2024-03-28T22:48:30Zhttps://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/oai/requestoai:research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk:10023/62602019-07-01T10:14:05Zcom_10023_80com_10023_25col_10023_2543
2015-03-18T16:51:20Z
urn:hdl:10023/6260
Aspects of English law concerning piracy and privateering, 1603-1760
Gane, Toby
Martin, Colin
Smout, T. C. (T. Christopher)
Piracy
Privateering
Law
Piracy and privateering are certainly much written about subjects, and there is indeed extensive literature concerning many aspects and facets of the complicated history of the subjects. A glance at the Gosse Collection on piracy at the National Maritime Museum or a search through the archives of the British Library will illustrate this point admirably. It was apparent however, that one aspect of piracy and privateering had not so much been overlooked, but had never really been treated as a separate subject, was the law. Surprisingly even Charles Wye Kendall of the Middle Temple and Barrister-at-Law, in his work 'Private Men-of-War' had only covered this aspect in passing, homogenised into the whole text of his book. There is no doubt that both piracy and privateering have had differing effects on trade and commerce in seventeenth and eighteenth century Europe and Anglo-America, and hence had a wide social context and significance. As a result historians have taken the subjects, especially privateering, seriously although it has often been overshadowed by the historian’s preference for writing about the Navies of Europe. As a result of this social significance it was only a matter of course that a myriad of laws and statutes sprung up to control, inhibit, deter and prevent, around these controversial ways of life.
The changing political situations and alliances in Europe affected the fluctuating tides of piracy and privateering in home waters and in the colonies. This essay looks at how the state sought to control piracy and privateering through legal recourse and the effects that the law had on the practices during the seventeenth century and first half of the eighteenth century.
2015-03-18T16:51:20Z
2015-03-18T16:51:20Z
1990
Thesis
http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6260
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
38
University of St Andrews
The University of St Andrews
oai:research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk:10023/126332019-03-29T16:07:44Zcom_10023_80com_10023_25col_10023_2543
2018-01-30T17:00:50Z
urn:hdl:10023/12633
Patterns of recruitment of the Highland regiments of the British Army, 1756-1815
MacDonald Carpenter, Stanley Dean
Lenman, Bruce
In the years following the military defeat of Jacobitism in 1746 and the legal destruction of the Highland clan system, the Highlands of Scotland provided many thousands of troops for service in the British army and especially in the numerous Highland corps, both Fencible and regular of line as well as Volunteer and Militia, which were raised after 1756.
Although other Highland corps, the Argyleshire Highlanders raised in 1689, the Black Watch composed of the amalgamated Independent Companies in 1739 and Loudon’s Highlanders embodied in 1745, had been raised prior to 1756, the great fear of Jacobite activity and of arming the Highlanders on the part of the English political nation, prevented the extensive use of Highlanders in the British army throughout the first half of the 18th century. With the renewal of war with France in 1756, however, the need for troops was crucial. William Pitt the Elder succeeded in persuading the Cabinet and King George of the great advantages of employing Highlanders in army service. Not only did this action remove the disaffected Highlanders from the country and employed them against the foreign enemies, the policy opened up a storehouse of willing, aggressive, loyal and first-rate troops for the wars of the 18th and early 19th centuries.
Thousands of Highlanders enlisted in the Highland regiments and as many as 100,000 men served from 1793 to 1815, a figure out of proportion to the population of the region in the 18th century. Not only the pressures of a rapidly rising population and unemployment, but also the appeals to clan loyalty and duty to one’s superior served to bring out the Highlanders in great numbers. The area of heaviest recruitment proved to be the northwest Highlands and Islands where the pressures of population and unemployment were most heavily felt. This region was also the most conservative and traditional, a phenomenon brought about by the relative isolation from the modernizing influences of Lowland Scotland.
The over-recruiting of the Highlands, especially after 1800, led to the eventual collapse of Highland recruiting. Not only was the surplus manpower severely drained, but appeals to clan loyalty had diminished in strength, especially under the impact of a changing economy and the growing alienation of clan chieftains to their tenants and the erosion of the patriarchal social system.
Several factors were of importance to the patterns of the recruitment of the Highland regiments such as the matter of financial arrangements. Bounties became increasingly important as the recruiting efforts began to falter. The growing dependence on non-Highlanders, particularly Lowlanders and Irish, clearly indicates the breakdown of Highland recruiting. This thesis, then, examines in detail these major themes and patterns of recruiting for the Highland regiments from the beginning of the Seven Years’ War to the final defeat of Napoleonic France in 1815.
2018-01-30T17:00:50Z
2018-01-30T17:00:50Z
1977
Thesis
http://hdl.handle.net/10023/12633
en
v, 150 p.
University of St Andrews
The University of St Andrews
oai:research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk:10023/25452019-03-29T16:07:44Zcom_10023_80com_10023_25col_10023_2543
2012-04-05T15:49:33Z
urn:hdl:10023/2545
The Times and the women's suffrage movement, 1900-1918
Sama, Anita
Mackay, Ruddock F.
The thesis, "The Times and the Women's Suffrage Movement 1900-1918", is aimed at clarifying the paper's treatment of a contentious subject and amplifying the historical data about the movement itself. In order to accomplish this, the daily issues of the newspaper and its background were examined, along with the available sources on women's suffrage.
After first reviewing the past and status of The Times, and the history and achievements of the suffragists, the study takes the shape of a chronological account of
the paper's response to the movement in the first 19 years
of the
twentieth century.
Until
1905,
the response was negligible, as indeed
was the energy of the suffragists. With the advent of
militant tactics, inspired by the Pankhurst-headed Women's
Social and Political Union, the public image of women's
suffrage began to change and, with it, press coverage.
Until
1908,
these new tactics were largely symbolic, though
often leading to the arrest and imprisonment of the new
style "suffragettes". Besides opposing female enfranchisement
in leading articles, there is some evidence that The Times
allowed its opinions to spill over into its news columns -
an occurrence which was to become increasingly obvious
when militant tactics took on the violent aspect of stone throwing from 1908-1911. During this later period, The
Times' editorial opposition hardened; when the suffragettes
began employing arson and other property damage, in what
was openly
claimed to be "guerrilla warfare" in the years preceding the First World War, The Times used its respectable journalistic leadership to condemn the militants and
urge active public and parliamentary opposition to the
enfranchisement of women.
When Britain entered the war, concern with the militant
women disappeared from The Times' columns, as did other
news unrelated to the conflict. By 1916, however, the
participation of women in wartime activities began to
command publicity, and a groundswell of support for
enfranchisement finally overtook The Times in 1917.
Subsequent leading articles were favorable, as were the
majority of its wartime news accounts of women.
Besides serving as a record of The Times' sensitivity
to a popularly discussed topic, the study uncovers a thread
of consistency running from the first perfunctory opposition
to women's suffrage through active condemnation of militancy
and final support of female enfranchisement. The Times
always emphasized its adherence to educated public opinion;
and even when its editorial shift did come, it seemed only
to emphasize continuing reflection of this opinion and
recognition of the trends acting upon it. The Times can
then be seen as a newspaper possessing not only strength
but flexibility towards political and social change.
2012-04-05T15:49:33Z
2012-04-05T15:49:33Z
1975
Thesis
http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2545
en
152
University of St Andrews
The University of St Andrews