrait book of physicians and philosophers, Joannes Sambucus' Veterum aliquot ac recentium medicorum philosophorumque Icones [...] (Antwerp: Christopher Plantin, 1574) is examined as a prism of the history of science and the culture of scholarship in the sixteenth century. It shows how the book was produced and what sort of information it presents, with particular attention to its antiquarian interest. Many of the portraits turn out to be based on the famous Dioscorides manuscript (Codex Vindobonensis) which had recently been brought to the imperial court in Vienna. In the appendix all portraits are listed with specific reference to those based on the Dioscorides manuscript. Furthermore, the social functions of the portrait collection are considered. It is shown how the book has to be set in the context of Sambucus' ambition to replace the successful Dioscorides editions by Pier Andrea Mattioli. For this project Sambucus needed support from his colleagues and patrons. The portrait book was a useful instrument for this strategy. In the end, however, bad timing thwarted the plans: by 1570 medical humanism was becoming more and more of an antiquarian enterprise itself. McIntyre, Gwynaeth http://hdl.handle.net/10023/914 2010-06-15T08:35:24Z 2010-06-22T00:00:00Z

Abstract: This thesis examines the establishment and development of the worship of the emperor and his family members in the Latin West, tracing specifically the cult of those who were officially deified at Rome and received the title of divus or diva. It seeks to answer three questions: 1. Does uniformity of cult practices and priestly titles increase or decrease over time 2. What prompted change in cult practice (reflected in priestly titles) and how was this change managed? 3. What factors influenced the choices made by communities throughout the Latin West concerning these cults? It addresses these questions through a number of specific case studies. It begins with a study of how the practice of deification (consecratio) was established and how it developed within the city of Rome. It then examines priestly titles associated with the cult of the divi/divae in three groups of provinces: the Gauls, the Spains, and the provinces of North Africa. Finally, it discusses the spread of the worship of the divi/divae throughout the empire by examining the Augustales (and other variations on this title) and the priests responsible for overseeing cult to individual divi/divae. The evidence discussed is primarily epigraphical but is supplemented with numismatic, archaeological and literary evidence where it is available. This thesis addresses a number of hypotheses concerning Rome’s role in the development of cult in the Latin West, principally, that cult was imposed on communities in the provinces by the centre, that the establishment of cult was based on a series of models and adopted in similar ways throughout the provinces, and that the coloniae were responsible for bringing Roman culture and religion to the peregrine communities. It argues that even though some provincial cults were established through direct intervention from members of the imperial family, it was still up to the communities themselves to oversee cult practice and finance the cult. In the case of civic cult, there is little to no evidence of involvement from the centre. Civic cult was established by local initiative and did not originate in the coloniae and spread to other communities. Instead, it tended to arise in peregrine communities (and municipia) from the earliest development of this cult (as well as some coloniae) as individual communities sought to forge a connection with the imperial family and find their place within, and in connection to, the Roman Empire.

2010-06-22T00:00:00Z McIntyre, Gwynaeth This thesis examines the establishment and development of the worship of the emperor and his family members in the Latin West, tracing specifically the cult of those who were officially deified at Rome and received the title of divus or diva. It seeks to answer three questions: 1. Does uniformity of cult practices and priestly titles increase or decrease over time 2. What prompted change in cult practice (reflected in priestly titles) and how was this change managed? 3. What factors influenced the choices made by communities throughout the Latin West concerning these cults? It addresses these questions through a number of specific case studies. It begins with a study of how the practice of deification (consecratio) was established and how it developed within the city of Rome. It then examines priestly titles associated with the cult of the divi/divae in three groups of provinces: the Gauls, the Spains, and the provinces of North Africa. Finally, it discusses the spread of the worship of the divi/divae throughout the empire by examining the Augustales (and other variations on this title) and the priests responsible for overseeing cult to individual divi/divae. The evidence discussed is primarily epigraphical but is supplemented with numismatic, archaeological and literary evidence where it is available. This thesis addresses a number of hypotheses concerning Rome’s role in the development of cult in the Latin West, principally, that cult was imposed on communities in the provinces by the centre, that the establishment of cult was based on a series of models and adopted in similar ways throughout the provinces, and that the coloniae were responsible for bringing Roman culture and religion to the peregrine communities. It argues that even though some provincial cults were established through direct intervention from members of the imperial family, it was still up to the communities themselves to oversee cult practice and finance the cult. In the case of civic cult, there is little to no evidence of involvement from the centre. Civic cult was established by local initiative and did not originate in the coloniae and spread to other communities. Instead, it tended to arise in peregrine communities (and municipia) from the earliest development of this cult (as well as some coloniae) as individual communities sought to forge a connection with the imperial family and find their place within, and in connection to, the Roman Empire. Wilson, Laurie Ann http://hdl.handle.net/10023/911 2010-06-11T14:51:59Z 2010-06-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: As a classical scholar and prominent founding father, James Wilson was at once statesman, judge, and political thinker, who read Cicero as an example worthy of emulation and as a philosopher whose theory could be applied to his own age. Classical reception studies have focused on questions of liberty, civic virtue, and constitutionalism in the American founding, and historians have also noted Wilson’s importance in American history and thought. Wilson’s direct engagement with Cicero’s works, however, and their significance in the formulation of his own philosophy has been long overlooked. My thesis argues that Wilson’s viewpoint was largely based on his readings of Cicero and can only be properly understood within this context. In the first two chapters of my thesis I demonstrate that Wilson not only possessed a wide-ranging knowledge of the classics in general, but also that he borrowed from Cicero’s writings and directly engaged with the texts themselves. Building upon this foundation, chapters three and four examine Cicero’s perspective on popular sovereignty and civic virtue, situate Wilson’s interpretations within contemporary discussions of Roman politics, and analyse the main ways in which he adapts Cicero’s arguments to his own era. Wilson retains a broader faith in the common people than seen in Cicero’s opinions, and he abstracts from Cicero a doctrine of sovereignty as an indivisible principle that is absent in the text; nevertheless, Cicero’s conception of a legitimate state and his insistence on the role of the people provided the foundation for Wilson’s thought and ultimately for his legitimization of the American Revolution. At the same time, like Cicero, Wilson views the stability of the state as resting in the personal virtue of the individual. While his enlightenment philosophy imparts optimism to his conception of the good citizen, his definition of virtue closely follows that of Cicero. As the final chapter of my thesis concludes, their individual interpretations of these theories of popular consent and virtue were instrumental in forming Cicero’s and Wilson’s justifications of civil disobedience.

2010-06-01T00:00:00Z Wilson, Laurie Ann As a classical scholar and prominent founding father, James Wilson was at once statesman, judge, and political thinker, who read Cicero as an example worthy of emulation and as a philosopher whose theory could be applied to his own age. Classical reception studies have focused on questions of liberty, civic virtue, and constitutionalism in the American founding, and historians have also noted Wilson’s importance in American history and thought. Wilson’s direct engagement with Cicero’s works, however, and their significance in the formulation of his own philosophy has been long overlooked. My thesis argues that Wilson’s viewpoint was largely based on his readings of Cicero and can only be properly understood within this context. In the first two chapters of my thesis I demonstrate that Wilson not only possessed a wide-ranging knowledge of the classics in general, but also that he borrowed from Cicero’s writings and directly engaged with the texts themselves. Building upon this foundation, chapters three and four examine Cicero’s perspective on popular sovereignty and civic virtue, situate Wilson’s interpretations within contemporary discussions of Roman politics, and analyse the main ways in which he adapts Cicero’s arguments to his own era. Wilson retains a broader faith in the common people than seen in Cicero’s opinions, and he abstracts from Cicero a doctrine of sovereignty as an indivisible principle that is absent in the text; nevertheless, Cicero’s conception of a legitimate state and his insistence on the role of the people provided the foundation for Wilson’s thought and ultimately for his legitimization of the American Revolution. At the same time, like Cicero, Wilson views the stability of the state as resting in the personal virtue of the individual. While his enlightenment philosophy imparts optimism to his conception of the good citizen, his definition of virtue closely follows that of Cicero. As the final chapter of my thesis concludes, their individual interpretations of these theories of popular consent and virtue were instrumental in forming Cicero’s and Wilson’s justifications of civil disobedience. Swithinbank, Hannah J. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/910 2010-11-20T13:43:31Z 2010-06-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: The nature of the Republican constitution has been much contested by scholars studying the history of the Roman Republic. In considering the problems of the late Republic, the nature of the constitution is an important question, for if we do not understand what the constitution was, how can we explain Rome’s transition from ‘Republic’ to ‘Empire’? Such a question is particularly pertinent when looking at events at Rome following the assassination of Caesar, as we try to understand why it was that the Republic, as we understand it as a polity without a sole ruler, was not restored. This thesis examines the Roman understanding of the constitution in the aftermath of Caesar’s death and argues that for the Romans the constitution was a contested entity, its proper nature debated and fought over, and that this contest led to conflict on the political stage, becoming a key factor in the failure to restore the Republic and the establishment of the Second Triumvirate. The thesis proposes a new methodology for the examination of the constitution, employing modern critical theories of discourse and the formation of knowledge to establish and analyse the Roman constitution as a discursive entity: interpreted, contested and established through discourse. I argue that the Roman knowledge of the proper nature of the constitution of the res publica had fractured by the time of Caesar’s death and that this fracturing led to multiple understandings of the constitution. In this thesis I describe the state of Rome in 44-43 B.C. to reveal these multiple understandings of the constitution, and undertake an analysis of the discourse of Cicero and Sallust after 44 B.C. in order to describe the way in which different understandings of the constitution were formulated and expressed. Through this examination this thesis shows that the expression and interrelation of these multiple understandings in Roman political discourse made arrival at a unified agreement on a common course of action all but impossible and that this combined with the volatile atmosphere at Rome after Caesar’s death played a major role in Rome’s slide towards civil war and the eventual establishment of a different political system.

2010-06-01T00:00:00Z Swithinbank, Hannah J. The nature of the Republican constitution has been much contested by scholars studying the history of the Roman Republic. In considering the problems of the late Republic, the nature of the constitution is an important question, for if we do not understand what the constitution was, how can we explain Rome’s transition from ‘Republic’ to ‘Empire’? Such a question is particularly pertinent when looking at events at Rome following the assassination of Caesar, as we try to understand why it was that the Republic, as we understand it as a polity without a sole ruler, was not restored. This thesis examines the Roman understanding of the constitution in the aftermath of Caesar’s death and argues that for the Romans the constitution was a contested entity, its proper nature debated and fought over, and that this contest led to conflict on the political stage, becoming a key factor in the failure to restore the Republic and the establishment of the Second Triumvirate. The thesis proposes a new methodology for the examination of the constitution, employing modern critical theories of discourse and the formation of knowledge to establish and analyse the Roman constitution as a discursive entity: interpreted, contested and established through discourse. I argue that the Roman knowledge of the proper nature of the constitution of the res publica had fractured by the time of Caesar’s death and that this fracturing led to multiple understandings of the constitution. In this thesis I describe the state of Rome in 44-43 B.C. to reveal these multiple understandings of the constitution, and undertake an analysis of the discourse of Cicero and Sallust after 44 B.C. in order to describe the way in which different understandings of the constitution were formulated and expressed. Through this examination this thesis shows that the expression and interrelation of these multiple understandings in Roman political discourse made arrival at a unified agreement on a common course of action all but impossible and that this combined with the volatile atmosphere at Rome after Caesar’s death played a major role in Rome’s slide towards civil war and the eventual establishment of a different political system. Zekas, Christodoulos http://hdl.handle.net/10023/862 2010-02-18T15:34:41Z 2010-06-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: Often praised for its sophistication in the narrator- and character-text, the Odyssey is regarded as the ultimate epic of a warrior’s much-troubled nostos. As a corollary of both its theme and the polytropia of the main hero, the poem explores extensively the motifs of secrecy and disguise. Apart from the lying tales of Odysseus, one important, albeit less obvious, example of the tendency to secrecy and disguise is the exchanges between the gods, which constitute a distinct group of speeches that have significant implications for the action of the poem. The aim of this dissertation is to study the divine dialogues of the Odyssey from the angle of communication and persuasion. Employing findings from narratology, discourse analysis, and oral poetics, and through close readings of the Homeric text, I argue that the overwhelming majority of these related passages have certain characteristics, whose common denominator is obliqueness. Apart from Helius’ appeal to Zeus (Chapter 2), distinctive in its own narratorial rendition, the rest of the dialogues, namely Hermes’ message-delivery to Calypso (Prologue), the two divine assemblies (Chapter 1), plus the exchanges of Zeus with Poseidon (Chapter 2) and Athena (Epilogue) conform to set patterns of communication. Within this framework, interlocutors strongly tend towards concealment and partiality. They make extensive use of conversational implicatures, shed light only on certain sides of the story while suppressing others, and present feigned or even exaggerated arguments in order to persuade their addressee. Direct confrontation is in principle avoided, and even when it does occur, it takes a rather oblique form. In this communicative scheme, the procedure of decision-making is not clear-cut, and the concept of persuasion is fluid and hidden behind the indirect and subtle dialogic process.

2010-06-01T00:00:00Z Zekas, Christodoulos Often praised for its sophistication in the narrator- and character-text, the Odyssey is regarded as the ultimate epic of a warrior’s much-troubled nostos. As a corollary of both its theme and the polytropia of the main hero, the poem explores extensively the motifs of secrecy and disguise. Apart from the lying tales of Odysseus, one important, albeit less obvious, example of the tendency to secrecy and disguise is the exchanges between the gods, which constitute a distinct group of speeches that have significant implications for the action of the poem. The aim of this dissertation is to study the divine dialogues of the Odyssey from the angle of communication and persuasion. Employing findings from narratology, discourse analysis, and oral poetics, and through close readings of the Homeric text, I argue that the overwhelming majority of these related passages have certain characteristics, whose common denominator is obliqueness. Apart from Helius’ appeal to Zeus (Chapter 2), distinctive in its own narratorial rendition, the rest of the dialogues, namely Hermes’ message-delivery to Calypso (Prologue), the two divine assemblies (Chapter 1), plus the exchanges of Zeus with Poseidon (Chapter 2) and Athena (Epilogue) conform to set patterns of communication. Within this framework, interlocutors strongly tend towards concealment and partiality. They make extensive use of conversational implicatures, shed light only on certain sides of the story while suppressing others, and present feigned or even exaggerated arguments in order to persuade their addressee. Direct confrontation is in principle avoided, and even when it does occur, it takes a rather oblique form. In this communicative scheme, the procedure of decision-making is not clear-cut, and the concept of persuasion is fluid and hidden behind the indirect and subtle dialogic process. Armstrong, Jeremy Scott http://hdl.handle.net/10023/605 2009-04-08T15:37:16Z 2009-06-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: This thesis will argue that the development of early Rome can be described using a sequence of large, socio-political dichotomies based on Rome's activity in the sphere of warfare. The use of dichotomies in early Roman history is not new,and indeed the confrontation between two opposing groups, typically the patricians and plebeians, can be found at the heart of even the earliest extant histories of the period. The problem which plagued these early models, and indeed many subsequent models based on their premise, is that they assumed that the same prescriptive set of social and political divisions which existed in the late Republic and early Empire also existed in early Rome. This study will discard this highly anachronistic assumption and redefine the dichotomies present in early Rome using active characteristics (i.e. behavior), rather than the prescriptive labels assigned by late republican authors. In particular, this study will attempt to view early Rome through the lens of warfare, where the formation of distinct 'in-group' and 'out-group' biases is most evident, in an effort to redraw the divisions of early Roman society. The end result of this redefining process will be an entirely different, albeit related set of socio-political groupings; for example 'mobile' vs. 'sedentary' and 'Roman' vs. 'Latin', whose interaction is visible behind much of Rome's early development. Description: Electronic version excludes images for which permission has not been granted by the rights holder

2009-06-01T00:00:00Z Armstrong, Jeremy Scott This thesis will argue that the development of early Rome can be described using a sequence of large, socio-political dichotomies based on Rome's activity in the sphere of warfare. The use of dichotomies in early Roman history is not new,and indeed the confrontation between two opposing groups, typically the patricians and plebeians, can be found at the heart of even the earliest extant histories of the period. The problem which plagued these early models, and indeed many subsequent models based on their premise, is that they assumed that the same prescriptive set of social and political divisions which existed in the late Republic and early Empire also existed in early Rome. This study will discard this highly anachronistic assumption and redefine the dichotomies present in early Rome using active characteristics (i.e. behavior), rather than the prescriptive labels assigned by late republican authors. In particular, this study will attempt to view early Rome through the lens of warfare, where the formation of distinct 'in-group' and 'out-group' biases is most evident, in an effort to redraw the divisions of early Roman society. The end result of this redefining process will be an entirely different, albeit related set of socio-political groupings; for example 'mobile' vs. 'sedentary' and 'Roman' vs. 'Latin', whose interaction is visible behind much of Rome's early development. McIntyre, James Stuart http://hdl.handle.net/10023/543 2010-12-06T16:12:13Z 2009-06-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: Landscape in Roman literature is manifest with symbolic potential: in particular, Vergil and Ovid respond to ideologically loaded representations of abundance in nature that signal the dawn of the Augustan golden age. Vergil's Eclogues foreground a locus amoenus landscape which articulates both the hopes of the new age as well as the political upheaval that accompanied the new political regime; Ovid uses the same topography in order to suggest the arbitrary and capricious use of power within a deceptively idyllic landscape. Moreover, for Latin poets, depictions of landscape are themselves sites for poetic reflection as evidenced by the discussion of landscape ecphrases in Horace's Ars Poetica. My thesis focuses upon the depiction and refiguration of the locus amoenus landscape in the post-Augustan epics of the first century AD: Lucan's Bellum Civile, Valerius Flaccus' Argonautica, Statius' Thebaid and Silius Italicus' Punica. Landscape in these poems retains the moral, political and metapoetic force evident in the Augustan archetypes. However, I suggest that Lucan's Neronian Bellum Civile fundamentally refigures the landscapes of Latin epic poetry, inscribing the locus amoenus with the nefas of civil war in such a manner that it redefines the perception of landscape in the succeeding Flavian poets. Lucan perverts the landscape, making the locus horridus, a landscape of horror, fear and disgust, the predominant landscape of Latin epic; consequently, the poems of Valerius, Statius and Silius engage with Lucan's refiguration of landscape as a means of expressing the horror of civil war. In the first part of my thesis I examine archetypal landscapes, including those of the Augustan poets and Lucan's Bellum Civile. Taking an approach which engages with literary reception theory and the concept of the â horizon of expectationâ as a framework within which literary topographies can be understood as articulating a response to the thematics of civil war, in the second part of my thesis I demonstrate the manner in which landscapes represent a coherent and paradigmatic response to Lucan's imposition of his civil war narrative within the literary landscape of Roman literature.

2009-06-01T00:00:00Z McIntyre, James Stuart Landscape in Roman literature is manifest with symbolic potential: in particular, Vergil and Ovid respond to ideologically loaded representations of abundance in nature that signal the dawn of the Augustan golden age. Vergil's Eclogues foreground a locus amoenus landscape which articulates both the hopes of the new age as well as the political upheaval that accompanied the new political regime; Ovid uses the same topography in order to suggest the arbitrary and capricious use of power within a deceptively idyllic landscape. Moreover, for Latin poets, depictions of landscape are themselves sites for poetic reflection as evidenced by the discussion of landscape ecphrases in Horace's Ars Poetica. My thesis focuses upon the depiction and refiguration of the locus amoenus landscape in the post-Augustan epics of the first century AD: Lucan's Bellum Civile, Valerius Flaccus' Argonautica, Statius' Thebaid and Silius Italicus' Punica. Landscape in these poems retains the moral, political and metapoetic force evident in the Augustan archetypes. However, I suggest that Lucan's Neronian Bellum Civile fundamentally refigures the landscapes of Latin epic poetry, inscribing the locus amoenus with the nefas of civil war in such a manner that it redefines the perception of landscape in the succeeding Flavian poets. Lucan perverts the landscape, making the locus horridus, a landscape of horror, fear and disgust, the predominant landscape of Latin epic; consequently, the poems of Valerius, Statius and Silius engage with Lucan's refiguration of landscape as a means of expressing the horror of civil war. In the first part of my thesis I examine archetypal landscapes, including those of the Augustan poets and Lucan's Bellum Civile. Taking an approach which engages with literary reception theory and the concept of the â horizon of expectationâ as a framework within which literary topographies can be understood as articulating a response to the thematics of civil war, in the second part of my thesis I demonstrate the manner in which landscapes represent a coherent and paradigmatic response to Lucan's imposition of his civil war narrative within the literary landscape of Roman literature. Cameron, Peter http://hdl.handle.net/10023/495 2008-06-26T09:23:37Z 2008-06-26T00:00:00Z

Abstract: The thesis consists of five chapters: the first functions as an overture; the second, third and fourth deal with Plato, Cicero and Montaigne respectively; and the fifth raises some questions. The overture explores the ways in which Odysseus, Lucretius and Seneca approached death, and in the process introduces some obvious distinctions - between death viewed as the act of dying and death viewed as the state of being dead, between the death which comes to everyone and the death which comes to me, between our own death and the death of others - and anticipates certain recurring themes. The second chapter, on Plato, is concerned chiefly with the Phaedo and the question of what is involved in "the practice of death". This entails an examination of related concepts and terminology in the Gorgias and the Republic, and of the whole subject of Platonic myth. The third chapter discusses Cicero's views on death and immortality - both the considered reflections of the philosopher and the spontaneous reactions of the bereaved father - principally as these emerge from the Tusculan Disputations and the letters to Atticus. The fourth chapter approaches Montaigne - his own experiences of death, the relationship between his earlier and later approaches, the tension between his professed Catholicism and his pagan inclinations, the difficulty and perhaps undesirability of extracting a 'message' from the Essais on this or any other subject. The conclusion asks to what extent these various approaches succeed in what they set out to do, and whether any generalised, objective approach to death can ever successfully address the individual predicament, either in relation to one's own death or in facing bereavement.

2008-06-26T00:00:00Z Cameron, Peter The thesis consists of five chapters: the first functions as an overture; the second, third and fourth deal with Plato, Cicero and Montaigne respectively; and the fifth raises some questions. The overture explores the ways in which Odysseus, Lucretius and Seneca approached death, and in the process introduces some obvious distinctions - between death viewed as the act of dying and death viewed as the state of being dead, between the death which comes to everyone and the death which comes to me, between our own death and the death of others - and anticipates certain recurring themes. The second chapter, on Plato, is concerned chiefly with the Phaedo and the question of what is involved in "the practice of death". This entails an examination of related concepts and terminology in the Gorgias and the Republic, and of the whole subject of Platonic myth. The third chapter discusses Cicero's views on death and immortality - both the considered reflections of the philosopher and the spontaneous reactions of the bereaved father - principally as these emerge from the Tusculan Disputations and the letters to Atticus. The fourth chapter approaches Montaigne - his own experiences of death, the relationship between his earlier and later approaches, the tension between his professed Catholicism and his pagan inclinations, the difficulty and perhaps undesirability of extracting a 'message' from the Essais on this or any other subject. The conclusion asks to what extent these various approaches succeed in what they set out to do, and whether any generalised, objective approach to death can ever successfully address the individual predicament, either in relation to one's own death or in facing bereavement. Taylor, Stephanie C. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/400 2012-11-08T17:08:03Z 2007-11-30T00:00:00Z

Abstract: The study of medicine in the Roman world is, in many areas, hampered by lack of evidence yet, despite this, valuable research has been done in the areas of urban domestic and army medicine. The aim of this thesis is not to reproduce that research but to examine the material evidence for medicine and medical practice used in it, in particular the instruments and buildings where medicine might have been practiced and, through comparison of the data, to see what similarities and differences there were between medicine in the domestic and army spheres. At the same time this data will be placed in context through an examination of the general levels of health in the ancient world and the status of doctors. In the domestic chapter we shall see that the evidence for the status of doctors is sketchy and confusing while the evidence for the health of people is drawn mainly from the skeletons found at Herculaneum. The examination of the instruments from the Naples museum and the provenance of those to which it could be assigned, will shed light on the types of medicine practiced and where doctors might have seen their patients. Throughout this chapter the argument looks forward to the comparison with army medicine in the following chapter. The evidence for health in the army comes mainly from literary sources and that for the status of doctors comes from inscriptions. It appears that doctors had ranks in the army with equivalent levels of pay as the soldiers. While there are fewer finds of instruments from forts, they raise some interesting points. The debate about valetudinaria is addressed and I argue that, while they existed, there is evidence to suggest that the buildings identified as valetudinaria were not in fact hospitals and that each case must be examined on its own merits. The conclusions are more numerous than might have been expected. There are obvious differences in levels of health between the army and the urban population but there are significant overlaps between doctors in the army and the domestic spheres. The instruments in the two spheres are the same in design with some surprising types turning up. The question of where medicine was practiced remains hazy with the conclusion that in the domestic sphere there is no definite evidence while in the army sphere the buildings identified as valetudinaria may not have been hospitals.

2007-11-30T00:00:00Z Taylor, Stephanie C. The study of medicine in the Roman world is, in many areas, hampered by lack of evidence yet, despite this, valuable research has been done in the areas of urban domestic and army medicine. The aim of this thesis is not to reproduce that research but to examine the material evidence for medicine and medical practice used in it, in particular the instruments and buildings where medicine might have been practiced and, through comparison of the data, to see what similarities and differences there were between medicine in the domestic and army spheres. At the same time this data will be placed in context through an examination of the general levels of health in the ancient world and the status of doctors. In the domestic chapter we shall see that the evidence for the status of doctors is sketchy and confusing while the evidence for the health of people is drawn mainly from the skeletons found at Herculaneum. The examination of the instruments from the Naples museum and the provenance of those to which it could be assigned, will shed light on the types of medicine practiced and where doctors might have seen their patients. Throughout this chapter the argument looks forward to the comparison with army medicine in the following chapter. The evidence for health in the army comes mainly from literary sources and that for the status of doctors comes from inscriptions. It appears that doctors had ranks in the army with equivalent levels of pay as the soldiers. While there are fewer finds of instruments from forts, they raise some interesting points. The debate about valetudinaria is addressed and I argue that, while they existed, there is evidence to suggest that the buildings identified as valetudinaria were not in fact hospitals and that each case must be examined on its own merits. The conclusions are more numerous than might have been expected. There are obvious differences in levels of health between the army and the urban population but there are significant overlaps between doctors in the army and the domestic spheres. The instruments in the two spheres are the same in design with some surprising types turning up. The question of where medicine was practiced remains hazy with the conclusion that in the domestic sphere there is no definite evidence while in the army sphere the buildings identified as valetudinaria may not have been hospitals. McCullough, Anna http://hdl.handle.net/10023/357 2012-07-27T09:45:11Z 2007-11-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: Roman gender was often defined and regulated visually – that is, if and under what conditions a woman or man appeared in public, through personal appearance, or through representations in art or literature. In this discourse on gender, the gaze (especially the public’s) was thus an important agent in helping not only to shape gender ideals, but also the direction and function of the discourse itself. The emperor affected these precepts because of his appropriation of public space and his control of the gaze: as the most powerful and high-ranking member of society, no one could be more visible than him, and his own gaze was unlimited: he was all-seeing and all-visible. As befitting these attributes of imperial office, public space became his domain, and he placed limitations on the expression of public images in this space. This therefore affected gender by limiting the ways in which it could be expressed and proved. Within the changed discourse, the emperor was the alpha male, the most masculine man in Roman society, and controlled public space and access to the gaze. Aristocratic males thus suffered a crisis in masculinity, and were forced to find alternate sources of masculinity from the traditional ones of gaining virtus through military service, public oratory and service, and public competition for gloria. In response, some still valued the traditions of military and service to the res publica, but no longer made public expression or competition of virtus as a precondition for its legitimacy or existence – in effect de-linking masculinity from the public sphere. Another response turned to the private sphere for inspiration, finding role models for virtus in ideal women and stressing a man’s behavior in the home as important in judgments on his masculinity. Femininity did not suffer such changes or crisis. Feminine ideals remained relatively stable, but with a few minor changes: imperial women were held to a stricter standard of traditional femininity to prevent their intrusion into imperial power, and their public activities were either low-profile or focused around the family. Aristocratic women had more scope for public activities, which enhanced their femininity but were not prerequisites for being a good woman: that is, it was not necessary for a woman to possess and maintain a public image for her to be feminine.

2007-11-01T00:00:00Z McCullough, Anna Roman gender was often defined and regulated visually – that is, if and under what conditions a woman or man appeared in public, through personal appearance, or through representations in art or literature. In this discourse on gender, the gaze (especially the public’s) was thus an important agent in helping not only to shape gender ideals, but also the direction and function of the discourse itself. The emperor affected these precepts because of his appropriation of public space and his control of the gaze: as the most powerful and high-ranking member of society, no one could be more visible than him, and his own gaze was unlimited: he was all-seeing and all-visible. As befitting these attributes of imperial office, public space became his domain, and he placed limitations on the expression of public images in this space. This therefore affected gender by limiting the ways in which it could be expressed and proved. Within the changed discourse, the emperor was the alpha male, the most masculine man in Roman society, and controlled public space and access to the gaze. Aristocratic males thus suffered a crisis in masculinity, and were forced to find alternate sources of masculinity from the traditional ones of gaining virtus through military service, public oratory and service, and public competition for gloria. In response, some still valued the traditions of military and service to the res publica, but no longer made public expression or competition of virtus as a precondition for its legitimacy or existence – in effect de-linking masculinity from the public sphere. Another response turned to the private sphere for inspiration, finding role models for virtus in ideal women and stressing a man’s behavior in the home as important in judgments on his masculinity. Femininity did not suffer such changes or crisis. Feminine ideals remained relatively stable, but with a few minor changes: imperial women were held to a stricter standard of traditional femininity to prevent their intrusion into imperial power, and their public activities were either low-profile or focused around the family. Aristocratic women had more scope for public activities, which enhanced their femininity but were not prerequisites for being a good woman: that is, it was not necessary for a woman to possess and maintain a public image for her to be feminine. Creese, Maggi http://hdl.handle.net/10023/316 2012-07-27T09:40:15Z 2007-06-01T00:00:00Z

Abstract: Traditionally Latin prose letters have been classified in one of two ways: often they are seen as historical documents to be mined for political, historical and social information; otherwise they are viewed as literature, to be read with a consideration of the role of rhetoric and persuasion. These letters are only rarely approached as letters, and classical scholars have only just begun to discover the benefits of applying epistolary theory to these texts. My thesis examines epistolary exchange within the context of Roman power relations, offering a new interpretation of the correspondences between the most powerful political figure in a given period and one from among the senatorial class. Cicero, Pliny the Younger, Fronto and Symmachus each conducted an epistolary exchange with a powerful figure with whom he hoped to gain influence, and despite the significant differences between them in terms of political and social circumstances, each uses his letters in similar ways to that end. I approach these texts, never before treated together in a comparative study, with a consideration of epistolarity, ‘the use of the letter’s formal properties to create meaning’, a concept developed by J. G. Altman (1982). These properties are identified and examined by means of detailed stylistic analysis of the Latin text. The act of writing a letter is an act of self-definition; the sender constructs a self defined necessarily in relation to a particular addressee. Thus the letter also affords a sender the opportunity to define the You, to whom he addresses himself. In the context of power relations in Roman politics, the letter then becomes a flexible tool of self-fashioning, by which a senator may attempt to influence the emperor.

2007-06-01T00:00:00Z Creese, Maggi Traditionally Latin prose letters have been classified in one of two ways: often they are seen as historical documents to be mined for political, historical and social information; otherwise they are viewed as literature, to be read with a consideration of the role of rhetoric and persuasion. These letters are only rarely approached as letters, and classical scholars have only just begun to discover the benefits of applying epistolary theory to these texts. My thesis examines epistolary exchange within the context of Roman power relations, offering a new interpretation of the correspondences between the most powerful political figure in a given period and one from among the senatorial class. Cicero, Pliny the Younger, Fronto and Symmachus each conducted an epistolary exchange with a powerful figure with whom he hoped to gain influence, and despite the significant differences between them in terms of political and social circumstances, each uses his letters in similar ways to that end. I approach these texts, never before treated together in a comparative study, with a consideration of epistolarity, ‘the use of the letter’s formal properties to create meaning’, a concept developed by J. G. Altman (1982). These properties are identified and examined by means of detailed stylistic analysis of the Latin text. The act of writing a letter is an act of self-definition; the sender constructs a self defined necessarily in relation to a particular addressee. Thus the letter also affords a sender the opportunity to define the You, to whom he addresses himself. In the context of power relations in Roman politics, the letter then becomes a flexible tool of self-fashioning, by which a senator may attempt to influence the emperor.